title: author: publisher: isbnlO | asin: print isbnl3: ebook isbnl3: language: subject publication date: lcc: ddc: subject: Asylia : Territorial Inviolability in the Hellenistic World Hellenistic Culture and Society; 22 Rigsby, Kent J. University of California Press 0520200985 9780520200982 9780585139845 English Asylum, Right of (Greek law), Asylum, Right of (Greek law)—Religious aspects, Sacred space— Greece—History. 1996 KL4363.R54 1996eb 342.495/083 Asylum, Right of (Greek law), Asylum, Right of (Greek law)—Religious aspects, Sacred space— Greece—History. Asylia Hellenistic Culture and Society General Editors: Anthony W. Bulloch, Erich S. Gruen, A. A. Long, and Andrew F. Stewart I. Alexander to Actium: The Historical Evolution of the Hellenistic Age, by Peter Green II. Hellenism in the East: The Interaction of Greek and Non-Greek Civilizations from Syria to Central Asia after Alexander, edited by Amelie Kuhrt and Susan Sherwin-White III. The Question of "Eclecticism": Studies in Later Greek Philosophy, edited by J. M. Dillon and A. A. Long IV. Antigonus the One-Eyed and the Creation of the Hellenistic State, by Richard A. Billows V. A History of Macedonia, by R. Malcolm Errington, translated by Catherine Errington VI. Attic Letter-Cutters of 229 to 86 BC , by Stephen V. Tracy VII. The Vanished Library: A Wonder of the Ancient World, by Luciano Canfora VIII. Hellenistic Philosophy of Mind, by Julia Annas IX. Hellenistic Culture and History, by Peter Green et al. X. The Best of the Argonauts: The Redefinition of the Epic Hero in Book 1 of Apollonius's Argonautica, by James J. Clauss XI. Faces of Power: Alexander's Image and Hellenistic Politics, by Andrew Stewart XII. Images and Ideologies: Self-Definition in the Hellenistic World, by A. W. Bulloch et al. XIII. From Samarkand to Sardis: A New Approach to the Seleucid Empire, by Susan Sherwin-White and Amelie Kuhri XIV. Regionalism and Change in the Economy of Independent Delos, by Gary Reger XV. Hegemony to Empire: The Development of the Roman Imperium in the East from 148 to 62 bc, by Robert Kallet-Marx XVI. Moral Vision in the Histories of Polybius, by Arthur M. Eckstein XVII. The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe, the Islands, and Asia Minor, by Getzel M. Cohen XVIII. Interstate Arbitrations in the Greek World, 337-90 bc, by Sheila L. Ager XIX. Theocritus's Urban Mimes: Mobility, Gender, and Patronage, by Joan B. Burton XX. Athenian Democracy in Transition: Attic Letter-Cutters of 340 to 290 BC , by Stephen V. Tracy XXI. Pseudo-Hecataeus, On the Jews: Legitimizing the Jewish Diaspora, by Bezalel Bar- Kochva XXII. Asylia: Territorial Inviolability in the Hellenistic World, by Kent J. Rigsby Page i XXIII. The Cynics: The Cynic Movement in Antiquity and Its Legacy, edited by R. Bracht Branham and Marie-Odile Goulet-Caze XXIV. The Politics of Plunder: Aitolians and their Koinon in the Early Hellenistic Era, 279- 217 b.c., by Joseph B. Scholten XXV. The Argonautika, by Apollonios Rhodios, translated, with introduction, commentary, and glossary by Peter Green XXVI. Hellenistic Constructs: Culture, History, and Historiography, edited by Paul Cartledge Page Asylia Territorial Inviolability in the Hellenistic World Kent J. Rigsby UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley Los Angeles London Page iv This publication has been supported by a subvention from Duke University University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. Oxford, England ©1996 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Rigsby, Kent 1, 1945- Asylia: territorial inviolability in the Hellenistic world / Kent J. Rigsby, p. cm. (Hellenistic culture and society ; 22) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-520-20098-5 (alk. paper) I. Asylum, Right of (Greek law) 2. Asylum, Right of (Greek law) Religious aspects. 3. Sacred spaceGreeceHistory. I. Title. II. Series. KL4363.R54 1996 342.495' 083-dc20 [344-950283] 95-22410 CIP Printed in the United States of America 987654321 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information SciencesPermanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39-48- 1984. Page v To Carol Page vii Contents List of Plates xi Preface xiii List of Abbreviations XV Introduction 1 The Documents 30 Before Hellenism 41 Elis 41 Delphi 44 Plataea 49 Delos 51 Greece: Boeotia 54 Coroneia 55 Acraephia 59 Thebes 68 Unidentified 75 Oropus 77 Lebadeia 81 Tanagra 83 Alalcomenae 84 Greece: Doubtful Cases 85 Athens 85 Dodona 89 Epidaurus 89 Calaureia 90 Lusi 91 Taenarum 93 Hermione 93 Nicopolis 93 Smyrna 95 Cos 106 Tenos 154 Chalcedon 164 Miletus 172 Magnesia on the Maeander 179 Teos 280 Alabanda 326 Amyzon 335 Xanthus 339 Cyzicus 341 Colophon 351 Unidentified City 354 Anaphe 358 Pergamum 362 Ephesus 385 Samos 394 Samothrace 397 Nysa 399 Page via Mylasa 407 Tralles 416 Stratoniceia 418 Aphrodisias 428 Sardes 433 Hieracome 438 Nicomedia 442 Nicaea 445 Aezani 447 Perge 449 Side 453 Sillyum 455 Hyde 456 Tyana 457 Comana in Pontus 459 Cilicia 460 Aegeae 460 Hierapolis-Castabala 462 Elaeusa-Sebaste 464 Mopsuestia 465 Soli-Pompeiopolis 471 Rhosus 472 Epiphaneia 474 Tarsus 475 Seleuceia on the Calycadnus 476 Selinus-Trajanopolis 477 Mallus 478 01 ba 479 Phoenicia and Syria 481 Tyre 481 Seleuceia in Pieria 485 Ptolemais 488 Sidon 491 Beirut 493 Tripolis 495 Antioch 496 Larisa 499 Laodicea 500 Apamea 502 Baetocaece 504 Damascus 511 Dora 513 Samosata 513 Nicopolis 514 Dura-Europus 515 Byblos 517 Palestine 519 Ascalon 519 Gaza 521 Sepphoris 523 Caesarea-Panias 525 Joppa 526 Raphia 527 Jerusalem 527 The Decapolis 532 Capitolias 535 Antioch by Hippus 536 Nysa-Scythopolis 537 Gerasa 538 Egypt 540 Memphis 545 Busiris 545 Athribis 545 Magdola 549 Theadelphia 554 Euhemeria 563 Ptolemais 568 Unknown 571 Leontopolis (?) 571 Rome 574 The Review of A.D. 22/3 580 Doubtful Cases 587 Plates 593 Page ix Indices 601 Recipients of Inviolability 603 Grantors of Inviolability 605 Greek 609 Latin 660 Subjects 662 Texts 668 Page xi List of Plates 1. Tenos: archival fragment 56 2. Tenos: archival fragment 59-60 3. Delphi: decree for Chalcedon 62 4. Delphi: decree for Alabanda 163 5. Anaphe: decree of the Cretan League 175 6. Coin of Ephesus 7. Coin of Side 8. Coin of Seleuceia 9. Ptolemais: edict and letter 226 Page xiii Preface This volume seeks to present the evidence for places being declared "sacred and inviolable" in the Hellenistic world. The material has long been known to historians. The modern interpretation of it, that the declarations established military neutrality, derives from Ezekiel Spanheim (1706). The locus classicus is Tacitus' account of the petitions by various cities in AD 22 and 23 for Roman confirmation of their status as inviolable. Every student of Greek coins is familiar with the title IEPAS KAI astaot used by cities of the Greek East, and students of inscriptions of the Hellenistic period know the highly visible place of declarations of territorial inviolability in our documentation on interstate relations. Although this rich evidence has never been collected, such a corpus scarcely needs justification .i In no other way can we see the range of this gesture in space and time, its terminology and characteristics, and the historical circumstances of its development. I first became interested in these texts at the urging of C. Bradford Welles of Yale University. Welles felt that the anomalies were not sufficiently appreciated ("They weren't supposed to do that anyway"). The project has grown and changed over the many intervening years, as it became clear that a corpus of the evidence would be of more use to scholars than another essay of historical interpretation. But in all the work that has led to this book, the challenge of Welles's originality, verve, and astuteness has been in my mind. His students cherish the memory of his extraordinary ability to ask penetrating and unexpected questions of ancient documents. 1. Wilhelm called for such a work in 1897 (AEM 20 [1897] 66, criticizing Barth's dissertation); Robert in 1934 (Op. min. sel. Ill 1605); and Preaux in 1954 (Rec. Soc. Jean Bodin VI La Ville [Brussels 1954] 118: "A complete chronological and topographical classification of the asylias, which so far as I know has not been done, would let us appreciate the variety and diversity of intentions and results of the institution") Page xiv Many have contributed to the completion of this work, in ways general and specific. Among institutions, I am grateful for the support of the Harvard Society of Fellows, the American School of Classical Studies in Athens, the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, the Institut fur Altertumskunde in Cologne, the Kleinasiatische Kommission in Vienna, the National Endowment for the Humanities, the American Council of Learned Societies, and Duke University. Of the many individuals who have helped me over the years, I would thank in particular W. Blumel, G. W. Bowersock, B. F. Cook, Georges Daux, Thomas Drew-Bear, E. Erxleben, Erich Gruen, Christian Habicht, Klaus Hallof, Peter Herrmann, Arthur Houghton, Ludwig Koenen, Georges Le Rider, L. S. B. MacCoull, R. Merkelbach, H. Muller, John F. Oates, Georg Petzl, Louis Robert, W. Schindler, Hans Taeuber, and William H. Willis, who have variously shared their knowledge with me, saved me from errors, opened up new avenues of thought, and offered encouragement and practical assistance. I owe most to the patience of my wife and children. Page xv List of Abbreviations In referring to ancient authors I follow the abbreviations of the Oxford Classical Dictionary 2 ; for journals, the American Journal of Archaeology where possible, otherwise L'annee philologique; for epigraphical material, Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum; for numismatic, ANS Museum Notes 23 (1978) 218-220; for papyrological, J. F. Oates et al., Checklist of Editions of Greek and Latin Papyri. The following are cited in abbreviated form. Bellinger, "End" Bickerman, Institutions Bickerman, Religions Bickerman, Studies A. R. Bellinger. "The End of the Seleucids." Transact. Conn. Acad. Arts&Sci. 38 (1949) 51- 102. E. J. Bikerman. Institutions des Seleucides. Paris 1938. . Religions and Politics in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. Como 1985. . Studies in Jewish and Christian History I-III. Leiden 1976-85. Boesch P. Boesch. ©e^Untersuchung zur Epangelie griechischer Feste. Berlin 1908. Burrell, "Neokoroi" Barbara Burrell. "Neokoroi: Greek Cities of the Roman East." Ph.D.diss., Harvard University 1980. De Saulcy, F. De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre NumismatiqueSainte. Paris 1874. Feyel, M. Feyel. Contribution a I'epigraphie Contribution Flaceliere, Aitoliens Gauthier, Symbola beotienne. Paris 1943. R. Flaceliere. Les Aitoliens a Delphes. Paris 1937. P. Gauthier. Symbola: Les etrangers et la justice dans les cites grecques. Nancy 1972. Page xvi Herrmann p - Herrmann. "Antiochos der Grosse und "Antiochos" Teos." Anadolu 9 (1965) 29-160. Holleaux, Etudes I-VI Kahrstedt, Syrische Territorien Nachtergael, Les Galates Nock, Essays I- II Parke/Wormell MI Robert, DAM M. Holleaux. Etudes d'epigraphie et d'histoire grecques I-VI. Edited by L. Robert. Paris 1938-68. U. Kahrstedt. Syrische Territorien in hellenistischer Zeit. AbhGott n.F. 19.2. Gottingen 1926. G. Nachtergael. Les Galates en Grece et les Soteria de Delphes. Brussels 1977. A. D. Nock. Essays on Religion and the Ancient World I-II. Cambridge, Mass. 1972. H. W. Parke and D. E. W. Wormell, The Delphic Oracle I-II. Oxford 1956. L. Robert. Documents d'Asie mineure. Paris 1987. Robert, Etudes anat. Robert, Et. ep. phil. Robert, Op. min. sel. I-VII Robert, Vi I les Samuel, Chronology Schlesinger, "Asylie" Schmitt, Etudes anatoliennes. Paris 1937. . Etudes epigraphiques et philologiques. Paris 1938. . Opera Minora Selecta I-VII. Amsterdam 1969-90. . Villes d'Asie mineure 2 . Paris 1962. A. E. Samuel. Greek and Roman Chronology. Munich 1972. E. Schlesinger. "Die griechische Asylie." Diss., Giessen 1933. H. H. Schmitt. Untersuchungen zur .. . . Geschichte Antiochos' des Grossen. Untersuchungen wiesbaden 1%4 F. Schroeter. De regum hellenisticorum epistulis. Leipzig 1932. E. Schurer, History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ II. Translated by G. Vermes and F. Millar. Edinburgh 1979. Seyrig, Ant. syr. H. Seyrig, Antiquiles syriennes I-VI. Paris I-VI 1934-66. Schroeter Schurer II Seyrig, Notes . Notes on Syrian Coins. NNM 119. New York 1950. Seyrig, Scripta numism. Seyrig, Scripta . Scripta numismatica. Paris 1986. varia Seyrig, Tresors . Scripta varia. Paris 1985. . Tresors du Levant anciens et nouveaux. Paris 1973. Page xvii Walbank, Comm. I- III Wilhelm, Beitrage Wilhelm, Kl. Schr. MI Will, Histoire MI F. W. Walbank. A Historical Commentary on Polybius MIL Oxford 1957-79. A. Wilhelm. Beitrage zur griechischen Inschriftenkunde. Sonderschr. 6sterr.Arch.Inst. 7. Vienna 1909. . Kleine Schriften: I, Akademieschriften zur griechischen Inschriftenkunde 1-3. Leipzig 1974. II, Abhandlungen und Beitrage 1-2. Leipzig 1984. E. Will. Histoire politique du monde hellenistique 2 I-II. Nancy 1979-82. Page 1 Introduction A modem commonplace holds that Greek civic religion after the fourth century BC was an empty shell, traditional forms followed without emotion, and that the Greeks' true longings expressed themselves in the mystery religions and other novelties or in philosophyin phenomena at once more personal and more universal than the cults of the old gods. This view owes much to hindsight, our desire to explain the rise of Christianity. An enduring source of strength of pagan cults was precisely their local and formal character: the gods of one's own city and country watched over places familiar and significant, bound up with the life cycle of the individual and the group. The holy places of one's land had each been touched by a particular god for reasons known to the community. Here were powerful roots, with which the new religions of Roman times offered little to compete, until the rise of the cult of saints. Civic religion, polytheism, would decline only with civic life itself in late antiquity. In the Hellenistic period, certain places, either temples with their precincts or whole cities with their territories, were declared by foreign states to be "sacred and inviolable" in honor of the city's tutelary god. This episode in the history of Greek civic religion and Greek diplomacy is the concern of the present volume. Sacred Space Est locus . . . The literature of the Greeks and Romans provides rich testimony to their emotional response to sacred places, where ritual, myth, dedicatory objects, or even natural settingi betokened the presence or past action of a god. 1. Stat vetus et multos incaedua silva per annos; credibile est illi numen inesse bco (Ov. Am. 3.1-2; cf. Fast. 3.295-296). Page 2 Many religions, in separating the sacred from the profane ,2 apply this distinction to space; places attributed to the divine are in some measure under the god's authority, and in them mortals may be bound by rules that do not pertain in secular space. In ancient Greece this boundary was especially strong: as we see in many anecdotes from both life and literature, anyone who entered a temple precinct or clasped an altar or even achieved some other physical connection with sacred space3 was to be immune from violence, for he had put himself at the discretion of the god rather than of man.4 Anyone could do it, at any sacred place. Other religions can be cited in which this barrier is less forceful or more selective. In Republican Rome such a "right of asylum" was an anomaly, specially conceded to only one or two temples: immunity from secular intrusion was not automatically a property of sacred space. Similarly, in pharaonic Egypt, temples seem not to have enjoyed immunity from the civil authorities. So is it also in the modern West: the rise of the secular state was accompanied by the gradual, and often disputed, rejection of the late antique and medieval tradition of the right of asylum of Christian churches .5 Today in the United States, a fugitive from the law will gain no immunity by fleeing to a church, synagogue, or mosque. In ad 22, Roman authorities feared that the right of asylum practiced in their Greek provinces posed a threat to civic tranquility. Moderns might well sympathize; exemption from the power of the state seems on its face subversive to good order. It is worth observing, therefore, that selective territorial immunity from the law is a widely attested practice, despite which the needs of public order are successfully met. Early modern London had various neighborhoods that served as debtors' asylums, from which the instruments of public authority were excluded. These areas were left to govern themselves, and they maintained strict admissions policies; the last of them was abolished by act of Parliament in 2. For Greek vocabulary on the distinction see W. R. Connor, AncSoc 19 (1988) 161-188. For the distinction in Christianity see R. A. Markus, JECS 2 (1994) 257-271. 3. For example by a rope: so the Cybnian conspirators (Plut. Sel. 12.1); of places: Ephesus (Hdt. 1.26; cf. Polyaen. 6.50; Ael. VH 3.26); Rheneia (Thuc. 3.104.2). 4. See, for instance, U. Sinn, "Greek Sanctuaries as Places of Refuge," in Greek Sanctuaries, ed. N. Marinatos and R. Hagg (London/New York 1993) 88-109. 5. For the case of England see I. D. Thornley, in Tudor Studies ... A. F. Pollard, ed. R. W. Seton-Watson (London 1924) 182-206. Eventually Tacitus' description of the review of a.d. 22 (Ann. 3.60ff.) could be invoked to argue that these was no absolute right of asylum, that this was rather a gift of the state subject to limitations in the public interest. The Roman Senate's argument in ad. 22 is not unlike that of Henry VIII in 1519 (who could now know the Tacitus passage): the original grantors did not intend asylum "to serve for wilful murder or for crime committed out of the sanctuary sub spe redeundi. He would have that reformed which had been encroached by abuse, and would reduce the privilege to the original plan of its founders" (Thornley 201). Page 3 the 1720s.6 The University of Heidelberg maintained its own judicial and prison system for its students until the beginning of the twentieth century. Modern embassies offer an analogy to the ancient Greek temple, places in which the host state has no sovereignty, sometimes with embarrassing consequences for the rule of law. Greek temples were held to be automatically immune from war and all acts of violence. So the Boeotians told the Athenians who seized and exploited the temple of Apollo Delius.7 Pausanias knew stories about the vengeance of the Cabeiri upon soldiers who entered their temple (9.25.10), and Antiochus III would apologize for the violence his troops did to the temple of Artemis at Amyzon (below, p. 336). For this immunity several terms were available, being by no means the most common. From the classical period to the end of antiquity, the boundary stones of sacred property illustrate the fact.8 A fifth-century boundary of a temple in Corinth uses the word for what could be said of any Greek temple at any time (Corinth VIII. 1 22 [LSCG Suppl. 34]): [K6p&c;lapi£?] ScruXo^' yih KaiapkpaoaK^TO 1 ^QE^iEa || j| fj a In the Hellenistic period, by contrast, Greek states began to declare some spaces in other states to be "inviolable" (of temples) or "sacred and inviolable" (of the whole city and territory), in honor of the relevant god. The documentary testimony for these declarations is voluminous. The inscriptions constitute a significant fraction of our epigraphical evidence for foreign affairs in the Hellenistic period. Most are civic decrees or royal letters declaring a temple or city to be inviolable; they reveal the form and something of the historical circumstances of such declarations. Because in some quarters of the Hellenistic world it became fashionable to inscribe civic titles on coins, we also have as evidence the coinages of dozens of cities. These let us place pins on a map, often with dates, and thus are crucial for tracing the spread of the civic title "sacred and inviolable." A purely documentary definition of our topicplaces that were declared "inviolable," amAowvill reveal a coherent historical episode: the material record shows no such declaration before the 260s BC and none after the senatorial review of the status in A . D . 22- 23, and more than ninety in between. A few earlier instances are alleged in our literary sources; these will be seen to have served as precedents for the Hellenistic institution. Citations of the title after A . D . 22 were probably survivals of grants of Hellenistic date. 6. See Paul Haagen, "Imprisonment for Debt in England and Wales" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University 1986) 270- 311. 7. Thuc. 4.97-98; the Athenians in response do not dispute the rule but claim that their actions are defensive, in light of Boeotian violence against temples, and in any case under compulsion. Cf. Robert A. Bauslaugh, The Concept of Neutrality in Classical Greece (Berkeley 1991) 38-39; Nock, Essays I 487-488. 8. Cf. M. Guarducci, Epigrafia greca IV (Rome 1978) 57-73. Page 4 Declared Inviolability These declarations ought in principle to cause surprise: all temples had always been inviolable, and cities that chose to remain out of hostilities had always had the claim of justice on their side in insisting upon their neutrality. Peace was the state of nature, and it was war that was supposed to be declared.9 The gesture is intrinsically enigmatic. What did these declarations add or accomplish? Early scholars followed the Romansio and took this to be a legislated "right of asylum," which is indeed what Tacitus portrays concerning the Hellenistic grants. Since Ezekiel Spanheim, however, the declarations, at least when applied to a city, have been taken as "neutralization," granting immunity from war. In the ancient authors the one articulated account of the phenomenon is Tacitus' description of the Senate's review under Tiberius in a.d. 22 and 23 (see pp. 580-586): many Greek cities now sought confirmation of their previously granted privileges of inviolability; the Senate confirmed these, but with limitations so that religion could not be used as a mask for self-aggrandizement. This is certainly the same matter that we know from the Hellenistic documents, for most of the cities and the cults Tacitus mentions are so recorded in the inscriptions. Tacitus leaves no doubt about the substance, logic, and legal source of the privilege: it was the "right of asylum" of a temple, immunity of sacred space from civil law, and it was granted by that sovereign who controlled the city. Tacitus' portrait is at variance with the Hellenistic grants in two essential ways: in the documents the grantors of asylia are not confined to the relevant sovereign (if in fact there was one); and the recipients are not only temples but also whole cities with their territories. In general, the Hellenistic evidence 9. For sacred space, see, e.g., Lys. 12.98; Dio Chrys. 31.88: "It is not customary to harm even evildoers if they have taken refuge," invoking "the inviolability which such places [temples] provide to criminals" Jos. AJ 15.90, the robbing of temples and tombs by Antony, who thought no temple too inviolable ([>66’itpoG -nvo^ imjXou Sr^tTwroi;^ K£pinLf]t 9 Tivai 6^iiyT«x6ouo'.). Praise of the exemplary behavior of Alexander at Thebes: Polyb. 5.10.6-8. Cf. the complaint of the suppliant under attack in Achil. Tat. 8.2: tow nowjpcw at Ttjv wpuriop&ttaL 5iB6«ot xarmpuYi^ (contrast Lycurgus' opinion, cited bebw). As to cities, see generally Bauslaugh, Neutrality; cf. G. Nenci, II veltro 22 (1978) 495-506, to the effect that neutrality was in Greek eyes the state of nature and did not need to be declared or legislated. For Onasander (Strat. 4.1-3) the first principle in war is that "it must be clear to all that one is fighting with justice," which, he explains, will win the favor of gods and men, and just wars are defensive. 10. The bcus classbus is Servius ad Verg. Aen. 2.761 (the "asylum of Juno" at Troy): "This right is not for all temples, only those to which it has been granted by a law"; the first was at Athens, a temple founded by the Heracleidae when they fled there (he cites Stat. Theb. 12.497ff., then compares that of Romulus); summarized ad Aen. 8.342. Page 5 reveals an affair of international relations among sovereign states, while Tacitus describes the domestic governance of temples. The first critical assessment of the civic title "sacred and inviolable" was offered by Spanheim,n and his analysis has guided all informed discussion since. Spanheim realized from the coins that this status could be possessed by cities as well as temples; he invoked in support of the coins the Oxford Stone for Smyrna and the literary testimonia for Delos, which show inviolable cities. The context of the status, he saw, was an especially revered shrine. 12 Although gods owned their property, the right to receive refugees was enjoyed only by temples of special veneration, 13 a right formally granted by the king or the Amphictyonic Council, as Tacitus says. But the "sacred and inviolable" cities known from so many coins of Hellenistic and imperial date cannot have been places to which criminals or slaves could flee; even temples were restricted on this score, and the Romans would not have permitted such a situation. The solution, he concluded, is found in Polybius' description of the primitive Eleans, who were declared by the Greeks sacred and inviolable so that they were immune from war and free to administer the Olympic games. Civic inviolability was such an immunity from war ("spoliationis militaris periculo immunes") and from cox*i, raids at will. Thus these grants were a tool of foreign relations. Logically these two interpretations (a temple's asylum, a city's neutrality) are not incompatible, and many have seen the second, Hellenistic "neutralization," as an outgrowth of the first, the traditional right of asylum of Greek temples. But the modern understanding, neutralization, affects profoundly the historical interpretation of the phenomenon: rather than arising from a desire to protect suppliants in various cities, the grants are seen as an effort to limit war. The effort arose amid the growing violence and anarchy of the Hellenistic age and limited as well the "right of reprisal" that was part of Greek interstate relations. It ended when the Roman peace made such special exemptions from 11. Dissertatbnes de praestantia et usu numismatum antiquorum. I have not seen the first edition (Rome 1664). In the second (Amsterdam 1671), 778-783, he cites Suetonius' bald statement (Tib. 37) that Tiberius abolished iura asybrum, and protests that the privilege is still attested by coins of imperial date; adding various literary testimonies (Strabo on Ephesus, the two asyla of Rome, and others), he speaks of the extensbn of the right of asylum beyond the temple proper but is thinking still of the right to receive fugitives, as in Tacitus. It is in the third edition (editb nova, London 1706), I 659-674, that he makes his case instead for military neutralization. On Spanheim (1629-1710) see H. von Petersdorff in Allgemeine Deutsche Bbgraphie 35 (Leipzig 1893) 50-59. The discussion (for example) of E. Chishull, Anl'quitakes Asiatbae (London 1728) 124 (his introductbn to the decrees for Teos), is scholarly but brief, and conventbnal in holding that the declaratbn created places of refuge. An important summation at J. Eckhel, Doctrina numorum veterum IV.2 (Vienna 1828) 306-309. 12. Spanheim 665: "ob peculiarem Numinis, quod apud eos colebatur, dbatique eidem Templi sanctitatem ac rel'igbnem, cum IERAI, turn ASULOI ... dberentur." 13. Citing Livy 35.51 (the Delium in Boeotia; cf. p. 83). war unnecessary. 14 Historians of the Hellenistic period invoke the grants as evidence for tf of order in the third and second centuries BC/ and especially for the rise of piracy. This allec motive require examination. Degrees of Sacredness Sacredness might naturally be thought an absolute. Yet it is a familiar fact of religious con some things are more sacred than others: Lourdes is in some sense more sacred than one neighborhood Catholic church and is the object of pilgrimage; so too Apollo's temple at De from a hundred other temples of Apollo. Such places might well be felt to be more promisi need, whether need of miraculous intervention or of refuge. Diodorus' account of the cult ( Caria illustrates the growth of sacredness and its vocabulary: the temple eventually obtair increase (^)is that Hemithea was honored not only by the locals and their neighbors but t afar, who brought sacrifices; M piyurTQVs lUptfcie; tffc AaLa<; xstl raivra tit *EXX^vtdv Iepa wXurirrac jju6vqv xw Tfj< te ta&s tolJto ficpelvaL navieX©*; fiouXov, xatocp undcp^av ‘x.fA ibdv&uvov -rijv The greatest thing is that the Persians, when they ruled Asia and were plundering all the temples of the Greeks, held ofl precinct of Hemithea abne, and the pirates, who were seizing everything, 16 left this one quite unviolated, even though and plundering was free of risk. 17 14. So, for example, D. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton 1950) I 504. 15. So too Strab. 8.3.30 (353) of the cult at Olympia by virtue of the crowned games. 16. For the sentiment ("unharmed even by" the worst of men) compare Cicero on Juno of Malta (bebw, p. 33 n. 14), (temple of Zeus at Mt. Ariadne), and Strab. 8.6.14 (374); cf. on 185. 17. Dbd. 5.63; cf. J. M. Cook and W. H. Pbmmer, The Sanctuary of Hemithea (Cambridge 1966); Blumel, I.Rhod.Per. Dbd. 11.89 on the temenos of the Palfci in Sicily, with its geysers: it was held in such awe that oaths are sworn here anc precinct has remained unvblated/invblable from time immemorial (&«» ^ SouXov -cetifipi>iivov) /; with cruel masters, who cannot remove fugitives by force but only upon a pledge of good treatmentno vblatbn of this I (xtil tow ; itu^ofjatv olxdraic xal xuploic recpHteimuwAoi, Toix; y&P efc toGtg xcrraepuY&vtai; oJx E^mnnv Egouotnv ot Compare the shock when Enna in Sicily was plundered by the Romans in 214 b.c.: it was distinguished vel ob insignem mi bcum vel ob sacrata omnia vestigiis raptae quondam Proserpinae ... non hominem tantum sed etiam deorum sedem v 24.39.8). Again, because of the story that Persephone was abducted at Etna, people (Footnote continued on next page) Page 7 But for this obvious fact of popular sentimentthat some places are holier than othersthe Greeks had no term and no institutional recognition. Pleonasm is a feature of religious praise"the Lord is in His holy temple." So too a Greek could underscore sacredness, with for example, or *Yi°ci 8 or with one spoke of "an inviolable temple," updv^ig for emphasis, without implying some special grant or status. This is the rhetoric of praise, not a legal category of temple.20 The superlative is common enough, at least in poetic and rhetorical contextsthe elative;2i but the comparative (Footnote continued from previous page) "honor and respect the place as inviolable and do not attack animals that pasture there" (Plut. Mor. 917F: Ti|j.£rvTE£ xixl ot^6|iEVPi ioTi; 18. E.g., Hdt. 2.41.5, 2.44.1: cf. Androsthenes FGrHist 711 F 2 (Strab. 16.3.2); Theoc. 25.22; Etym. Magn. 542.54; also PI. Cri. 11 c: ... fcpatov (cf. Lach. 183 b, Spartans defending their country reckon Lacedaemon to be an spatov ttp6v); pint. Mor. 290C: tEv xai leps* AoqteXfj xcrtaipur^v toTi; (of the Acropolis and Debs); Ael. Arist. Sacr. 4.3: le (^ v ... xai dvo^durdv; Poseidonius 87 f 33 (Strab. 4.1.13): tffiv iwiXuv xml Upfliv iotjttXfj xonoHpuT^ toTi; bcftaw; (and therefore a secure place to store money). These terms connote the negative, like the Hellenistic formula "sacred and (therefore) invblable"; for the negative connotatbn of see E. Benveniste, Indo-European Language and Society (Coral Gables 1973) 466. 19. One flees to a (secular) person or place "as to an invblable temple" in Polyb. 16.13.2 and Phib Moses 1.34; cf. Iambi. Myst. 7.5 (259.3 Parthey), preserve ancient prayers "as though invblable temples"; Liban. Declam. 32.9, let the house be, "as though an invblable and untouchable (&+ a ' it ™ lv ) temple." 20. A pleonasm that seems to reflect the influence of Latin is found in a bilingual advertisement from Panormus in Sbily: vnoTtiepou; / aidibus sacris (CIL X 7296). 21. One apparently literal superlativea representative is to be designated in the most holy temple in each kbina of Camirus: ivxGikpffii tsi xrotvai xaxfc&v vi^tov wv 'PoSUjv (T.Camir. 109.14-15 = Syll.3 339, III b.c); cf. Paus. 1.26.6 (cited bebw, p. 87). By contrast: in a hymn to Athena and Athens, I* nnxxic| ; & Wi£v ... Kiiptu; (Ar. Eq. 581-582); at Callim. Hymn. 4.3 islands that are correspond (275ff.) to a nd the absence of war. Cf. Dbnysus in Limnae, apxftuttdwpt» in 139/8. In view of the subsequent eagerness of the cities of this region to display their titles, these bronzes under Antiochus and Alexander supply a reliable terminus post quern for the arrival of inviolability in Syria- Phoenicia: the status did not exist there before 145 B . c . The honor spreads thereafter through Syria and Palestine and Cilicia, accelerating toward the end of the second century B . c . As our evidence for this 90. Some omissions deserve speculation. Athens and Rhodes, well documented in the inscriptbns, evidently never sought asylia, despite having arguably worthy cults (Eleusis, Athena Lindia); perhaps this reflects conservatism, an unwillingness to participate in a new fad (cf. Robert, Op. min. sel. V 149, on their not using foreign judges; C. Habicht, Vestigia 49 [1995] 91, on Athens' refusal to bury Marcellus inside the city walls). 91. Robert, Op. min. sel. II 781; Bickerman, REA 40 (1938) 373; Bousquet, BCH 64/5 (1940/1) 106; Nachtergael, Les Galates 335. 92. See p. 37, however, for the case of Bybbs. Page 28 period consists primarily of titles and not the actual grants, we cannot be sure of the identity of the grantors. Probably they were only the relevant rulers of these cities, and not the Greek people approached by theoroi; for such missions might be expected to have left some trace in the abundant epigraphy of Delphi, as they had earlier. The link with Panhellenic games frequently seen in the Aegean area is not visible now. In this period we also begin to see granted inviolability in Egypt, where the inscriptions show that only the king was the grantor (as does the one Seleucid grant for a temple not in the territory of a city but on royal land, 218). The sequence of honor makes it clear that "sacred and inviolable" was a lesser prize than "autonomy": it is obtained earlier and on the coins yields its place to autonomy when space is lacking. It is questionable whether the granting of inviolability constituted a real loss of power to the king. The traditional reading of civic inviolability as betokening the decline of Seleucid power is valid in this sense: the title spreads in the context of the competition of the rival monarchs for the loyalty of the cities; but it was that competition, not some significant waiving of authority by the declaration of asylia, that caused the Seleucid decline. I suggest that what the kings were granting was honor, not power. We may compare the inflation in court titles in the late Hellenistic monarchies ("first friend," etc.): these titles reveal the king's favor and perhaps the recipient's influence at court, but they surrendered no specified power. The Republican Provinces With the coming of Roman provincial administration, Rome supplanted Greek public opinion as the highest source of law and became final arbiter of questions of status. Romans, when asked for confirmation, granted what they thought asylia meanta temple's right of asylum, temporary refuge from civil law; and accordingly that is what it did mean henceforth, as far as the Roman authorities were concerned. The extant acts now are almost all confirmations, not new rights, and by Rome alone. 93 It seems therefore that the Romans were already uneasy about the matter once they found themselves responsible for the consequences; the Senate in AD . 22 was enlarging upon an old uneasiness. Support of Mithridates in the 80s BC . cost many Greek cities their privileges, including the asylia of temples; the great dynasts of the last generation of the Republic, acting as benefactors to their Greek supporters, restored much of these losses, most systematically the dictator Caesar in the 40s through the agency of Servilius Isauricus in Asia. 94 At Ephesus in the time of Augustus the asylia of 93. A probable exception on both scores is the temple of Hecate at Stratoniceia in 81 b.c., which Panhellenic recognition rendered inviolable; Aphrodisias, with its special relationship with Rome, may also represent a new grant in the first century b.c.; and SolhPompebpolis in Cilicia and Nbopolis in Epirus may owe their titles to their bunders. 94. Cf. J. and L. Robert, Hellenba VI (1948) 37-42. Page 29 Artemis was felt to cause a problem for public order; this attracted the emperor's strictures and perhaps established a precedent for the review of AD 22. The Roman Empire Inviolability continues to be seen in Greek civic titulature into the late third centuryas long as civic coinage lasts. But we can claim no certain addition to the list of inviolable places in imperial times: no new recognition is extant on stone, and the title "sacred and inviolable" on coins, because it is displayed so selectively, is not adequate evidence to show a new privilege as distinct from a traditional one intermittently advertised. I conclude that in AD 22 the Senate ratified existing rights but forbade the creation of new asylums. This has been my assumption in interpreting the Roman material: but it cannot be excluded that some emperor broke with tradition and granted the title anewHadrian, for example, under whom we see so many places advertising asylia for the first time (though I take this as a by-product of the expanded right of coining), or some emperor in the third century. 95 As to refuge, the Roman government may in effect have abolished this in Greek cities. That would be a surprising intrusion by the central government into the legal affairs of the cities; but in fact attestations of flight to a temple in the Roman Empire are quite few. There was moreover the palliative of statues of the emperor. And there soon came to be a further palliative in the new civic title neokoros. This might be said to succeed and to upstage asylia in two senses: the neocorate temples, because they housed the cult of the emperor, had the right of asylum; and as an honor and object of competition, the neokoria came to be the new religious entitlement to seek, to be selected as the province's host for the provincial temple of the emperor, a cult of more than local patronage for a god honored by all the Greeks. This matter ended with paganism.96 But in late antiquity imperial legislation granting the right of asylum to Christian churches became part of the legal inheritance of medieval Europe and was often cited by the church in order to guard its jurisdiction over its own properties against intrusion by secular government. 95. Attractive possibilities for a new grant in imperial times are Aezani, Trajanopolis, Capitolias, Dura-Europus. It is well known that the second century a.d. witnessed a classicizing affectation (see Nilsson, GGRII 721, for its religious side); but this archaism cannot tell us whether signaling the title on coins indicates the new acquisition of it, imperial renewal of a title formerly enjoyed, or merely the bcal advertising of an ancient title that had never been bst. 96. For us, it virtually ends with the cessation of Greek civic coinage in the 270s a.d. and our best evidence on civic titulature; but see the case of Perge. Page 30 The Documents Terminology Thanks above all to the work of Schlesinger and of Gauthier, the Greek terminology for legal immunity is well studied and well understood. I focus here on what is pertinent to the inviolability of places. In Latin the meaning and use of the key term are straightforward: there is only the noun, asylum, with only one meaning, a sacred place in which one can take refuge from pursuers. The noun is concrete, not abstract: ius asyli is a genitive of analogy, "the right of an asylum," comparable to ius Latii. There is no cognate adjective; what served to render the formula that emerges suddenly in Greek in the third century BC , was sanctus et inviolatus / inviolabilis.i The word itself was of course borrowed from Greek; but Greek usage was different and more complicated. To express "refuge," >™***iri and its verb were conventional and versatile, applicable to the place or the act, and to the sacred or the profane; less common was (e.g., Xen. An. 2.4.22). When the Septuagint translators wanted a special word to designate the "cities of refuge" prescribed in Numbers, they coined they did not avail themselves of the phrase "sacred and inviolable" that was spreading among eastern cities in their own time .2 Neither does Polybius when he describes the treaty relationship that some cities had with Rome whereby they could receive 1. An early instance at Caes. BGall. 3.9.3, of envoys. A mannered writer, wanting to echo the Greek more literally, used a quite recherche term, inspoliatus: [Sail.] Resp. 1.2.7, in the civil war men fled to Pompey "as debtors use a sacred and inviolable temple," quasi sacro et inspoliato fano debitores usi (for this anabgy cf. Cic. QRosc. 30: sicut in aram confugit in huius domum). Inspoliatus means "unplundered," not "unplunderable," at Verg. Aen. 11.594 and Quint. 7.1.33. Cf. Tac. Hist. 4.58.6: castra incorrupta et intemerata servari. 2. LXX Num. 35:6: "You will give the Levites six cities of refuge (H which you will give to the murderer to flee there"; 11-15 (only unintentional (Footnote continued on next page) Page 3 Roman exiles with impunity: ttttiuaLD'u ... (prfciEdiiY- tcrci 5* AaijiiXrLa ttovypEuYouaw Iv te NeaTCoXtToiv kolI npQciveorlvwv Eti 61 TifJouptvitfv ic6XE^ alTOtk ^ a ^^ &< . lxouoiv6pxia Such a treaty relationship, not sacred inviolability, is also what the Seleucid monarchy is said to have established with Aradus (for which Strabo offers no noun; see above, p. 11). The privative of to "plunder," is first attested in the adjective, Widely applied, il is not of itself a religious term,4 and it can be either descriptive or prescriptive, "unviolated" or "inviolable." The earliest occurrence is in the Naupactians' law on land tenure around 500 B . c .: "Whatever someone plants, he is to be inviolable" for it, not subject to legal seizure.5 In literature it appears first in Parmenides' poem, applied to Being, whid cannot be increased or diminished: ^^ „t r ^> w 6 Medea calculates where she might find a to which to flee; it did not need, or prove, to be literally sacred land, only Athens.7 For her, as for any number of refugees, safety was gained by crossing a political boundary, so long as her host agreed not to send her back. The noun is abstract and has no Latin parallel: one grants, recognizes, asylia.8 This was a privilege commonly granted to a foreigner by a city, immunity (Footnote continued from previous page) murder is thus protected from the avenger, with trial guaranteed), 32 (refuge not to be purchased); cf. Deut. 4:41- 43, 19:1-7; Josh. 20-21; 1 Chron. 6:57, 67. 3. Polyb. 6.14.8; biblbgraphy at Walbank, Comm. I 682-683. 4. The people of Toubuse achieved dovMa for their gob by putting it at the bottoms of lakes: Poseb. FGrHist 87 f 33. Cf. Theoph. Sym. 2.7: ■■■ faifftaiaOXcK* owing to their fortifbatbns. 5. IG IX. 12 609.6-9 (= M./L. 13; R. Koerner, Inschrifilbhe Gesetzestexte [Cobgne 1993] 47). 6. 8.47-48 D.-K. For "unalterable" compare the famous poem from Rome concerning the sacred precinct established Herodes Attbus: r^'dv ... Av&f>4oiv6tVvr6voKnv x«t SmAw (iGUrbRom III 1155.71-74). Antbchus I of Commagene, dedicating villages to the gods, stipulates that the revenue is "an invblable possessbn of the gods" (jftffcja SxjuXov SaniAwv iGLSyrie I 1.199-200 = OGIS 383), just as his statement is written in invblable letters on sanctifiei pillars (8) or invblable steles (110). Cf. Theodoret Cyr. Rel. hist, praef.: ... Jj (PG 82.1284b). 7. Eur. Med. 386-388: T k M£nat -etc iouXov xtd 66vcou<; ixcrr^^voi; naipaox&v fujcmaL answered at 721 (pcwE; fimiX*;) an d in the lyric praise of Athens at 825-826 (kp^xt^dMp^ou™). "Unvblated" at Eur. Hel. 61 and 1587 and PI. Leg. 866d; cf. Moretti, I. stor. ellen. II 76, officials praised because they rendered the meeting place of the Amph'lCtyony Secure, nuXnlav SouXiw xal 4^XijnBp«n<><><><><><><><><><><> These dared to lay their hands even upon inviolable temples: Timaeus plundered that of Poseidon at Taenarum and the temple of Artemis at Lusi, Pharycus robbed the precinct of Hera at Argos, Polycritus that of Poseidon at Mantineia. Does this mean temples of a certain legislated class, or just "holy temples," that is, all temples?27 The claim here is partisan and inflammatory, and I believe that this list must be regarded with caution as testimony for declared inviolability. Elsewhere Polybius may make an explicit reference to such declarations (4.18.9-12): the temple of Artemis at Lusi "is considered inviolable among the Greeks" s* ve^h™ ^ ~m^); and an extant Aetolian decree of personal inviolability for the Lusiates may be relevant. I discuss Lusi and Taenarum (on which there is other evidence) in the corpus but have not taken Polybius' list as sufficient evidence for the other two. Again, writers on Pompey's campaign against the pirates preserve a tradition about their depredations .28 According to Plutarch (Pomp. 24.4-5) they took 1,000 ships and 400 cities and plundered temples that had heretofore been unviolated, which he lists: TW’J fit 'itru-Xtii’fci xai ipatyv Kp^tGp-ov lepc&V tb KX&pLQV a xb zb iv X9ov[a< ve&y xaI tAv iv p EntftorufXLi ttfu ’Aox^tjtuciu x&l tqv ’lo^jioE xal Ta.tv when unexplained in the apparatus, correction of an ancient error when the latter is given in the apparatus () a modern expansbn of an abbreviatbn {} ancient material but superfluous, to be deleted [{}]an ancient deletion a modern correctbn of an early modern copy, when the stone is bst Page 41 Before Hellenism Several episodes from the classical past can be understood as the historical precedents and models for declared inviolability in the Hellenistic period. As Spanheim first saw, the legend of Elis shows clearly that "sacred and inviolable" means immune from war. The recognitions for Elis and Plataea, whose genesis is described in some detail, have in common an association with Panhellenic games, as does Delphi by implication; this was to be the most common associate of declared asylia also in the third century. All three episodes, however, include an oath sworn by the grantors: this is in striking contrast to Hellenistic practice, when our documents never contain an oath. Elis The Hellenistic Greeks were much impressed with the story of the sacred life of the primitive Eleans: after the Heracleidae returned to the Peloponnesus, Elis was declared sacred and inviolable so that the Eleans, to be custodians of the Olympic games, could lead a sacred life, immune from waralthough this lapsed in historical times. Ephorus supplied a version, which Strabo retells; a rather different version is given by Diodorus; and Polybius comments more generally on the matter. I summarize the passages: Ephorus FGrHist 70 F 115 (Strab. 8.3.33): the Aetolians, ancestrally from Elis, helped the Heracleidae return and then won from the Epeians Elis and the oversight of the temple at Olympia. With the consent of the Heracleidae, "all readily took an oath that Elean territory is to be sacred to Zeus and that whoever should come against this land in arms is accursed (cuvopol^tjSfjrYCU 6< mivtutv jieG’ Bpxou ’HM«v lep&M elvau Page < toa Ai 6 c, t bv iitLfivra 4 ni x&pav la^v F 0 ’ Snxt^v 4 va T fj civ™), accursed also are any who fail to defend Elis to the best of their ability. As a result those who later founded the city of the Eleans left it unwalled." Armies passing through the country relinquished their weapons; and Iphitus held the Olympic contest, "the Eleans being sacred" mtto), Hence the increase in population, for while others had wars the Eleans and their guests enjoyed *oxxv ctriv^v. As the Eleans possessed no weapons "on account of the peace" («** ^ Ww), they could not prevent the forcible intrusion of Pheidon of Argos;i after which they took up arms and with Spartan help expelled him. Diod. 8.1: "The Eleans being populous and well governed, the Spartans became suspicion of their increase and joined in arranging their common life, so that they would enjc peace and have no experience of the works of war. They dedicated them to the god, with almost all Greeks joining in the grant (*«G^p<*>aav 0 *^ ouY^wprpivKdv 4 * 4 ^ 0 ™ TGvfExx/iv^). Hence the Eleans did not join in the war against Xerxes 2 but were excused because of the tendance of the god's honor (v too trp6v. .. fauXov noXatfiv xp6vljv. Compare Thuc. 8.24.3 Macrob. 3.67 (Delphi). 6 . References at Walbank 526, seeing it as anti-Spartan propaganda. E. Meyer, Geschbhte III2 (Stuttgart 1937) 342, suggested as ultimate source the book of Hippias of El's on the Olympia (FGrHist 6 f 2). 7. On the Panhellenism of Ephorus see P. Gauthier, REA 68 (1966) 25-31. Page 44 the sacred truce or ekecheiria that pertained only every four years on the occasion of the games. It is suggestive, finally, that Polybius offers no contemporary example of this inviolable status to hold up in criticism of the Eleans. Delphi Inviolability at Delphi is known to us from diverse and in part contradictory testimoniesmost fully, the Romans' confirmation of Delphi's privileges. The Amphictyonic recognitions of Boeotian temples as inviolable give us a sure terminus ante quern in the 220s (which is hardly surprising) for the belief that Pythian Apollo's temple already had this status, since the status is invoked in them as analogy and precedent.8 We have no evidence of a Panhellenic declaration of Hellenistic date, despite the unrivaled wealth of Delphian epigraphy. The claim to inviolability surely rested upon earlier traditions, for Apollo's was of old a "common temple of the Greeks, "9 and the goal of the "sacred wars" of earlier times. The temple of Apollo at Delphi is in the city proper, at its highest point (Paus. 10.9.1). It is unnecessary to recount the stories of Apollo receiving and protecting refugees of various stripes; Orestes and Ion come to mind. Familiar too is the noninvolvement of Delphi in war, and the several wars to free the temple from interference by other powers .10 The foundation legend for the protected status of the temple is given by Aeschines: the Amphictyonic cities swore to come in aid if anyone should plunder the god's property («** * 2.115) and to leave the sacred land unworked (3.109). In Hellenistic times it was said that the Amphictyony had been founded to serve the Greeks as a common bulwark against the barbarians and a forum for resolving their differences and maintaining unity (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4.25). Given this reputation, the Delphians apparently did not feel the need to seek the recognitions that became 8 . 3.7, 4.22. The silence of the Amphictyons in 1 of the 260s is unprobative, as this is merely a summary of a decree and no such details could be expected. And such analogies are absent from the much fuller Amphictyonic decrees for Smyrna, Alabanda, and Pergamum. For Teos, the anabgy invoked by the Amphictyons and the Aetolians was not the temple at Delphi but the Artists of Dionysus (132, 133). 9. So the Soteria decrees of 246 b.c.: ^ a xaA* twv EAXujvw* (Nachtergael, Les Galates 435-447); Ael. Arist. Panath. 190 Behr: xi ^ 10. See Bauslaugh, Neutrality 39-43, on the traditional exemptbn from war of peoples with Panhellenic sanctuaries; for Delphi he sees no historical violation of the (in contrast to Olympia). Page 45 fashionable in the Hellenistic period; probably that would have been demeaning rather than an increase in honor. To the contrary: the Hellenistic fashion may have been prompted by the actual demonstration of Delphi's inviolability in the repulse of the Gauls in 279 b.c. As for formal recognitions: the Athenian-Spartan truce of 423 BC began with a provision guaranteeing all parties access to Delphi (Thuc. 4.118.1): Jtcpl tou tepolj h&I tqu navTtbu roO HioiXX«vo<; xoO IJu 0 Eou &okcT XpifcOai J3ouX6fJcvo%' xal dt8e£>>; xctra toC< <><><><><><><><><><><><> Concerning the temple and oracle of Pythian Apolb we agree that anyone who wishes may use it openly and without fear, in keeping with the ancestral laws. Two years later the Peace of Nicias likewise began by stipulating unhindered access to "the common temples" and then specifically guaranteed the "autonomy" of Apollo's temple and of the Delphians (5.18.2): VXp[ |i£v TV TtiJ-V HOcl £IOiVTEUEt(il fktdpEtV wii tci lufrpuj t^v PquX^eyuv + ,, xb hi xal i&w vet>v zbv dv AcXfpOtS TOU M«.l AtXipO'jC tlvlt XaL 3 vto-teAEt£ Xal auToSbc-oii^:... <><><><><><><><><><><><> Concerning the common temples, anyone who wishes may sacrifice and consult and visit in keeping with traditbn ... without fear. The sanctuary and temple of Apolb at Delphi and the Delphians are to enjoy their own laws and taxes and justice ... This is not yet the Hellenistic gesture, or "inviolability" at all, but rather a guarantee of access and independence. Granting "autonomy" to the temple as well as to the Delphians is odd.il But this is echoed in the Romans' confirmation of the privileges of Delphi ,12 just as "the common temple of the 11. Despite the special pleading of the commentators: J. Classen, Thukydides V (Berlin 1882) 86: "Uebrigens verbindet sbh der Tempel mit den Bewohnern von Delphi, wie zu einer unzertrennbaren Gemeinde"); G. Daux, Delphes au lie et Ie siecb (Paris 1936) 259 n. 1 ("L'un ne va pas sans Tautre; le sort du dieu et le sort de la ville sont intimement lies"); A. W. Gomme, Historical Commentary on Thucydides III (Oxford 1956) 667 ("The shrine and the community of Delphians are almost one, at bast so bound with one another that one could not be free without the other"). Stranger still is the phrase "sanctuary and tempb"; is regularly the physical building, and always so in Thucydides. I wonder if the words x«i t&m Aetyofs are an intrusive gbss. Commentators invoke 4.90.2, t&ppov jjN icuicX^pi lep&v x&\ -tin ioxwtwv ; but it is proper so to describe the ditch around the tempb of Apolb Delius. 12. Roman absorptbn of the ideobgy of Delphi and its tempb is obvbus in Sherk, Roman Documents 40 (quoted bebw), denouncing Perseus' interventbn and invoking the Gauls' attack. Page 46 Greeks" was invoked in the enlargement of the Soteria to Panhellenic status in commemoration of the defeat of the Gauls. Granted asylia at Delphi is first seen epigraphically in the Romans' confirmation of the status in 190 BC When Manius Acilius Glabrio liberated Delphi from the Aetolians in 191, he was approached by the city for favorable treatment on a number of mattersstatus, control of property, domestic political tensions .13 His own response and the subsequent ones from other Roman authorities are preserved by several fragmentary inscriptions. Concerning counterclaims that worried the Delphians, Glabrio wrote:i4 [ rzcpl &£} [tJuv xcrri -tb ltp6v r 4Av t£ depnaXpl tc BXXql nvic TOClpd<><><><><><><><><><><> Concerning the affairs of the temple, if the Thessalians or any others send embassies, I shall try [in Rome(?) to] the best of my ability to take care that the ancestral usages concerning the autonomy of the city and the temple remain in force for you. Various disputed matters were indeed referred to the Senate. In 189 the consul Spurius Postumius wrote to the Delphians and to the Amphictyons advising them of the Senate's favorable action with regard to the status of city and temple: 15 ‘ 61 rcpeofku]- tal fiotjWv, !tepl iovMiC to ft tspog xap.] t f\z xat mp\ lift xal Av£ujep*p[[]ac i^lduv Anuixtou; Iroixwptsflfl rai[pA toG tuG H Yiu&axcTe o6v &E&3fijjivov t f\% z6 « IcpAv TdS tou HMo[u AquXov eWai x<><><><><><><><><><><> 13. See Holleaux, Etudes V 249-294; Daux 225-270. 14. Roman Documents 37.A.7-10; a further fragment of the list of properties is published by J.-P. Michaud in Etudes delphiques, BCH Suppl. 4 (Paris 1977) 125-136. 15. FD III.4 353.8-14 (Roman Documents 1). I have collated the surviving fragments; I quote here from the letter to the Amphictyons, better preserved than that to the Delphians. Page 47 The Delphians' envoys Bubn, Thrasycles, and Orestas [spoke] on the inviolability of the temple and the city and [country] and on their freedom and tax exemption, asking that it be granted them by the Roman people. Know that the Senate has decided the temple of Apolb Pythius [to be invblable and] the city and country of the Delphians, and the D[elphian]s to be autonomous and free [and tax exempt], living and governing themselves by them[selvesl6 and] in control of the sacred Iandl7 [and the sacred har]bor, as was ever their ancestral right. On the same stone as these two letters are the remains of a later senatorial decree, probably of 165 B . c ., in which we read (17-19): TtEpl 6v] AcXf-ol XfSyom; lno[i^oavTO ntpi lepou] AflRjXou., nAXfim; £XEu$£pJa£; Seal & ! 6t*sv4|_rQU xal ov 1 ] wepl wuiou TOV xaOuq Api5ttpQ(v - - - ^ oOtxX^to;?] ix£KpfcMet T l&o?cv. <><><><><><><><><><><><> Concerning the Delphians' [case about the temple being] inviolable, the city free [and autonomous and tax exempt]: on this matter it has been decided thus: as previously [— the Senate(?)] had judged, it has been decided to remain with that judgment. These several texts attest a strange mixture of grants, and strange phraseology. Glabrio in 191 spoke of the autonomy of the city and the temple; Hellenistic texts offer no parallel for the "autonomy" of a templebut the Peace of Nicias does. Postumius in 189 responded to an embassy that spoke on two items, the asylia of temple and city and country, and the freedom and tax exemption of the Delphians; the actual decision maintained this distinction and added "autonomy" in the second element. So there can be no doubt that the Romans recognized the inviolability of the temple and city and country. For this fullness there is no neat analogy, but some similarity at Smyrna, Anaphe, and Tenos. The later senatus consultum, if it is rightly restored, and allowing for its odd asyndeton, further defines matters by reserving asylia for the temple and freedom for the city, a logical distinction and consistent with the later Roman understanding of the nature of asylum as a category of temple. We have some possible secondary references to asylia. The Roman letter ca. 171 B . c . denouncing Perseus was restored by Nikitsky so as to invoke the inviolability of Delphi (Roman Documents 40.30-33): 16. For the phrase cf. Dbd. 14.17.3: tiaaavxae’ afoot*; ncAtwucaeai (the Thebans for Oropus, ca. 400 B .c). In the Athenian guarantees for Samos in 405 we have afoot jMXuvtaii (ig 13 127.13; cf. M. Ostwald, Autonomia: Its Genesis and Early History [Chico 1982] 45). 17. On the see U. Kahrstedt in Studies ... D. M. Robinson II (Baltimore 1953) 749-757. Page 48 [t ffc nffpa ™| OecrO rcaae^ tqvz npA<; Ee&o^vi]*; ioqja- Xefcas otiM iv X6ttut itotifjoi]- Eu OTvS]p-xlc]t J| nAvrw dv9[pu7ctjy vevQ^ujLif’UTi xa0d:pii*CTi,G: x-at 4eruXE.a Tf|r; tc^Xecik; ttijv AE^qj^v] [toi 1 ? re "EXXticpiv] xo cl ffopjMpoK ix nftvr[fr; -I <><><><><><><><><><><><> [He paid no attentbn to the security granted by] the god to all those who come [to him nor did he take into account that the sacredness and inviolability of the city of the Delphians recognized] by all mankind [for both Greeks] and barbarians from all [time ...] Livy's account of the speech of Eumenes II to the Senate in 172 (Livy 42.11-15; cf. 40) lies behind the restoration of the text, but Livy does not there refer to the asylia of the temple or city. In advanced imperial times we find in several honorific inscriptions is but this is the rhetorical flourish typical of the age. A different item is more pertinent. On the western section of the peribolos wall of the sixth century BC a boundary statement was eventually inscribed (FD III.4 512: A with broken bar, large 0, open Q): dpo<- i0v This seems to mean "Boundary: place of refuge with respect to the parts below." For the adjective compare the Delphian decree for Chalcedon (53.5), Caesar's edict for Sardes (214.48), Plutarch Mor. 166e ( eCTxi p^s) and Rom. 9.3 (isp^*« ^ijov ^urratitvot^ Romulus' asylum on the Capitolium), and a rock-cut inscription in Laconia (IG V.l 1325: iptfYUWv). The wall is at the high side of the temple of Apollo; it cannot be determined which way the stone originally faced, eastward toward the building or toward the open area to the west. Neither editor of this text has ventured a date; the writing seems late Hellenistic or imperial. If this was inscribed under Roman rule, it will reflect the Romans' recognition of the temple as an asylum and will be consistent with a Roman understanding of the law, as allowing a place of refuge. At Delphi as at Elis, we have the traditional portrait of a city wholly taken up with the maintenance of its temple. As the treaties of the 420s suggest, the Panhellenic character of the temple is already associated with neutrality and open access. It seems that the Delphians told the Romans that their temple and city and country were traditionally inviolable and autonomousan unusual 18. Statue bases of the second half of the third century and the early fourth: listed by T. Drew-Bear, REA 82 (1980) 168-169. Page 49 amalgam that was made possible by the complex traditions about Delphian sacredness and neutrality and also by the absence of any recognition of Hellenistic date and manner that would have used the standard formulae. The Romans at first responded accordingly but then clarified their thinking and restricted the asylia to the temple. Thus we can see them, already in the second century BC , groping toward the application of their own notion of an asylum. Plataea The altar of Zeus Eleutherius was already "the common altar of the Greeks" in the dedicatory poem attributed to Simonides (Anth. Gr. 6.50; Preger, IGMetr. no. 78); so later Aelius Aristides (Panath. 190 Behr): xotWjv txc*v Ttmpsx^TitTtv ‘toic'EMTjtnv d? -re ajj^volhv xai x* x£iv pappdjpuv xormppovEt^ plataea is the one precedent known to us from historical times for the declared inviolability of a secular place. According to Thucydides, the Plataeans of his day maintained that the Greeks who defeated the Persians at Plataea in 479 made solemn promises about the future security of Plataea: Pausanias, ... after he had made sacrifice in the agora of Plataea to Zeus the Liberator, summoned all the allies and conceded to the Plataeans their territory and city to possess, living by their own laws, and no one was ever to wage war against them unjustly or for enslavement: if anyone did, the allies there present were to bring aid to the best of their ability riXcnaLtum yf \v 7l6X*vt?|v o^rripsv atx£iv N dTperceuatirf xt _ _ _ _ We say to you, do not harm the Plataean territory or violate the oaths, but let us live by our own laws as Pausanias decided (ifT^ i&UCEW pTjM lwpa(Jtai iep4 MddvSip<£i v«6 ? ; it is later authors who gloss this as the Itonium .12 At the start of the Social War in 220, the Achaeans complained that the Aetolians had plundered the temple of Athena in time of peace Polyb. 4.25.2) and had violated the truce of the festival f&viic^cwTUjvTOv^Yvptv 4 . 3 . 5 ; cf. 9.34.11). Nicostratus is named as the man responsible; apparently he led a raid on the Boeotian forces marshaled at the temple. So our partisan informant. Polybius assigns no date to the violation, but it seems recent and surely cannot be as much as fifty years before the complaint .13 This violation must therefore have happened after the extant declaration of inviolability in the 260s. Yet Polybius mentions no special or enacted security of the Itonium: it was enough that it was a temple, with the added outrage that the festival, with its sacred truce, was in progress, and that there was no warthis was mere Aetolian piracy. We should not conclude from his notices that Polybius would have found nothing wrong in the Aetolian attack if it had happened in wartime, or again not during the sacred truce; nor does he use this occasion to say that the Aetolians had violated a specific recognition of inviolability. As in 394 BJC , proper respect was due a temple. On the other hand, we have Livy 36.20, recording a Roman attack on the temple's land or vicinity in 191 B . c . (circumiectum templo agrum); Livy does not seem to see this as a sacrilege .m The Amphictyonic grant of inviolability, in the year of the archon Pleiston, can be dated within limits. The membership of the Council places the decree in the 260s, and the meeting is during the Pythia: therefore September of 266 or 262, and attractive reasons have been offered for the later date.is A great deal hangs on the choice, for the act is either at the beginning of the Chremonidean War or else near its end. Athens still has a seat on the Council, so (on the common assumption) the war is not yet over, and Athens has not fallen to Antigonus Gonatas. As Flaceliere noticed, however, it would be surprising if Athens could observe such solemn normalities as a meeting of the Council while 12. Xen. Hell. 4.3.20 (Ages. 2.13); cf. Plut. Ages. 19.1-2; Paus. 3.9.13. Roesch (221), taking this as evidence of an early grant of asylia, considers that 1 might be a confirmation rather than a grant; but the text is unambiguously a grant, and Agesilaus' respect was what was due any temple. 13. Dated 229/224: Feyel, Polybe (Pare 1942) 137-138, folbwed by Walbank, Comm. I 452; Roesch 222. Ca. 220: B. Niese, Geschbhte der griechischen und makedonischen Staaten II (Gotha 1899) 409; Flaceliere, Aitoliens 289; Klaffenbach, IG IX.12xxv65.ff. and DLZ 69 (1948) 98 (rejecting Feyel's argument). 14. Cf. M. Sordi, "Acilb Glabrbne e I'Atena Iton'ia," in La Beot'ie antique (Paris 1985) 265-269. 15. R. Etienne and M. Pierart, BCH 99 (1975) 59-62, arguing for the greater consistency of the membership if 262. For the beginning of the war in 267 see D. Knoepfler, BCH 117 (1993) 327-341. Page 58 under siege (Aitoliens 195 n. 2). This objection would point to 266 rather than 262. Pouilloux, by contrast, has invoked the Panhellenic spirit of Greece in the aftermath of the Chremonidean War. In either case this was a period of close relations between the Boeotians and Aetolians (cf. Feyel, Polybe 79). Aetolia remained neutral but profited from the allies' efforts against Macedonia; the role of Boeotia is unclear. The allies in the war saw themselves as engaged in rallying Greece to a new effort to ward off the Macedonians of the north. Two other gestures of Panhellenic solidarity may be relevant. In the spring following their recognition of the Itonium, the Amphictyons recognized the Ptolemaia in Alexandria as crowned, agreeing to send theoroi to the first new Panhellenic contest of the Hellenistic age. 16 And from a Pythia probably in the same periodso perhaps the same meeting that produced ldates the Amphictyonic decree indicating the success of recent missions to Ptolemy and Antigonus to obtain safe passage for those attending the Pythia. 17 1. Amphictyonic Council Delphi, temple of Apollo. Two joining fragments of a small marble stele. Inv. 1641 (lines 1-10) found in 1895 west of the Syracusan tripods; inv. 7577 (lines 11-14) found in 1957 south of the terrace of the Siphnian Treasury. The lower left quarter is lost, other margins preserved; combined dimensions: h. 0.35, w. 0.34, th. 0.07. Blockish letters (h. 0.008, intersp. 0.009) with slightly curving strokes, O usually small and suspended, right hasta of N fully descended, I with somewhat splayed arms. Lines 1-10: A. Jarde, BCH 26 (1902) 250 no. 6 (copy of Bourguet); Flaceliere, Aitoliens 393-394. Complete: J. Bousquet, BCH 82 (1958) 74-77 [SEG 18.240; Moretti, I. stor. ellen. II 74]; J. Pouilloux, FD III.4 358. Collation. Photograph: Bousquet fig. 10; Pouilloux pi. 5. IOieIot^voi; &p^ovtq< AtX- ■qjou;, Atn->- XSv Sevvldj Gbciii&a, 4 EipaKsiYlou)* E^vU xou’ toe Xijp4a h A&tpv 16. Moretti, I. stor ellen. I 75. Why this recognition comes so bng after that of the Island League in 283/2 remains a mystery; for this date see L. Nerwinski, "The Foundatbn Date of the Panhellenic Ptolemaea" (Ph.D. diss., Duke University 1981). It may be that in 283 Ptolemy invited only his allies. C. Habbht, Gottmenschentum und griechische Stadte2 (Munch 1970) 259, considers the gesture of the 260s to represent a rapprochement between the Aetolians and Ptolemy in connectbn with the war. 17. Moretti, I. stor ellen. II 76; cf. Will, Histoire I 230. Page 59 AtfcirjTpla'Lr EOJuit- B Keu b "Iffttaii&iv KaXXt^dptfeo<; j Atki pwv *Iaoipax OTJ S 'Eiu^aipl- tw Yp^lw^ tw] K«»4- AkvAofr njute]io^‘ [ttoj- fa [^e xo*c "A^ipixtLJqoiv t 5 lep6[v] [t7j< rfc] 'Itaivtac t& {£y KofttvstaL iouJ\«?v tfwcir vacat 7-8 Flaceliere: E ' WuM V o,j Jarde. We have not the actual decree but a summary recording that the grant occurred.is The summary has omitted the preliminaries that would have mentioned the Boeotian embassy and its arguments, and hence we have lost the portion that might have revealed the historical setting or motivation of the grant. The Pamboeotia took place at the Itonium about a month later, and no doubt this recognition will have been announced there to the assembled Boeotians. Temple of Apollo Ptoius, Acraephia The cult of Apollo Ptoius with its oracular cave was famous and much patronized from earliest times. The shrine occupied three terraces on the western slope of Mt. Ptoius in the territory of Acraephia, at the eastern end of Lake Copais. The site has been extensively excavated, yielding a rich body of evidence, especially of the archaic period. 19 The Delphian Amphictyony recognized the inviolability of the temple in the 220s BC . The background to this event is obscure, for the development of the shrine in the fourth and third centuries is poorly known. The date of the building itself, on the highest of the terraces, is not firmly determinedeither the end of the fifth century or the late fourth .20 Its inviolability is attested by inscribed texts of three sorts: an oracle of Trophonius, an Amphictyonic Council decree, and boundary stones. The Amphictyonic decree (3) grants personal inviolability to Artists who compete in Apollo's games, the Ptoia; declares the temple inviolable, with 18. Compare FD III.4 155 (Delphian grant of promanteia to Smyrna); IG XI.4 1050 (Aetolian grant of asphaleia to the Delians, quoted p. 52); IG IX. 12 175 (Aetolian grant of asylia to the Artists of Dbnysus)all mid-third century b.c. 19. Testimonia and biblbgraphy at Schachter I 52-73; Fossey 271-273. 20. J. Ducat, Les kouroi du Ptobn (Par's 1971) 41 n. 2. Page 60 those who wrong the temple or its land made subject to prosecution before the Amphictyons; regulates the length of the festival truce; and approves the addition of the agonothete to the number of the administrators of the temple. The opening of the text is lost; determination of the date rests, as Holleaux saw, on the authority with which the Council instructs Ptoicles on the inscribing of the decree (3.17): therefore he must have been a Boeotian member of the Council, and a Boeotian of this name was such in the year of the Delphian archon Callias .21 The dates of this recognition and that for Dionysus of Thebes (4) must be addressed together .22 The two are quite close in substance and language and have always been considered close in date. The decree for Thebes, passed in the autumn (4.30), very probably dates to the year of the Delphian archon Nicarchus. The two archons Callias and Nicarchus both belong to years when Aetolia had fourteen seats on the Council and Boeotia two. A third such year is attested; that year and that of Callias witnessed a celebration of the quadrennial Soteria, and so this period encompassed at least five archons. This distribution of seats probably began after the death of Demetrius II early in 229 and the Aetolians' victories in Thessaly and ended in 224 when the Boeotians again allied themselves with Macedonia against the Aetolians. Thus the two Soteria years of this period would be 229/8 and 225/4. To one of these two years should belong the decree for the Ptoium, dated by Callias. The two possible dates are at the extremes of the period in question, framing the year of Nicarchus and its decree for Thebes. Which cult is likely to have been honored first? Feyel thought that the great city Thebes would be the initiator and Acraephia the imitator in this competition. But the Boeotian League, not just the city of Acraephia, spoke for the Ptoium, and the League may well have preceded Thebes in such a matter; the relation of Thebes to the League had been unstable and uneasy early in the century, Thebes joining definitively only in 288.23 1 tentatively give the Ptoium first place, therefore 229/8, with Dionysus of Thebes honored in a subsequent autumn but before 225/4. If their similarity indicates immediate proximity, then Apollo Ptoius (the season of this decree being unknown) may be spring 228 and Dionysus in autumn of the same year. But it remains possible to assign Thebes to any autumn in 228-225, and Acraephia to 225/4.24 21. Holleaux, BCH 16 (1892) 455; cf. Flaceliere, Aitoliens 405-406; Feyel, Contribution 142-147. 22. See Feyel, Polybe 251-256; Nachtergael, Les Galates 283-289. 23. Cf. Roesch 421-439. 24. These considerations build on the several contributions of Flaceliere, Feyel (Contribution 147 n. 1 for the priority of Thebes), Nachtergael, and R. Etienne and D. Knoepfler (Hyettes de Beotie, BCH Suppl. 3 [Paris 1976] 331-337), while modifying them somewhat. The period of fourteen Aetolian seats has traditionally (since Homolle) been placed in the early 220s. I have preferred this over Nachtergaers bwer dating (his nos. 62-64: beginning later than 229/8, (Footnote continued on next page) Page 61 In the course of 228 Antigonus Doson recovered much of what he had lost and Aetolia had gained in Thessaly in 229, driving the Boeotians to make common cause again with the Aetolians .25 By mid-228, he had ravaged Doris and detached Phocis from the Aetolians; in spring 227 there was fighting between Macedonia and Boeotia (Polyb. 20.5 ).26 This growing threat may be the context of the decisions by Acraephia and Thebes to seek inviolability for their chief temples. The Council's favorable responses can be seen as part of the restoration of good relations between Boeotia and Aetolia. If we place those decisions in 226 or 225, we are on the eve of the renewed defection of Boeotia from the Aetolians in 224. Earlier is perhaps more likely, with 228 spring and autumn possible for the pair; but it must be stressed how many variables affect all this. As for the Ptoium, by the time of the Amphictyonic decree this was a federal temple, for the Boeotian League already shared in its administration; the burden of the decree on the score of administration is to add an agonothete to the number of the temple authorities (3.15). This suggests that the status of the god's games was now being increased. From other inscriptions we know that late in the third century the cities of Boeotia voted to increase the honors of Apollo by sending representatives to offer sacrifice at the Ptoia: that is, the games became Pan-Boeotian. 27 Feyel argued convincingly that this was the same occasion as our Amphictyonic decree. Perhaps the enlargement of the games was described in the lost portion of 3, the Council being asked to approve the formal arrangements. In what survives of the Boeotian civic decrees accepting the Ptoia, however, there is no mention of the inviolability of the temple. It would seem that in Boeotia recognition by the Amphicytonic Council was regarded as authoritative and sufficient for asylia, and no civic recognitions were sought; whereas certainly the Amphictyony could not render the games Pan-Boeotianthe Boeotian cities themselves must agree to that. An oracle of Trophonius (2) is inscribed below the decree: Trophonius says that Lebadeia is to be dedicated to Zeus and Trophonius, Acraephia to Apollo; and each is to "proclaim the holy contest" in every land. The stone evidently (Footnote continued from previous page) down through 221/0), for it seems to me still possible in light of his commentary (pp. 286-289) on the added fifteenth Aetolian seat (which he places in 217/6); he dates Callias (3, the Ptoium) to 221/0 (4, not in a year of the Soteria, does not enter his discussion). P. Gauthier, Nouvelles inscriptbns de Sardes II (Geneva 1989) 143-150, has argued for giving the Pythian year 226/5 to Alexandras; see, however, Knoepfler, MusHelv 50 (1993) 40-42 (Alexandras "soon after 214/3"). 25. For the defection of the Boeotians from the Aetolians in the mid 2305 and their restoration on the Amphictyony ca. 229, see Flaceliere, Aitoliens 248-250; Etienne and Knoepfier 336-337. 26. F. W. Walbank, ZPE 76 (1989) 184-192; cf. Gauthier, Bull, epigr. 1989, 275; Etienne and Knoepfler 334-335. 27. The dossier at Feyel, Contribution 133-147; cf. Polybe 254-256; S. Lauffer, "Ptobn," RE 23 (1959) 1547-1553; Roesch 229-238. Page 62 was intended as a dossier of texts pertinent to the increase of Apollo's honors; a third text records a dedication of funds to the god. The physical arrangement need not reflect their chronological order. Most scholars have taken the oracle as the occasion of the increase in Apollo's honors, thus prior to the decree. The Acraephians may have inscribed the Amphictyonic decree first as being the decisive text, and the oracle as an attendant document, part of the case that persuaded the Amphictyony. Neither this decree (its first half lost) nor those accepting the Ptoia 28 mention any oracle; but such silences are common in the asylia inscriptions. If the oracle is the earlier text, what was its intent? The god would seem at first to envision inviolability for the city of Acraephia: yet in the event only the temple was declared inviolable. I think, however, that the poetic language of an oracle should not be pressed. Presented with this statement, ambiguous on Lebadeia as well as Acraephia, the Acraephians seem to have interpreted conservatively and in accord with their institutions: asylia was sought for the temple alone, which was outside the city on Mt. Ptoius; the games were to be Pan-Boeotian, proclaimed in every city of Boeotia. It is possible, however, that the oracle is later and represents a subsequent stage in the honors of the god. This implies a more literal reading, taking "sacred games" as this was commonly used in Roman times, "declare the contest Panhellenic" (so Roesch). If that is so, then Trophonius spoke later than the Amphictyons (thus in the order of the texts on the stone) and now urged yet greater honor for Apollo Ptoiusgames not just Pan-Boeotian but Panhellenic, inviolability for not only the temple but also the city and country. These two statuses were never obtained, so far as we know; accordingly, I have assumed the oracle to come first, prompting the attested events. The oracle was addressed by the Opuntian Calliclidas rather than by a citizen of Lebadeia or Acraephia; Roesch urged that he was acting on instruction of the Boeotian League and the oracle should date from a time when Opus was in the League (the dates of which are problematic ).29 But this question need not be material, for the oracle may well be older than the 220s, and the city's reaction slow or delayed, as we know could happen .30 2-3 Acraephia, temple of Apollo. Plaque of blue-grey marble broken at top and bottom, found in 1885 reused in a Byzantine tomb north of the temple, now in the museum at Thebes; h. 1.22, w. 0.58, th. 0.15. Three texts, a dossier on 28. Only one text is fully preserved, however, the decree of Oropus (LSCG 71). 29. Roesch 232-235; but see Etienne and Knoepfler (333), who deduce from Calliclidas' ethnic "Locrian" that Opus was not in the Boeotian League at the time. 30. Again, if Trophonius does mean to order Panhellenic games and an inviolable city, the oracle is later than the increase of the 220s and failed to be fulfilled. Page 63 the temple probably cut by the same mason (so Roesch 232): the uppermost is the Amphictyonic decree 3, then the oracle 2, then a dedication of money to Apollo (not included here). Holleaux, BCH 14 (1890) 19-33 no. 10 [Dittenberger, IG VII4135-4136; Syll .2 557; Michel, Rec. 700; Prott-Ziehen, Leg.Sacr. II 70; Pomtow, Syll.3 635; Sokolowski, LSGG 73]. Cf. Holleaux, BCH 16 (1892) 453-457, 472; A. Nikitsky, ZhournMinistNarod Prosv n.s. 38 (March 1912) 125-133; Feyel, Contribution 140-147; G. Klaffenbach, Philologus 97 (1948) 373-376; Etienne and Knoepfler, Hyettos 331-341; P. Roesch, Etudes beotiennes 60-68, 232-236; A. Schachter, AJP 105 (1984) 259-270. 2. Oracle of Trophonius + OiL<><><><><><><><><><><> Calliclidas, Locrian from Opus, having gone down to Trophonius, proclaimed that Lebadeia is to be dedicated to Zeus Basileus and Trophonius, and Acraephia to Apolb Ptoius, and no one is to wrong these (peoples). They are both to collect sacred funds, for the common good, in every land, and proclaim the holy contest. Whoever repairs the temple of Zeus Basileus will wear the crown. This is a complex answer to what may have been a series of questions, apparently posed at the behest of the Boeotian League, as the questioner is not from either Lebadeia or Acraephia.3i The League approached the most respected oracle in Boeotia, the Trophonium in the territory of Lebadeia. The questions concerned how the two cities might best honor their chief gods; perhaps the cities had put these issues before the League, which sought divine sanction or adjudication. One can only speculate why the affairs of two cities were put before the oracle at one time. This need not reflect some collaboration between the two (on 6 see below); perhaps each had resorted to the League for guidance, which in turn pooled the requests in consulting the oracle. 1: The verb reflects the fact that the Trophonium was a cave (cf. a t Philostr. VA 8.19; other instances at Schachter 260 n. 11). On the oracle see G. Radke, "Trophonios," RE 7 A (1939) 685-691. 31. Holleaux took Calliclidas to be a religbus expert whose services were sought out. Page 64 4: Holleaux rightly took the second as a pronoun;32 an adverb (so Dittenberger) would refer back to nothing. But he took the pronoun to refer to the two gods rather than the two peoples. Schachter takes as "jointly," perhaps correctly. As to the collection of funds, Miletus in the third century consulted Delphi about a religious collection, asking "whether it will be pleasing to the goddess and advantageous to the people to conduct now and in the future collections for Artemis Boulophoros" (LSAM 47). Greek cities took care to regulate such religious solicitations, as Holleaux remarked, citing in addition Isis on Samos (LSCG 123.10) and Artemis Pergaia at Halicarnassus (LSAM 73.26); cf. Segre, I.Cos ED236. 6-7: I assume that two contests are in question, despite the singular pygh; these two cities did not share a contest. The phrase x^ can be taken to mean that the two contests were to become Panhellenic, "in every land" (cf. Dem. 20.76: the Isis aretalogy, IG XII Suppl. p. 98: x^c); the Magnesians proclaimed their games ^™>bvtv -fmm* (111.25). But js vague enough to allow a less ambitious interpretation, every region or city of Boeotia,33 or "the entire land" of Boeotia .34 The god thus can be taken to call for Pan-Boeotian gamesat any rate this seems to be how the Acraephians took it .35 A single increase happened now, and thus Trophonius' instruction to "dedicate" the city to Apollo and not harm the Acraephians is what prompted the Amphictyony to declare the temple inviolable and to regulate the games that the Boeotian cities would vote to share. As to "sacred" in 7, Greek did not apply a word "Panhellenic" to festivals. The games that all Greeks shared, by sending theoroi, were identified circumstantially: "crowned," "equal to the Olympia," "triumphal," etc. By Roman times a favored term had emerged, "sacred" games (the prize was dedicated to the god). But that usage is a late development, and all games were sacred to some god. 36 Hence is found early on as a poetic effusion, without implying a contrast with ordinary games (agon thematites or chrematites, with a cash prize ).37 Of the technical usage, the earliest instance may be I.Delos IV 1957 (ca. 150-130 B ,); cf. SEG 39.1243.1.7 (Claros, late II BC ); AM 33 (1908) 409 no. 40 (a 32. Cf. W. Bliimel, Die ablischen Dialekte (Gottingen 1982) 267. 33. Compare Dem. 23.139, Chardemus' attacks x&ti = many Greek cities in Thrace. 34. Cf. Hell.Oxy. 11.3: oixty x&p™ obfoOvtc? (Boeotia); in poetry Ar. Plut. 773, honoring x^vn&Mtv Kixpomx; = Attica. 35. For Lebadeia see bebw; we do not know the status of the Basileia of Lebadeia in the third century B .c. 36. E.g., Plut. Aem. 17.9, vowing a hecatomb and (Heracles). 37. This is probable in Pind. Nem. 2.4, 6.59; certain in Theoc. 16.47, 17.112 (a "sacred contest" of Dbnysus at Alexandria; Gow ad be. is wrong to think that this is trying to equate the contest with the Panhellenic games); IG 112 11387 (of comedy). Page 65 statue from Pergamum, I BC ?). We need not follow Roesch and Schachter in interpreting Trophonius to intend the technical usage, with the Acraephians instructed to seek Panhellenic games; I have argued above that the Acraephians did not interpret the oracle so. 7-8: I take this to mean "to be the priest"; compare I.Scythiae I 54.19-20 (= Syl 1.3 708): f° g6 vaXaf&*cro^avovxaiipp?)aLXTTkxnv t% W xsl da’tjpflXeLac %X ctv T ^ v KvrexmfceHd- TT|V toj TwnoGpoplQU ^t]v6c xax& fe&v &c BolwtoI dyovoiVn ■2 ^ [£]eX<><><><><><><><><><><> [(invblability) ... for five days] in coming [and as many in departing] and while the festival [takes place, both for themselves and their] attendants and their [property, Page 66 everywhere.] If anyone contrary to this seize or rob anyone, let him be subject to prosecution before the Amphictyons. The temple of Apolb Ptoius in Acraephia is to be invblable, as the boundaries define, as is the temple in Delphi; the other sacred land of Apolb Ptoius no one is to harm; if anyone does, he is to be subject to prosecution before the Amphictyons. The sacred truce and security are to begin on the fifteenth of Hippodrombs by the moon as Boeotians reckon, of Apellabs as Delphians. Those in authority to administer the temple affairs are to be the prophet, the priest of Apolb Ptoius, the city of Acraephia, and the Boeotian League, as prevbusly, and the agonothete elected for the contest of the Pto'ia ... (provisbns for inscribing) ... If any offense occur contrary to the decree of the Amphictyons, the wrongdoer is to pay 2,000 staters plus damages and the fine is to be dedicated to Apolb Ptoius. The hieromnemones are to report this decree to their respective cities or natbns so that all may know what the Amphictyons have decreed. I- 4: Compare 4.19-22, the two passages serving to restore each other; cf. 1 Macc. 10:34: tf** ^ MMv. The privilege voted the Artists, right of complaint to the Amphictyons if they are harmed, is to pertain only to the time of their travel and performance at the Ptoia. Cf. IG XII.9 207.63-64 (for the Artists on Euboea); for an individual, I.Delos 502.17-19. For excused absences cf. Wilhelm, Jahresh. 12 (1909) 140 (Kl. Schr. II. 1 362); parallels for their "attendants": J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1958, 261. For the inviolability of the temple, by contrast, no time limit is stated, and the analogy with Delphi implies that none was intended. 7: One of the few references to boundaries in a grant (outside of Egypt); compare Apollo Chresterius at Chalcedon and Athena at Pergamum. The precedent of the inviolability of the temple at Delphi is used also in 4.22 from Boeotia, but nowhere else in the asylia inscriptions. Similar precedents are invoked in Ptolemaic Egypt and in the Roman province of Asia (pp. 19, 389)closed legal systems in which a single authority rather than Greek public opinion is the source of the grant. This supports the idea that Boeotians felt the will of the Amphictyony to be sufficient to establish the status and did not seek recognition by the Greek world at large; such at least is the scope of the evidence extant. The word indicates that Apollo owned other land, not contiguous with his temple on Mt. Ptoius;38 this was nothing unusual, but the express inclusion of such land in the grant of asylia is not paralleled. II- 12: The calendric equation is useful.39 The months were to be as reckoned by nature (™™e E *v), by the sighting of the new moon, without regard for intercalary months or days. The law on performance in Euboea makes explicit the problem presented by intercalation: when an intercalary month has been 38. Cf. Rigsby, AJP 108 (1987) 733-734. 39. See Roesch 37, 60-68; cf. J. Pouilbux, REA 66 (1964) 211-213; Samuel, Chronobgy 68-69, 74. Page 67 inserted, the magistrates are to do whatever is necessary to guarantee synchronism (IG XII.9 207.49-51; cf. 61: 0 s 6 w, compare on 25.16-17). Apellaios was the first month at Delphi; Boeotian Hippodromios, their eighth month, is equated by Plutarch with Attic Hecatombaion (July/August). The Ptoia began on the 20th of Hippodromios (five days after the start of the truce, line 1), hence roughly mid-August. 12ff.: The Council evidently was asked to give its imprimatur to a change in the administrators of the "temple affairs" (for the phrase see Robert, Op. min. sel. I 562), to whom an agonothete was now added .40 From this addition, some have concluded that no games were celebrated in Apollo's honor before now.4i In my view the status of the agonothete is here increased along with that of the contest, which until now was local; for there is some evidence for the Ptoia earlier than the 220s.42 24ff.: The same provision is in the Amphictyonic decree Syll.3 704E.43ff. The excavators of the temple found two boundary stones (neither in situ), one by a fountain near the temple complex, the other just down the hill from the temple itself. I give here the text of the better preserved, underlining what is extant only on the other stone. Holleaux (1890) 7-8 [IG VII 4153, 4154]. [ftaJouXov xb Ig- |gj6[v] t£> MjtdXu- [v]o[c] Tti Utcutw , - - - , * AH 6pt- ,0,0. [A]t^v- M The script, as reported, seems no older than the third century B . c . The text evidently was more elaborate than the chaste V* of ordinary temples of the classical period, Hieracome, and the rest; it seems to have made a statement and likely reflects the decreed inviolability of the temple. Hence the markers probably are subsequent to 3 and respond to its intent. The findspot of the one stone might suggest that the limits of asylia stipulated at 3.7 were to encompass only the terrace of the naos itself. But the Amphictyony adds that the rest of the land belonging to the god is not to be harmed (3.7- 8), for Apollo owned other land in the territory of Acraephia; that too will have had boundary markers. 40. At 4.24-26, however, the Council similarly approves the administrators of the games at Thebes, although it is not evident what is changed there. 41. References at Lauffer 1547. 42. See AJP 108 (1987) 729-740: probably in the 230s, a special competition for Athena held at the Ptoia, to which Acraephia invited neighboring Haliartus. Page 68 Temple of Dionysus Cadmeius, Thebes Thebes had the distinction of being the birthplace of two sons of Zeus, Dionysus and Heracles .43 The prominence of Dionysus in the legends of Thebes is well known; this was the home of Semele and the city that owed her son first honor. The prominence of Thebes in the affairs of Boeotia is equally familiar; refounded in 316 after its destruction by Alexander, it became one of the five members of the Boeotian League privileged to have an fytzpumfan, on the federal council in the third century .44 The festivals of Dionysus and of Heracles at Thebes had each obtained Panhellenic status by the early second century bc. 45 The inviolability of Dionysus Cadmeius46 is attested by an inscription at Delphi of the 220s: the Amphictyony defines the privileges and responsibilities of the Artists who perform at Dionysus' festival, and also declares the temple inviolable. Haifa century later, the Artists would state that oracles of Apollo had persuaded the most pious among the Greeks to grant them personal inviolability because of their role in the contest of Dionysus at Thebes, among other festivals (IG XI.4 1061.16). The temple has not been located with certainty; nonetheless Thebes seems to provide an instance of inviolability of a temple (rather than city and country) when the temple is inside the city .47 Within the temenos of Dionysus was a (4.17, 28). The opening of Euripides' Bacchae (with 11) portrays the palace and Semele's tomb juxtaposed on the citadel of Thebes, where the lightning struck her. Pausanias was shown a ruined chamber (&»*t»c) of Semele48 in the agora, together with an altar made by the sons of Praxiteles 43. Testimony on Dionysus of Thebes are listed at Schachter I 185-187; add FGrHist 380 fi with Jacoby's comments, the tradition that Dionysus sent the Sphinx to Thebes. For Fleracles, Schachter, Cults II, BICS Suppl. 38.2 (London 1986) 14-30. On the topography see F. Schober, "Thebai," RE 5a (1934) 1423-1452; for the temple, A. D. Koumanoudis, Deltbn 3 (1917) 341-346; S. Symeonogbu, The Topography of Thebes (Princeton 1985) 57, 127. 44. P. Roesch, Thespies et la confederation beotienne (Paris 1965) 138. 45. See Roesch, ZPE 17 (1975) 1-7, with J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1976, 301; A. Schachter, "The Bobtian Herakles," Teiresias Suppl. 2 (1979) 39; D. Knoepfler, Chiron 22 (1992) 476. 46. Apart from 4 the only mentbns of the cuit epithet of Dbnysus of Thebes are in an epigram a generatbn earlier (Kaibel, Epigr. 926.13-14) and at Paus. 9.12.3. Cf. Anth. Gr. 11.40.5 (A. S. F. Gowand D. Page, The Garland of Philip I [Cambridge 1968] 126, Antistius 3), referring to Dbnysus simply as (corrected from KASye). 47. The temple is usually identified with a structure near the Electra gate; cf. Fossey 204. In the asylia inscription, iv ©i^aK; (4.14, 28) is too vague to be useful; so the rural Itonium could be Koe«vtt* (FGrHist 378 fi; schol. Ap. Rhod. 1.551a; 1.14; n. 11 above), the Ptoium ** ‘Axpdtq^ (3.6), the Sarapeum (p aus . 1.18.4); cf. Phibstr. VA 4.1 ^flvttEoui and nspYopov _ 48. 9.12.3; compare 6 Ecti&Tr; a t Callixenus FGrHist 627 f 2.31 (Ath. 200b), at [Ael. Arist.] 25.2 Keil; cf. J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1982, 298. For see Bourguet, FD III. 1 p. 200. Page 69 and a statue of the god: here a log had fallen from heaven, which the Thebans adorned with bronze and called Dionysus Cadmeius. So there is good reason to think that Pausanias' thalamos is the sekos of the inscription (hence the restoration of Semele's name), and that the temple was in the center of Thebes. This evidence is not conclusive, however: Pausanias does not mention a temple, and he puts the tomb of Semele in the lower city to the northeast 9.16.7; Symeonoglou 190), in contrast to Euripides. Keramopoullos's suggestion that the temple was defunct and in ruins in Pausanias' day seems contradicted by the celebration of the games (though fused with the Heracleia) in imperial times .49 So the possibility remains that Dionysus' temple stood outside the city (as did Heracles'), like most others declared inviolable.so The festival at issue is here called the rather than a proper name; a two-year period was typical for Dionysus (see above, p. 56). The contest was certainly old in the 220s, attested, for example, by the Pythocles epigram before the mid-third century.si The Amphictyons obviously envisage that the contest will become of more than local patronageit is to be proclaimed "to the cities" (compare, on the Ptoia, 2.5 and 3.25). In fact games of Dionysus administered by Thebes and the Artists, the Agrionia, are attested as Panhellenic as early as 170 BC The name does not occur in our inscription of the 220s. Robert suggested that the present effort to increase the games to Panhellenic status failed and that subsequently the festival was reorganized and renamed as part of a new (and successful) effort (Op. min. sel. VII 778). Instead, it may be that the Panhellenic status of the games was indeed gained now and the Amphictyons' failure to call the trieteris the Agrionia is not significant: as a generic term, like thysia, panegyris, and agon, the word is often found substituted for the proper name of a festival (e.g., at Pergamum).52 The Amphictyons will naturally have echoed the language of the embassy that made the request. I suggest however a third possibility: what is envisioned in the 220s is making the games only Pan-Boeotian. The absence of the Boeotian League from the administration of the cult perhaps speaks against this; but that the proclamation of the games is to be "to the cities" (and not "kings, dynasts, nations, cities," the conventional Panhellenic roster) suggests a restriction, surely to Boeotia. The revised terminology that Robert detected will have come about later, as he thought, when the games became Panhellenic; the present effort, however, was not a failure, merely less ambitious. As to date, decree A to inscribe the previous enactments concerning Theban cult was passed in a subsequent Pythian year .53 Of the two decrees then inscribed 49. On the reorganized Dbnysia-Heracleia see Robert, Op. min. sel. VII 778-779. 50. For the Heracleum, Arr. Anab. 1.8.3-5, with J. G. Frazer, Pausanias V (London 1898) 46-47; Symeonogbu 133; Schober 1448-1449. 51. Kaibel, Ep'gr. 926, with Nachtergael, Les Galates 318-322. 52. See C. P. Jones, Chiron 4 (1974) 186-187. 53. Probably 214 b.c.; see Flaceliere, Aitoliens 295 n. 4; Feyel, Contributbn 143 n. 4. Page 70 below A/ the second and better preserved, c , is dated to autumn of the Delphian archon Nicarchus; this decree alludes (31-33) to the substance of its predecessor, B , and regulates a further detail concerning the Artists. Feyel argud that this is an afterthought to decree B , responding to the same request and passed at the same Council session as b.54 To this it can be added that c states not that the Amphictyony has declared the temple inviolable but that the Thebans have requested as much. If c was prompted by a different embassy sent later, surely the grant, the acquired fact of inviolability, rather than the request, would have been invoked. c thus seems to be a rider on current business, and so B , like c , dates to Nicarchus' year. The asylia of the temple of Dionysus thus would belong to an autumn of the years 228-225 (see above on Acraephia); I would prefer the earliest of these, autumn 228, in immediate proximity to that for the Ptoium at Acraephia and amid the events that led to war with Macedonia in 227. The later decree (a) grants a request to inscribe the previous enactments concerning the cult of Dionysus. These earlier decrees have been abridged, for both lack their lists of hieromnemones, and B has no preliminaries describing the embassy and its petition. c alone reveals (31) that the embassy was a joint one by Thebes and the Artistsin keeping with their joint administration of the cult and proclamation of the games as stipulated in B (23-26; cf. 12, 15). As a rider voted on the same occasion, c adds penalties to enforce the provisions of B . 4. Amphictyonic Council Delphi. Five fragments of two marble blocks, originally part of a wall of the Theban Treasury. Careful, somewhat crowded lettering (0.008-0.01; intersp. 0.009, diminishing) of the late third century BC : strokes slightly curving, occasional thickening at the ends; A with straight bar; 0, O, Q small and suspended; right hasta of N slightly raised. Word division is observed at the line ends. Inv. 632, upper block, lines 1-15; h. 0.24, w. 0.242, th. 0.24; found built into the wall of a modern house, removed to the museum in 1893: E. Dodwell, A Classical and Topographical Tour (London 1819) 508 [Le Bas-Foucart, Voyage 842]; Boeckh, CIG 1689 (copy of Koehler); F. Thiersch, Ueber die Topographie von Delphi, AbhBerlin 3.1 (Berlin 1840) 68-70; J. L. Ussing, Graeske og Latinike Indskrifier (Copenhagen 1857) no. 30 (copy of Br^ndsted); Baunack, SGDI 2532 (squeeze). Inv. 632, +1142+4449 (lower block, broken in the middle, found by the Theban Treasury in 1894; combined h. 0.34, w. 0695 [slight upward taper], th. 0.82): E. Bourguet, FD III. 1 351 and p. 199. Inv. 632+1142+4449, +5084 (bottom center of upper block, Theban treasury; h. 0.087, w. 0.01, th. 0.037) +7705 (bottom center of lower block, Theban Treasury; h. 0.12, w. 0.18, th. 0.037): J. Bousquet, BCH 85 (1961) 78-88 [SEG 54. On the inconsistency of dialect between the two, he noted (Contribution 145 n. 1) that c is itself inconsistent, first Koine, then Doric. Page 71 19.379; Pickard-Cambridge, Dramatic Festivals of Athens 2 309-310 ( B and c ); SEG 28.487 (from Robert 1977)]. Photograph: Bourguet pi. X (632+1142+4449); FD II Tresor de Thebes pi. 69 (1142); Bousquet figs. 8-11 (all but 1142). Cf. Pomtow, JahrbCIPhil 40 (1894) 548-558; 43 (1897) 806; Wilhelm, Beitrage 292; Nikitsky, ZhournMinistNarodProsv n.s. 38 (March 1912) 125-133; Flaceliere, Aitoliens 409- 410; Feyel, Contribution 140-147; Klaffenbach, Philologus 97 (1948) 373-376; Daux, RA 1950, 194-195 (copy of A. F. Sturtzenbecker [1784] and squeeze); Robert, ArchEph 1977, 195-210 (Op. min. sel. VII 765-780); D. M. Lewis ap. Schachter, Cults 1189 n. 2;J. Ebert, Epigraphica 45 (1983) 7-10. a. Tdjccir tid 10 " IS iv lepG^vipowatfvtttv AixwXfciJv [ --- - ----- Jura UpH oXu£4vo«-j Ai|avqt[au h — ------— .- - - {Xcnioc, MvttmhaE&tt 4 [----* -XCuv ?-****^.*** ]Tatvou’ a EjJHEvl5*3r [ A0a^idiv£i>v ? ---------------------- ]mi nucleic Tiotp^s [t&c n6Xioc x&v GriJaLu-v diraXmaXetc - - - --] nbp&v&SGtv t exi*; 'AyLfwrUifwxs G*w<; Sv [ifUillXeLftv Til^ <4vaYpa.q>ai; ItdtVMuv luv SeSe>y|i£v£i3v ujnltp t5.\i TplETI^pEJwv xal £v 8 [napaMuEi ai>cd- tou; ’Ajuptxr idvtcrm intip xav tpitJ'ngpiicjv dwyp&uai Ta ^Ypanx ra (int Nlx%3X ou SpX 1 *™^ it&OYlMiva etc t^v olxCav xfiv &TfteU#Vj rf^ev 51 WX& H«l £v K«pa56o€lr [r:apctxa7.Ei - - - to'Ik; j4|j]4pty[tLava^. vacat ] vacai b, (lut Nix&px^u &px DVT ^ lv Ac]^potc ? JljuXatot ESoiev xotc •ah- CpiJxiEoatVj Sv f) 0 uct(j 3 nit Aiovtiawt iq [twl Kc^bi seal flt] dy&vErc oG? kJolv&v t£>y Te^vii&v t&y *Io©|i5v [xal Ne^^s™ ytviYG[ai fic xo&c lipopv%Ef>vflC 5fcv &nv iv xi&i [^viauTtn tv fit fiv al Tjpimn^t^ xafSfJx&xnv tGi Aimnikr&H xui Ka] 5u cLul iv Qtljpai^ frufcp toG [xfyi] (ixtXCtpfav ipxew] iv Tfy %i£pa[i ftv if] n6kz xGv 8i^aluxv xal t 4 x]otvfrv t£>y Texvixfifv] 1,6 [|J6fX[fjv tpi- ET7]pL5fk>V i vtA r fjfetpac TWJpEu[0fj6™c xal ^Ttcp^ovi^vco-c xsKjayra^, k]« 1 {e}c^; Sv ttav^Y^p^ Page 72 10 Tivqnou, xal octaofc *{«l to!; ouvepYaJIoniwou: iiIiwe, naJvTeofW' 4 &m 64 tu: mpd Tiutfl &yr\K tw£ fujoid^ip ti[^61kxci£ iorw iv %tupixTto]aw ctvat 5E xed xb tep6v tchj Alq^&jou xory KaS^cCov [t 6 iv 0^ot^ dnfr navwv &]mjXov xaEWtirep x«l ^5 £v AtXqM?"t P t^v M EhjaEav xal liras yyIXXeiv l]til tc6Xti^ ti^u « tuv ©Ipatev 74 tt 6 Xiw nal TWC TEX^ a C’ xfuplpyt Si 1 tiFvai qlbcov^jpowrat xd HCni xfr ltp£*vi t6v se tepid toD Air^'^au xal Tq^ inn4/eX[ijT4c fori t«1^ tex^w* xnl .$YWWJ^TJV 0i$aUiv- dvaypd^ai Si t&v [ypapiisila tIS]c xb r|r^(py5iJia iv an^au; Suolv jtccL dvaflELvaL t9^v plv Iv AeX?polc iv w[l tepdx tou An6XXwrvo]c 5tiou 5h? SoxijL ly smXXI- ^iiiii ETvai i ttJv Si *8 iv 9 t^P«^ nspd t6v mpri[v -si^ Ee^IX^, dv]«J(Mvfti 51 xat twv £XXiav kp*sv Sjtolj &v Soxrji isi xoXHotc xdXXurttt .ELriv \iTfih t nt^ truvEpyaCopIvm^ athwt |i^- tc TToXlj^nu |j.^fCE Etpa[va]^ L al Xd ^ dy [tJML^f]xai s Xat] Xn ^ajiuk>9|i tou dywvoBlTa t xal ^yAyiiio^ E- 5pic>v 6 Seiva TCacpcjjxdXccxEv PoiTltOWJ toO^ lepc^v^jsovac 6 dYcavofllxT^ Bfipat^w TCap'EjxnXeo^v Bourguet. 7 Ebert (™tfoEjYM^ v « ankoE? dv tui i]«|jc[ui Pomtow; (ouve5pki>i t£jv fioY^diwv twv dvaY®Yp«tJMdv Exkotm y^« 0 Bousquet. 16: Nikitsky; dvarpa^vcu Bourguet. 18:I™* inl navifrupiv xaixfiv fiuolajv Bourguet. 19 Klaffenbach; {*} del. Nikitsky: wope«[oii**i« inoiiTon dv^EYpe^vou: xpmjpfcus, x]«i lu? Bourguet. 20: l xal ™ a< - Bourguet; M *<*; *<& * av i^woiv Nikitsky. 21-22 Bourguet: fr l Nikitsky. 23 Nikitsky: dvaropstoxti Bourguet. 24 Nikitsky: xf Mt toC « 48:1 Bourguet. 25 Nikitsky: fa* 100 ™tvou ™}v Bourguet. 26-32 Bourguet. 33 Robert: tmufc o5v»? Nikitsky. 34 Nikitsky: |K«V[ eit « *ai Wvnpnultv Wpab nActjdveooL Bourguet. 35 Nikitsky: npocvcJ^efvTwv Bourguet. 36 Ebert: Bourguet; ipm>ipB«[s jH™®* Bousquet. 37: W.ni)[i, (ir\ cTptv aiJTWi tiijRflqjoij dflep]4AEU*v Bourguet. 38: *l[p$vns, yirfit aouMsv, ^o 4 io<; known from the papyrieach new document glued to the last until a roll was made up; cf. N. Lewis, Papyrus in Classical Antiquity (Oxford 1974) 81. Page 74 b: So that the sacrifice to Dionysus [Cadmeius and the] games conducted by the city of the Thebans and the] Isthmian-[Nemean] Artists may be [as fine as possible,] the hieromnemones of the [year in which the] trieterides are [held for Dionysus] Cadmeius in Thebes [are to see to it that the sacred truce begins] on the day [on which the Thebans and the Artists] wish.... All [Artists assigned to the sacrifice] of the trieterides are to have security and inviolability for five days in coming [and as many in leaving] and while the festival lasts, both themselves [and their assistants,] everywhere. If anyone contrary to this seize or plunder any of them, [he is to be subject to prosecution before the Amphictyons.] The temple of Dbnysus Cadmeius [in Thebes] is to be inviolable [from all], like the temple in Delphi. The Thebans and the Artists [are to proclaim] the sacrifice and truce to the cities. [Those empowered to] administer the temple affairs are to be the priest of Dbnysus, the overseers named by the Artists, and the agonothete of the Thebans. (Provisbns for inscribing.) c: Inasmuch as the Thebans and the Isthmian-Nemean [Artists] have asked the Amphbtyons to make the temple of [Dbnysus] invblable and to take care of the security of the contest as well, so that the sacrifbe of the trieterides for Dbnysus Cadmeius may be conducted as finely as possible, [the Amphb] tyons decree that if any flutist, chorist, or tragb or comb actor assigned to the trieterides by the Artists should not compete in the trieterides conducted in accordance with the law of Thebes but, in good health, should mbs the competitbn, neither he nor his assistants is to have security in war or peace. If he should not compete and is punished by the agonothete, he is to be subject to arrest everywhere. If any city or [magistrates or private person] should remit the fine ... 14: For of games cf. 97.25; 101.35; Plut. Dem. 40.7: xs* 3 ^For xnfTaaicEud^vtai Ebert adduced 100.30 (M>c ■ ■ WfxaHowuSqwv), but Syl 1.3 690.3 (xnTayiAvLEacrfm , ftiw 16: The provision for inscribing this decree begins only later (26ff.). The present passage comes after the statement that the date of the festival is to be at the organizers' discretion, and before the privileges for Artists who participate. Perhaps here was a provision that the date of the festival, when decided upon, is to be posted beside the sekos of Semele, perhaps on a temporary leukoma,56 so but the usual verb is ii8£vmi and its compounds (e.g., at Miletus: ^ mw ^ 22: For the citation of the precedent see on 3.7. 23-24: The city and the Artists are joint sponsors of the games (cf. 12); what they proclaim jointly "to the cities" (of Boeotia, in my view) was only the games 56. On the practice see Wilhelm, Beitrags 246-247, 273-274. 57. Syll.3 577.29. Cf. I.Ephesos 4.21; I.Priene 59.36; Dem. 56.18; ^IG IX.2 1109.35; SB XIV 12144.15; xcn«: I.Cret. Ill iv 7.14; but LSCG 50.17: (the decree) Ifr ... and Dem. 58.8-9. Page 75 of Dionysus, the "sacrifice and truce": like Acraephia, Thebes requested asylia from the Amphictyony, games from the cities. 24-26: At Acraephia the parallel passage brought about an innovation, the addition of the agonothete (3.15); here it is not made clear what is changed. 34ff.: For the privilege conditional upon fulfillment of a contract cf. IG XII.9 191.A.37-38: Chaerephanes and his laborers will enjoy asylia only so long as they are doing their work for the city. Again on Euboea, Artists who miss work are to be |4 y*y»h, 207.42-45; compare 62, t£w npfaepov with line 39 here. Unidentified Boeotian Temple I place here a mention of inviolability for a temple that certainly was Boeotian and possibly was that of Dionysus at Thebes; its date is ca. 225-200 BC . 5. Amphictyonic Council Delphi, Theban Treasury (?). Two nonjoining fragments of white marble. Letters and intersp. 0.008: full-sized O, right hasta of II almost fully descended, E with somewhat divergent bars; last quarter of the third century BC (Bousquet). Inv. 1145, upper fragment; h. 0.20, w. 0.15, th. 0.18; found in 1894 probably by the Theban Treasury: H. Pomtow, Klio 14 (1915) 301 [Flaceliere, Aitoliens 417]. Inv. 1145, +7664, lower fragment (find unrecorded); h. 0.11, w. 0.15, th. 0.165: Bousquet, BCH 88 (1964) 385-387 [SEG 22.450]; Roesch, Etudes beotiennes 10-11 [SEG 32.541]. Photograph: Bousquet fig. 5. a.. (G c oj ( [ML - - - -] AktdXSv ---] [**--*--.- -.■. ]Xou Koi[taiQ£ - ---J 4 ..- **-**.*---+• J B- I *... \ [ - -■* --- * - ®cw]Xqv ^-_t**«, t ***_***-] ---0i.i)XouSbu ^ |BowhoI iac ftfej 4 [AcXspoi ------ 4[vttypi(]KiL - ^ [ t 6 M Tilt Uptii xoO tq[v vacat? ] vacat B . 1 Roesch: — Bousquet. 4 itetwi Roesch; a[v«Yp. « TavY(<><><><><><><><><><><> Sulla is found to have stated: "In fulfillment of a vow I attach to the temple of Amphiaraus land for one mile continuously in every direction, so that this land too be inviolable." Likewise it is found that to the god Amphiaraus have been dedicated all the revenues from the city and territory and harbors, for the games and sacrifices which the Oropians celebrate for Amphiaraus, likewise those which they will celebrate hereafter in honor of the victory and power of the Roman peopleexcepting the fields of Hermodorus son of Olympichus, priest of Amphiaraus, who has always remained in the friendship of the Roman people. (B.3) Ratification of this by the Senate in 80 B . c . (lines 54-57): tt fk*jL k%\ tun tepft stitoO Affyxioc EtiXXas ftnh <><><><><><><><><><><> While in the lex bcationis those lands are excluded which Sulla granted for the security of the sacred precincts of the immortal gods, Amphiaraus, to whom these lands are claimed to have been granted, is no god, so that it is permitted that the publicans enjoy these lands. Page 80 (C) The Senate's decree in 73 on the findings of the committee in favor of Amphiaraus (lines 65-67): etvai icntt t4v tt£ v^iov, S&xelv its&s xw .rca xqpKE^erftai.r. The issue here was not asylia but the tax status of land and of revenues that had formerly been secular and were now sacred. The publicans challenged the sacredness of the added land and the dedicated revenues, not a "right of asylum," which Sulla mentions only in passing. According to Augustine (De civ.D. 4.27), the pontifex maximus Q. Mucius Scaevola (consul in 100 BC ) had written that the general public ought not to be told that Asclepius and the like had been mortal, lest doubt be raised about their divinity. Cicero, who was a member of the committee that found against the publicans in the case of Oropus (lines 11-12), years later wrote complacently of the controversy, without mentioning the outcome or his own participations an Amphiaraus erit deus et Trophonius? nostri quidem publicani, cum essent agri in Boeotia deorum inmortalium excepti lege censoria, negabant inmortalis esse ulbs qui aliquando homines fuissent. sed si sunt hi di, est certe Erechtheus ... Thus Sulla did two things in 86. He increased the god's land by adding one mile to the radius of the precinct, 72 and he diverted to the upkeep of the god's festival the taxes that the city of Oropus paid annually to Rome. The first entailed ownership, the second "enjoyment" (x^ntceoGsi). The topographical import of the first act is uncertain, for we do not know the original radius. 73 The narrow valley in which are crowded the temple and its attendant buildings is about four Roman miles from the city proper. Even before Sulla, the sacred land may well have extended to the coast. The harbor Delphinium, about a mile from the temple, Strabo calls "the sacred harbor";74 if this usage is older than Sulla, the original sacred land may already have extended a mile from the temple. As to the resignation of Roman taxes, nature and art combined to make the harbors of this coast very lucrative, and the Oropians are singled out for their 71. Nat. d. 3.49. with A. S. Pease ad be. (II 1080-82). At Leg. 2.19 he has no doubt that Ascbpius ought to be worshipped. For publicans' encroachments on sacred land see Rostovtzeff, SEHHW III 1526 n. 89. 72. Compare two miles at Didyma and Hieracome, and Antony's doubling at Ephesus. 73. The boundary stone IG VII 422 (IV b.c?) is from the site itself, but precisely where is not recorded: 74. Strab. 9.2.6 (403): 6 *aWn. AeX^-vtcv; restored by Kohler at IG 13 428.6: ’Opamw iep[« —■ Cf. Petrakos (1968) 11; Wallace 25, 43-45. Page 81 rapacious taxation of traders from Oropus one can see Eretriathe shortest passage between Attica and Euboea. 76 Taxes on sales and transit of goods and on land formed the bulk of any Greek city's revenue. By n P 6oo8ot (47) are meant Rome's revenues, its tax on Oropus, and not the tax revenues of Oropus itselfthe diversion of which to the god would have ruined the city. The god will now "enjoy" (not own) those resources, receiving the revenues that formerly went to Rome. Oropus, we know, hailed Sulla as savior and benefactor77 and renamed the Panhellenic games the ■p« E **t*78 The taxes they had paid to Rome now would go to their god, to pay for games that would otherwise have been a substantial expense to the city. Alexander had done a similar favor for Artemis and the Ephesians when he assigned to the goddess the taxes that the city had paid the Persians .79 Sulla himself assigned the income of half the territory of Thebes to repay the temples at Delphi, Olympia, and Epidaurus for the goods he had requisitioned of them .80 The priest's property is exempted from the assignment to Amphiaraus (50); apparently this dignitary and friend of Romesi was already exempt from Roman taxation, and consequently from the transfer of that obligation to the god. Temples of Zeus Basileus and of Trophonius, Lebadeia In his oracle inscribed at the Ptoium in the 220s (2), Trophonius had as much to say about his own Lebadeia as about Acraephia, calling for its dedication 75. Heraclid. Perieg. 7 (p. 76 Pfister); see Robert, Hellenica XI-XII (1960) 265. 76. And traditionally Oropus' mother city: Nbocrates FGrHist 376 F 1. Knoepfler (above, n. 70) 278-280 suggests that Oropus did not in fact exist in the preceding generation, with the Amphiaraeum attributed to Eretria, and that Sulla reestablished Oropus. The silence of 6 about this reestablishment perhaps speaks against this idea. 77. IG VII 264 (Petrakos [1968] pi. 58b); cf. 372 for his wife. 78. On the and other Boeotian festivals in the age of Sulla see A. G. Gossage, BSA 70 (1975) 115-134, esp. 117-118 n. 6. 79. Arr. Anab. 1.17.10. Cf. Antbchus I of Commagene on the revenue of villages dedicated to the gods (IGLSyrie I 1.19, quoted p. 31 n. 6). 80. Plut. Sul. 12, 19; App. Mith. 54; Dbd. 38.7. 81. Cf. A. J. Marshall, AJP 89 (1968) 52-53. We know or suspect other members of Flermodorus' family: an Olympbhus was priest of Amphiaraus early in the third century b.c. (Petrakos [1968] 156 no. 12 = IG VII 336); toward 150 b.c. Hermodorus' father proposed the pro-Roman decree Syll.3 675 (defense against Athens; cf. Knoepfler [above, n. 70] 276 n. 109); a probable descendant in IG VII 341 was the agonothete of the first of the new games after Sulla (Knoepfler 280 n. 127). Page 82 to Zeus Basileus and Trophonius, the proclaiming of a contest, and the repair of the temple of Zeus. As to asylia: if the Lebadeians did as the Acraephians, they will have sought inviolability for their temples of Zeus and of Trophonius, and at some date in the last quarter of the third century. We have, however, no evidence that they did so .82 A text of the third century A . D . need reveal no more than the rhetoric of its age in speaking of "the holy city of Lebadeia," ^ W (IG VII 3105). As to the games, the facts are uncertain. As we have seen, the Acraephians probably responded to the oracle by making the Ptoia Pan-Boeotian, not Panhellenic, and possibly the Thebans did likewise in these years. At Lebadeia two festivals83 come into the question because two gods are named. The Basileia, founded after Leuctra in 371, are first attested as Panhellenic at the end of the third century B . c ., the Trophonia in the early second. 84 Thus we know only a terminus ante quern for each, but that much is consistent with their gaining the status as a result of this oracle, and thus in the last quarter of the third century. Asylia for these two sacred places, which adjoin each other on a hill outside the city proper, would not have been untoward. 85 The cults of Zeus Basileus and Trophonius were famous. In the Boeotian-Aetolian treaty (early third century BC ), the oath begins with Zeus Basileus.86 A new temple of Zeus seems to have been begun toward the end of the third century and extensively repaired in the first half of the second, partly with funds from Antiochus IV; it does not seem ever to have been completed.87 Apollo's sonss Trophonius, who spoke from a cave, was the most respected oracular god in Boeotia, and much frequented. Pausanias gives examples of cities that are dedicated to gods: ... b™*™v Tpo^vt^ (1.34.2). The cult statue was by Daedalus (Paus. 9.40.3), and the fame of the oracle had spread beyond Greece already in archaic times (Hdt. 1.46, 8.134). 82. But see the unattributed 229, where one might restore a reference to Zeus Basileus. 83. See Moretti, I. agon. gr. pp. 105-107. 84. References at D. Knoepfler, Chiron 22 (1992) 487. Diodorus (15.53.4) knew an oracle of Trophonius delivered upon the occasbn of the founding of the Basileia in 371 b.c., stipulating that the games be Panhellenic (inrava: TiBivui Ad BdtuXer crTDjxrvt-ojv); this certainly is anachronistic. 85. For "Zeus Trophonbs" see E. Rohde, Psyche I (New York 1925) 107-108. Dbaearchus wrote a tract on the Trophonium: frags. 13-22 Wehrli. 86. Staatsvertr. Ill 463; cf. Roesch, Etudes 359-364. In the second century b.c. some Boeotians in Egypt made a dedbatbn to "Zeus Basileus and the other ancestral gods" (SB III 6664). 87. Etienne and Knoepfler 337-342; Feyel, Contributbn 67 n. 1. On the topography see E. Valias and N. Phaklas, AAA 2 (1969) 228-233; Lee Ann Turner, "The History, Monuments, and Topography of Ancient Lebadeia" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania 1994). 88. Hence perhaps Lactant. Plac. ad Stat. Thea 7.345 on Lebadeia: civitas Apollini sacrata. Page 83 On the question of deified mortals, Cicero mentioned not only Amphiaraus but also Trophonius before citing the publicans' challenge to the tax exemption of fields "in Boeotia" (Nat. d. 3.49, cited above). Larsen concluded that Sulla made the same gesture to Trophonius at Lebadeia as to Amphiaraus at Oropus.89 Feyel observed that the Basileia in the first century BC had more money than in the preceding century and that this derived now not from the cities of the League but from a tithe: this, he thought, reflected the assignment of Rome's tax burden to Trophonius as at Oropus .90 But his case rests on an unjustified equation of the Trophonia and the Basileia .91 So I leave open the question whether Sulla intervened in this way at Lebadeia, noting only that the assignment of tax revenues does not prove inviolability, as the two are distinct matters. Temple of Apollo Delius, Tanagra The Delium, the famous temple of Apollo that Tanagra possessed on its coast, some eight kilometers from the city ,92 is described as follows by Livy (35.51), in narrating the attack on a Roman army there by troops of Antiochus III in 192 BC : ubi et in fano lucoque ea religbne et eo iure sancto, quo sunt templa quae asyla Graeci appellant. The Greeks and Flamininus, we are told, expressed outrage (Diod. 29.1). Roman troops gathered at the temple were attacked, Livy says, in spite of the sanctity of the place and the fact that there was not yet the formality of war. No doubt Livy's source was Polybius, who mentions the inviolability of a threatened temple in Arcadia, and who makes a similar complaint about an attack at the Itonium in time of peace (see pp. 57, 91). Hence this passage may be no more than partisan fulmination. But it is possible that at some time Tanagra laid before the Romans the claim and evidence that the temple had been declared inviolable; and indeed Livy's phrase has the ring of a Roman legal pronouncement. A brief statement by Appian about the Delium (Syr. 12: kpiv v icn .1 t6 xupUiv vu^uuvot;) jg too generic to decide the matter. 89. In T. Frank, ed., Econ. Survey IV (Baltimore 1938) 307-308, 365, 427; cf. Wallace 176-177. 90. Feyel, Contribution 86-87; cf. Knoepfler (above, n. 7) 294. 91. See Moretti, I. agon. gr. p. 105. 92. For references see Wallace 27-29; Fossey 62-66; Schachter I 44-47. Honors voted by Tanagra announced at the games of Apolb Delius and elsewhere: IG VII 20.12. Page 84 Alalcomenae The temple of Athena Alalcomeneis stood on the south shore of Lake Copais, in the plain below Mt. Tilphossium .93 Here Athena was born; the Boeotian month Alalkomenios and the legendary Alalcomeneus (Page, PMG 985) hint at the early importance of the cult. When Alexander attacked Thebes, the statue of Athena Alalcomeneis burst into flames (Ael. VH 12.57). The Boeotian-Aetolian treaty (early third century) was inscribed AXakxotiEvst^ as well as at the Itonium and Onchestus (Staatsvertr. Ill 463.a.5). Boeotians held that when Homer mentioned *axoXw?Wc *asiWi he meant their goddess, not, as others thought, "guardian Athena. "94 The temple suffered the depredations of Sulla, and in Pausanias' time it was in decline and overgrown; he was told little of local legend (9.33.5- 7). Strabo, with access to earlier and better sources than Pausanias, reports a local story and claim (9.2.36 [413]); this was an ancient temple of Athena, greatly honored, and here she was born: Aia rtuwi S 1 MjcrtaXdf Tfiv ivt-aGSa le^ol tivrec xffi, xxl yap xal f ofrcff . . t?jv Si&v stdvrss £ne[^ovt& <><><><><><><><><><><><> This is probably why there is no mention of men from here in the Catabgue: for being sacred, they were exempt from the expeditbn. And in fact the city has always continued unplundered, although it is not large ... for all men, respecting the goddess, have abstained from any vblence. Hence (he concludes) the Thebans fled to Alalcomenae during the war of the Epigoni. The story, certainly older than the time of Sulla, bears an obvious similarity to the fourth- century Elean explanation of their absence from early wars. It is possible that the tale reflects a formal grant of inviolability dating to the Hellenistic age, which has left no trace in inscriptions. But it seems more likely that the opposite is the case, and the story is a myth of classical date. 93. Schachter I 111-114; Roesch, Etudes 218-220; on the topographical problem see W. K. Pritchett, Studies in Ancient Greek Topography II (Berkeley/Los Angeles 1969) 86 n. 10; Wallace 143-144; Fossey 332-335. 94. II. 4.8 = 5.908, with H. Erbse, Scholia graeca I (Berlin 1969) 446. Page 85 Greece: Doubtful Cases In Greece apart from Boeotia, several instances of declared inviolability are possible, but all are subject to various kinds of uncertainty.i Most of these (Epidaurus, Calaureia, Taenarum, Hermione, Nicopolis) are on Plutarch's list of inviolable temples attacked by the Cilician pirates. Athens Athens cultivated the reputation of being the benefactor and savior of the Greeks and the protector of suppliants. In Roman times we know of an "Altar of Mercy" (IG II 2 4786; Paus. 1.17.1); Statius offers the fullest account, that the goddess dementia founded an altar in Athens where all might take refuge, hence Athenian protection of suppliants from the Heracleidae on (Theb. 12.481-518 ).2 1. The famous temple of Hera at Argos is called an asylum in a late Latin source, as well as in the piracy list of Plutarch and the let in Polybius (p. 38): Ampel. Lib. mem. 8.6: Iunonis templum magnifice ornatum, quod asylum vocant; cf. Pomp. Mela 2.41: templum Iunonis vetustate et rel'gbne percelebre. I hesitate to press this as evidence for an earlier Greek belief or recognition. Likewise Pausanias when he remarks the particular capacity of various temples to receive suppliants: so 3.5.6, the "Pebponnesians" from earliest times held Athena Alea at Tegea in such awe that foreigners took refuge there and no one thought to demand their surrender c f. 2.13.4 on Hebe at Phlius (Sfteiav txcTtwuoi). 2. R. E. Wycherley, Athenian Agora III (Princeton 1957) 67-74, 122 (perhaps the Altar of the Twelve Gods); P. Bruggisser, Romulus Servianus (Bonn 1987) 175-183. On the individuality of the Statius passage see J. F. Burgess, CQ n.s. 22 (1972) 339-349; A. W. Verrall, Collected Literary Essays (Cambridge 1913) 225-226, argued that the notion of Athens as humane to refugees had first been devebped in the second half of the fifth century. Page 86 Of declared inviolability at Athens, early or late, there is no clear proof. But some problematic material needs to be considered. It was a commonplace by Roman times, and often in modern, that in ancient Athens two holy places had the right to receive suppliants: the Theseum east of the Agora and the Grove of the Furies, the Semnai Theai, on the Areopagus. Not surprisingly, given Greek norms, there is quite explicit evidence that sacred places in classical Athens other than these two received suppliants.3 I suggest that the reports of their special exemption are a projection of Roman notions onto the classical past. The Theseum Theseus had at least two temples in Athens, the Theseum on the north slope of the Acropolis and the depository of his bones by the Agora.4 As to status, first the late evidence. Diodorus (4.62.4) states that for the bones of Theseus, brought back to Athens from abroad, the Athenians "made an inviolable precinct" ( inoi^oav)■ QmOn brought the bones from Scyros in the 470s.5 In the scholia to Aristophanes and Aeschines and in the lexicographers, the Theseum is explicitly a place where slaves can escape their masters; so too Plutarch: X aimen.-toftxm pi3^EQ 5' TE JI'T^OV 7E SOi IkctcCkhei Soupt Tgu£ \i9\ afr xt£lv$ aL^pcj Ixtaoc dSixelv \ximi 6 1 Upot ts xal iyvoC. <><><><><><><><><><><><> Watch the Areopagus and the smoking altars of the Eumen'ides, where Lacedaemonians, pressed by the spear, will supplicate you: do not kill them with iron, or harm suppliants; suppliants are sacred and holy. Pausanias goes on to contrast the Athenians' later treatment of the Cylonians there. Again the comic authors are crucial. A character in Aristophanes proposes flight ck x6 tmv < 7 q*v«v (Thesm. 224); a scholiast explained fiouXov Yopefxf" ot xaraj.r(|ipivovTEr t* irpjc twv ’Epc^bv ^iq And Aristophanes in the 8. The verb, perhaps a euphemism current at the end of the fifth century for murder by deception, recurs at Ar. frag. 374 (the Lemnian women who killed their husbands) and at Thuc. 3.81 (the Corcyraean democrats killed [djrfxwivov] all of the opposite party whom they could find in the city, and Messenian troops whom they had persuaded to board ships they then debarked and did away with [gx i£iv vsfiw knout hwumv iop^vm Of those who had taken refuge as suppliants in the temple of Hera, fifty were persuaded to come out and stand trial, and were condemned; the majority, who refused, took their own lives in the temple. 9. Paus. 7.25.1-2; cf. H. W. Parke, The Oracles of Zeus (Oxford 1967) 130-131. 10. The noun may reflect a late date and Latin influence; see above, p. 31 n. 8. Page 89 Knights (quoted above) links the Theseum and the Grove of the Furies as places of refuge: but which grove of the Furies is not said; the scholiast's plural suggests his own uncertainty. Conclusion What then can be said of a special status for these two shrines? It is the comic authors who need explanationas was already felt in antiquity; and all the claims about the two as special asyla likely derive from scholarly attempts to explain Aristophanes. We can imagine why shrines of the Furies by the fifth century had entered popular consciousness as a traditional place of refuge, for such were the storiesthe Peloponnesian troops, the Cylonians, Oedipus, doubtless more. The more interesting question concerns Theseus' tomb, half a century old when Aristophanes wrote. I think it impossible that one temple in the 470s BC . can have been formally declared to possess a "right of asylum," with the implication that others did notthat is a Roman notion. But how then did the Theseum come, by Aristophanes' time, to be seen as an especially good place for a slave to flee to? Plutarch's explanation may well be right (Thes. 36.4), "because he was of a protecting and helpful nature and attended generously to the requests of the weak": the comments in the comic writers reflect not some formal enactment but popular appreciation of the character of Theseus. Dodona Dionysius of Halicarnassus, writing of the age before the Trojan War, says that the residents of Dodona were sacred and thus no one would inflict war upon them; hence their kinsmen the Pelasgians took refuge with them: xpmi&yiz'voi iqpbQ toCi^ iv Aw&Svjj xatODtoDvta-; af&v ots; n6\t%iav ihiupcp biv Upou; (Ant. ROITI. 1.18.2). Dodona flourished in the Hellenistic period, and it may have well have been declared sacred and inviolable then; but in the absence of more concrete evidence this is speculative. Epidaurus At Epidaurus was the first great pilgrimage shrine of Asclepius, situated in the countryside outside of the city. In imperial times the city is sometimes called Page 90 "Epidaurus the holy." The city so names itself in erecting a statue of Caracalla, tup*. ■Eniaaufx*; (ig IV.I 2 611), comparable to monuments at Roman Delphi (p. 48). In the 40s ad the Athenian Areopagus and demos each voted a statue for a distinguished citizen who had died prematurely at Epidaurus (IG 82-84): his family had ranked with those of the finest cities of GreeceLacedaemon, Argos, "Epidaurus the holy"and statues of him are to be erected at Eleusis and "Epidaurus the holy" (copies of these two decrees are to be sent simply to "Epidaurus"). So too in the authors: Aelius Aristides was directed by a vision etc ’Esusa^ovt^upivtooscosi (52.1); Plutarch says "holy Epidaurus" when alluding to Pericles' siege at the start of the Peloponnesian War (Per. 35.3: kpe* -e^s^ov; see also Paus. 2.1.4: ’Eiudau^^up?; c f, 2.26.3: ’Aoxa^wj u up«veiwn, T ?jv yt>v). Plutarch (Sull. 12.3) says that Sulla "disturbed the asylums of Greece (^ 1 ^^ 'exxaso? acuXa), transferring the richest dedications from both Epidaurus and Olympia." His use of the noun may suggest a Latin source. He also includes the Asclepieum in his list of inviolable places raided by pirates in the early first century BC (Pomp. 24.5). In poems, finally, we find ’EretSiupoc (IG 128.37, 692.5). Such was the affectation of the time for a place possessed of a famous shrinethese phrases need not prove that there had been a formal recognition of asylia. It is more telling that the word appears on some bronze coins of the city under Antoninus Pius and Caracalla: IEPA 2 (BMC Pelop. 159). I would nevertheless urge that Epidaurus remains a doubtful case. The coins may reflect the rhetorical usage described above and need not attest to a declaration of inviolability, whether Hellenistic or legendary. The great "increase" in the cult of Asclepius came in the first half of the fourth century BC , 100 years before the beginnings of declared inviolability. Perhaps Hellenistic Epidaurus had some legend that, as for Olympia or Delphi, gave it the luxury of an early claim to the status and no need to seek formal recognition; but if that is so, it has left no trace in our literary evidence. Calaureia On the little island Calaureia was a well-known temple of Poseidon .11 Strabo (8.6.14 [373]) calls it an asylum sacred to Poseidon or an inviolable temple of Poseidon (dvracea fjv Sctuiov iiootiSwvoc up6*), who gained the island from 11. See Wilamowitz, Kl. Schr. V. 1 100-113; R. W. M. Schumacher, in Greek Sanctuaries, ed. N. Marinatos and R. Hagg (London/New York 1993) 74-76. Page 91 Leto in exchange for Delos .12 He proceeds to quote Ephorus for an oracle that calls for the exchange and compares Calaureia to Delos but says nothing of asylia:i3 !ij6v Tot AfjXdv te KaXaupiffi-w it k« 1 Tah^opsv iJvcfi^Evxa. The first part of this chapter of Strabo, with the word seems to be his own rather than from Ephorus in the fourth century The temple of Poseidon, much enriched by new constructions in the fourth century BC , was the center of a religious amphictyony; it is in the list of those attacked by Cilician pirates. It was well known to Hellenistic and later authors because Demosthenes took refuge there ,14 and there his grave was shown; perhaps this moved Strabo to apply the word "asylum" to it. Temple of Artemis, Lusi According to Polybius, in 220 BC an Aetolian army pillaging Arcadia approached the temple of Artemis at Lusi, "which is between Cynaetha and Cleitor and is considered inviolable among the Greeks (s™*°* u ^■mii™), anc j threatened to seize the flocks of the goddess and the other things that belonged to the temple; but the Lusiates, by prudently giving them some of the furnishings of the goddess, averted the impiety of the Aetolians and suffered nothing serious" (4.18.9-12). Again, in the anti-Aetolian speech of the Acarnanian at Sparta in 211 (cf. p. 38), Polybius includes this shrine among the "inviolable temples" plundered by the Aetolians (9.34.8-10): Y e Jtnl TOL^TacLvd^tji tou HqcteiEcjvoc >eat xffc lv Acuerou; lepbv + Ap'c^i^o(; iatiXijae; thg 3ll6Q6Cl SVCPlt IS conventionally assigned to the 240s BC (cf. Walbank, Comm. 1483). Thus Polybius claims that the Aetolians plundered the temple on one occasion and extorted from it on another, even though it was "inviolable." 12. In the preceding sentence he had stated blandly that "Troezen is sacred to Poseidon, from whom it was once called Pose'donia"; the means no more than that Poseidon was the patron divinity; cf. above, p. 12. For other testimonia for the exchange of Debs and Calaureia see Parke/Wormell II 126 (earliest: Callim. frag. 593 Pf.). 13. FGrHist 70 f 150; Parke/Wormell no. 314. Paus. 2.33.2, quoting the oracle, comments: Up&v taaofe «ywv, 14. Plut. Mor. 846 (suppliant first at the temple of Aeacus on Aegina, then Poseidon on Calaureia); cf. 849 B . Page 92 In fact we have an Aetolian grant of collective personal inviolability to the citizens of Lusi (IG IX.I 2 135, from Calydon): l&YctSai, tux® 1 ' AItmXuv Aowul[tecu; Aou]- IXtav xaL ■SrfctfOatt} Wp + fcsnfrt; AiwfXEav £v] [AfoilXfal KftTflwJoUVTWV [yllfcfe opifun^ [Tipi Xp^l-a]- frcr et hi tCc; xa fj At™X6g jj [tov iv Al™X(ai kuct]- [olxoPvtcjv AQWLiiJmv ^ t[ 4 atkoij - - - ] 1 - .]NTO[..--J This decree belongs with the dozen or so Aetolian grants of personal inviolability, a kind of act that does not concern cult. And we may as easily restore in 2-3, as in the Aetolian decree for the Delians (quoted p. 52). This grant should not be confused with the status of the temple ,15 whatever the value of Polybius' claimyet just this equation has been the basis of dating the inscribed decree to the episode of 220 (Poulsen) "or soon after" (Klaffenbach), which strictly speaking would contradict Polybius, who portrays asylia as a fact already in 220. Indeed, the clipped formulary and the script of this decree seem to me rather earlier. Thus the two items need have no connection. But Polybius' words may imply not merely an attitude on the part of the Greeks but a concrete declaration of Hellenistic date, and the Aetolians may be responding in their own manneras they would do for Magnesia and Teos. But if that is so, they would here be departing even further from the usual formulary of territorial asylia, of which this decree shows no trace. So the question of asylia of this temple turns in the end on the credibility of Polybius when he denounces Aetoliansin my view, another non liquet. The goddess was Artemis Hemera,i6 known already to Bacchylides (Epin. 11.92-112) and to Callimachus (Hymn. 3.233-236); her games, the Hemerasia, are attested in the second and first centuries BC . The temple, a kilometer east of the city proper, was built toward 300 bc, and the cult seems to have enjoyed its greatest prosperity in the third century. But this is not one of the greater cults of Arcadia, and we must doubt that Polybius' statement implies a recognition of asylia in the Hellenistic period. The city had ceased to exist by Pausanias' time (8.18.8). 15. E.g., P. Ducrey, Le traitement des prisonniers de guerre (Paris 1968) 310: "The sanctuary had received from the Aetolians the privilege of asylia." 16. See M. Jost, Sanctuaires et cultes d'Arcadie (Paris 1985) 419-425. Page 93 Temple of Poseidon, Taenarum Cape Taenarum had a famous shrine of Poseidon. 17 Scholars sometimes have included it in their lists of Greek temples with the "right of asylum," and a notorious act of refuge occurred there .18 We have seen above that Ephorus knew an oracle that set in parallel Delphi and Taenarum, Delos and Calaureia. Polybius, in the tendentious passage quoted above, applies to this temple the phrase The case for declared inviolability seems to me dubious. Hermione In late antiquity Hermione in the Argolid was reputed to be a special place of asylum; a phrase in Aristophanes perhaps gave rise to the several accounts that survive. At Zenobius 2.22 we find the following: 'e^v- &£Lo>,6you;-, + ml xwt xiyv mhovpptav ml &%JsoxpaTkav, bt xal t&l*; xal xal 9. I.Smyrna 573.7-12, quoted bebw; see C. Habicht, Gottmenschentum und greichische Stadte2 (Munich 1970) 99-102. The month name Stratonikeon must derive from the queen rather than the goddess, in parallel with the months Antbcheon and Laodikeon (cf. Robert, Op. min. sel. II 786-791; Bull, ep'gr. 1971, 630). 10. Perhaps the Two Nemeses, so visible and honored at Smyrna in imperial times; references at Petzl, I.Smyrna 628 and 741; M. K. and J. Nolle, ZPE 102 (1994) 245 n. 17. 11. Cf. Aphrodite Laodbe at Iasos in 193 b.c. (I.Iasos 4.80). The adjectival form: Zeus Philippbs at Eresos (Tod II 191.5); Heracles Dbmedontebs on Cos, founded by Dbmedon ca. 300 b.c. (Syll.3 1106; S. Sherwin-White, Ancient Cos, Hypomnemata 51 [Gottingen 1978] 363-364); Zeus Antigonebs in Lydia (H. Malay, Catabgue Manisa 69-74); Apolb Leontebs (Corsten, I.Bursa II 1017). Zeus Seleukbs, attested in Lydia (see TAM V.l 426), has been suggested as a royal conceit; cf. Nock, Essays I 156-157; but see J. and L. Robert, Hellenba VI (1948) 25, and H. Schwabl, RE 10a (1972) 358-359, for the pre-Hellenistic origin of the epithet (though no one will deny that the Seleucids came to bok with favor on the god). See the cautbus assessment by E. Badian in Ancient Macedonian Studies ... Edson (Thessabnba 1981) 40-41. 12. Karl Nipperdey, P. Cornelius Tacitus 19 (Berlin 1892) 228: "The goddess can be neither the same as Stratonice ... nor named after her, as the words ceteros obscurisinitus niti and propbra Sardianos etc. show. The epithet stands on its own" (citing Aphrodite Strateia, Nfcephorus, and Venus Vbtrix). Page 98 tcbc R&kc lc j cal t& ESvq foeSiEttsSai tc lepAv tift EtpatovuetBoc ji^ppo&htjc #0uXov ctsictL xal n% k£Xw ■fyicjv iepav Hal feruXov. <><><><><><><><><><><><> he honored our city because of our byalty and zeal toward his kingdom and because of his father the god Antiochus and his father's mother the goddess Stratonice being founded among us, honored with conspicuous honors ... and he guaranteed to the people autonomy and democracy, and he also wrote to the kings, dynasts, cities and natbns asking them to accept the temple of Aphrodite Stratonbis as invblable and the city as sacred and invblable. The king's interest is not in Stratonice alone but also in his father Antiochus; and his stated motives are typical of the age, as are the Smyrnaeans' honors for his two ancestors. This was background and coaxing for their present request regarding the status of the city and the temple of Aphrodite, which is a different cult from that of Antiochus and Stratonice. Tacitus says that the oracle the Smyrnaeans showed the Senate in AD 22 called for the foundation of the cult: "Others relied on origins obscured by age: the Smyrnaeans invoked an oracle of Apollo, on whose command they dedicated the temple to Venus Stratonicis.... The Sardians evoked more recent things, a gift of the victorious Alexander."i3 In this account the oracle with which the Smyrnaeans opened their case to the Romans was not the one that called for asylia in the 240s (7.5-6, 16) but a more remote one that established the cult itselfolder even than the refounding of Smyrna in the time of the Successors. 14 There is much room for confusion here by Tacitus or exaggeration by the Smyrnaeans, but the implication of this report is that Aphrodite Stratonicis was worshipped at Smyrna already before the time of Alexander and thus well before Stratonice. Accordingly, I follow those scholars who take the similarity of words, Stratonicis and Stratonice, as a happy accident. Aphrodite's epithet and cult were already in place; here as in some other cities she was a military goddess, "of the victorious army.'Ts Possibly the cult was no older than the refoundation 13. Ann. 3.63; as Segre pointed out, however, the same sentence is applied to Tenos, whose cult of Poseidon seems to date from the fourth century B .c. (see p. 163); but he thought that the oracles were those calling for asylia. 14. Compare the cases of Samos and Cos. The oracles mentioned in 7 and Tacitus are equated by Gebhard, Segre, Cadoux, and Parke/Wormell (II 140): that is, a single oracle both called for a new cult of Aphrodite Stratonbis and demanded its inviolability. Segre and Couve held that Tacitus is simply wrong about the date of the oracle and that the Smyrnaeans in a.d. 22 exaggerated the age of the temple. (The Oxford Stone does not mentbn an oracle.) 15. After Nipperdey, Wilamowitz, Nordbnische Steine, AbhBerl 1909.2 (Berlin 1909) 55 ("mit Rucksbht auf Stratonike umgedeutet"); Hofer, in Roscher, Lex. 4 (1915) 1551-1552. For images of Aphrodite in armor see Gow and Page, Hellenistb Epigrams II 334, 397. On the coins of Smyrna, however, there is nothing military about the image of Aphrodite, from whbh abne one would have deduced no more than the epithet nikephoros. Page 99 of the city at the end of the fourth century. But it is just as likely that the cult was maintained across the centuries when the inhabitants lived and without civic institutions. The archaeological record of Old Smyrna shows that the temple of Athena there was rebuilt after the Lydian destruction of ca. 600 BC ;i6 surely other cults were similarly kept up by the propertied families or by the villageseven or especially after the renewed destruction of the old site by the Persians ca. 545. If this view is correct, it bears the implication that the site for the refounded city was chosen with the temple of Aphrodite in mind, for the temple was at the center of the Hellenistic city (compare the Magnesians' choice). The date of the grant to Smryna is subject to several controls: 17 1. Seleucus' predecessor, Antiochus II, died at Ephesus in 246; Seleucus' accession was known in Babylon in August.is 2. The Delphian recognition of Smyrna's asylia (7.14ff.) provides that the theoroi sent to proclaim the Pythia are to praise Seleucus for his favor to Smyrna. The year 246 was a Pythian year, with the games occurring in August/September. 3. The Smyrnaean decree on the Oxford Stone opens with this account of Seleucus' movements at the start of his reign: previously at the time when King Seleucus crossed over into the Seleucis and many grave dangers were besetting our city and territory, our people maintained loyalty and friendship toward him, not disconcerted by the approach of enemies and not reckoning the bss of our possessions, 19 but counting everything second to holding to our policy and assisting his kingdom as much as we could, as we had undertaken from the start, whence his gratitude and his grant of asylia and other benefactions (quoted above). Thus between the death of Antiochus and the Delphian recognition for Smyrna (7) there was time for Seleucus to pass from Ephesus to Syria, for the Smyrnaeans, having suffered at the hands of enemies, to report their loyalty to him, for his benefactions to be reported to Smyrna, and for Smyrnaean ambassadors to reach Delphi. If Antiochus died in the spring or summer of 246, all this cannot have happened before the Pythian theoroi departed to announce 16. E. Akurgal, Alt-Smyrna I (Ankara 1983) 75-79, 120-123; Merit; and Nolle 230-232. 17. See Nachtergael, Les Galates 209-241, 328-338; cf. Ihnken pp. 36-42; Will, Histoire I 257-258. The traditional crux is the date of the Athenian archon Polyeuctus; NachtergaeFs case for 246/5 is given further support by M. J. Osborne, ZPE 78 (1989) 219. 18. A. J. Sachs and D. J. Wiseman, Iraq 16 (1954) 206; H. Heinen, CAH VII. 12 (1984) 420-421, is mistaken in writing summer 245. Nachtergael (Les Galates 234 n. 141) admits the difficulty that the August 246 notice poses to dating the asylia of Smyrna to 246. 19. Seleucus' restoratbn of the Smyrnaeans' "ancestral territory" (7.8-9) perhaps undid the work of these enemies, whoever they were. Page 100 the games that would be celebrated in August/September of 246.20 Either he died very early indeed in 246, or else the future Pythia mentioned in 7 were those of 242. 4. In the spring of 245 the Aetolians sought Panhellenic recognition of their Soteria; their theoroi were in Athens in April. A stone at Delphi seems to contain Smyrna's acceptance, which also mentions the acquisition of asylia: 2 i tai ff&5«{5a}a0aL [--.- - -..] ao to* [******---*-■*. seat te lepdv xh xffc SF p*]XE It TOti; [E|JUp]- vahoiq x&v tet Jt'fjXi.v xal t&v ciut£>v IkEuMptiv eF^ey xhI ii-:pa [po]- a X6fr(iav p xal x6v ie wbiovL X&pw fkfkiiolp xal xkv r^TpiJov) ^jioyy^XXeteh Eiito&uaciv, dtovtm 5fc xal di E^LUpvaCoLp ^nofpTjv xal iv T&t lepiTx, Souftp xal] & ?Tctxex Ei> P T l 1 ^ vd SeWxOWi tcAXei ™v AfX- 13 jp&v x6 tc lcp6v xb to; ftqppo&ixai; xok ExpaioYixlScK xal tc6Xlv tuv [CnupJ- valuv Itpiv xal irjijXo'J e4iEV, KaO&r.ep 8 re paoiXEi*; 6i£oreXxc [xal] 26. Smyrna had a Panhellenic contest by the late second century b.c.: Claras I p. 64 [SEG 39.1244.11.32]. The Roberts were inclined to attribute the to Nemesis or the Two Nemeses, who had Panhellenic games in imperial times (p. 26); but these divinities, for all their importance in Roman Smyrna (s&hpoGxm 'ft 8 * 'ft n ^ < ^ ; Ael. Arist. 20.23 K.), are not attested in the Hellenistic period. 27. See Cadoux 128-170. 28. FD III.4 153-156. The second honors a citizen of Antioch on the Cydnus (Tarsus; archon Aristbn, "256/5?" Daux); the third grants promanteia to Smyrna (240s b.c); the fourth (same year) honors the dynast Lysias, who was an ally of Seleucus III. Four such statue bases stand in a row here behind the temple, and Pomtow took them all to be of Seleucid kings (Klb 16 [1920] 174; RE Suppl. 4 [1924] 1353-1356 no. 87); that next to ours was certainly the base of Antbchus III, inscribed with the Delphian decree for Alabanda (163). Page 103 ft t£v £^ijpva(wv tc ft£uH n ivTc^oicrcair $£ xsl tou; tewpolc xotf^ xft] IMGitt inoiYY^W^TOiC fnaivfcptu t£v £^tajxfiv htti t £ tp[Gtistc] 16 xal xSU edaePeiffii x«l tol ^iiOT&Xo^ftipc^vai x&t tdG fteoO >[rr.L 0*kra i tSi "AqjpoSta&f livarpi^ciL 6£ td jiiv ^dspuj^ce tftv *4Xtv £v xwi tcpw tpO 0eoG s xftv $ p £tucfcc&j3sv Iv t6l £v xfik Tolgui. 8 Haussoullier and de Sanet's: «Kpt|fa]Cmiw Couve. 15 Baunack, citing SGDI 2644.11: ™M«] Couve. <><><><><><><><><><><><> Inasmuch as King Seleucus son of King Antbchus has sent a letter to the city asking that the temple of Aphrodite Stratonfc's and the city of the Smyrnaeans be sacred and invblable, he himself having prevbusly obeyed the oracle of the god and done what he is asking our city to do as well; and he has granted the Smyrnaeans that their city and country be free and exempt from tribute, and guarantees their existing territory and announces that he will restore their ancestral territory; and as the Smyrnaeans, having sent as ambassadors Hermodorus and Demetrius, also ask, as does the king as well, that what has been granted them be inscribed in the temple: it is decreed by the city of the Delphians that the temple of Aphrodite Stratonbis and the city of the Smyrnaeans be sacred and invblable, just as the king has written and the city of the Smyrnaeans asks (etc.) 3-6: The operative phrase used here and at 12-13 abbreviates the full and logical statement made by the Smyrnaeans themselves subsequently in the Oxford Stone (I.Smyrna 573.10-12): 4£yScroc ditoMlacrfki t6 tg tepdv TijcETpatovixteo^ efvai xul xfp iuHav ifjLLuv Lep4v xst ScnAav, /\s rGm3rk6d above (p. 20), a temple, M*, cannot logically be declared because it already is. Thus the Smyrnaeans' meticulousness of expression is consistent and compelling; this precision, which must have been in the Smyrnaean decree requesting inviolability, as it is in their decree on the Oxford Stone, evidently was lost on the Delphians, who condense matters so as to declare the temple and the city sacred and inviolable. 29 The Smyrnaeans' phrase is not closely paralleled, and I suggest that it is transitional; the Delphians' condensation of it in 7 perhaps reflects the unfamiliarity of the situation and the language. The Smyrnaeans' intent was that the whole city be declared inviolable, not just the temple;30 so far as we know, this was a novelty in the 240s, and they may have felt obliged to state explicitly the physical continuity of temple and city. But I do not know why the "country," which later was regularly included, here was omitted; that more ambitious proposition perhaps had not yet been imagined. At any rate, in the extant evidence Smyrna sets the 29. Unbss the word SmAsv has fallen out, as suggested by Herrmann, "Antbchos" 120 n. 154; but the error will have to have occurred twice, in 3 and 12. 30. Will, Histoire I 257, is mistaken in thinking that asylia had already been given the temple and was by the act extended to the city; the two inscriptbns are explicit that a single act created the asylia of both temple and city. Page 104 immediate precedent (as opposed to the ancient one, Plataea) for the religious inviolability of a city, secular space. The Delphians, however, also expand on what the Smyrnaeans later would state in the Oxford Stone: there Seleucus alone granted autonomy and democracy; everyone was to recognize the temple as inviolable and the city as sacred and inviolable, but the Smyrnaeans do not actually say that the king did the latter. The Delphians, by contrast, make plain that the king granted Smyrna inviolability:3i Seleucus asked Delphi to recognize the asylia of Smyrna, "himself having previously obeyed the oracle and done what he is asking our city to do as well; and he has granted" freedom etc. This also implies that the oracle concerned only asylia, as was normal, and not the civic privileges that the king grants in addition. And the oracle was not about the creation of the cult, as has been thought by scholars who would equate it with that shown the Romans in AD 22. At another point the Delphians' decree is at first misleading: their summary of the request implies that Seleucus asked for the asylia while the Smyrnaeans (and the king) asked merely for the inscribing of the texts at Delphi. It is only at line 14 that we learn that the Smyrnaeans also (as we would expect) requested Delphian recognition of the asylia. 32 The king sent only a letter, not ambassadors of his own: contrast the behavior of Eumenes II and Pergamum two generations later, when the king and not the city sponsored the theoric missions. That the Delphians speak simply of "the oracle of the god" shows that the god was Apollo, but this need not prove that it was Apollo of Delphione might think too of Claros or Didyma. 7-9: Smyrna approached Seleucus, who was fresh on the throne, with a number of requests: inviolability, freedom and immunity from tribute, and restoration of lost territory. These are carefully distinguished; only the first appears to have been urged by the oracle, and only this is what was asked of the Greek world at large. The king had sole authority over those other matters, but not over inviolability. The Delphians say that the king granted freedom and exemption from tribute; the Smyrnaeans' account (I.Smyrna 573.10-12) used the words "democracy and autonomy." A tantalizing fragment (I.Smyrna 576, undated) refers to democracy(?), autonomy, ancestral (land or constitution), a request by someone, presumably to a Hellenistic king. 8 : mMH is restored from Syll.3 656.9; cf. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII (1960) 513, for further examples. 31. This was denied by Seyrig, who, relying only on the Oxford Stone, thought that the king did not himself grant asylia but only urged others to do it: Syria 20 (1939) 36-37 (Ant. syr. Ill 2-3); see above, p. 35. 32. W. Gunther, Das Orakel von Didyma, IstMitt-BH 4 (Tubingen 1971) 83, states that only the king, and not Smyrna, made the request for inviolability; that is consistent with the silence of the Oxford Stone (see on 7.9) but overlooks 7.14. Page 105 9: Smyrna in the Oxford Stone mentions the king's letter but not any missions sent to the Greeks by the city itself (the context is praise of the king). The Delphian decree shows that such ambassadors were sent, as we would expect. The two envoys are not called theoroi here, probably because games were not in question. 17: The Pythian announcers will make a sacrifice to Aphrodite (compare the frequent slogan in the Cretan answers to Teos, "we too worship Dionysus"). I take it, therefore, that the theoroi in question are those to be sent to Smyrna, not to Seleucustheir praise of the king was not to his face. 17-18: The civic decree is indeed inscribed "in the temple," that is, in the precinct of Apollo, in this case behind the building itself; similarly a text inscribed on the Polygonal Wall nearby is "in the temple" (Syll.3 436). The (lost) royal letter, by contrast, was to be published in the city proper, on the wall of the archives building; this phrase does not recur at Delphi. Page 106 Temple of Asclepius, Cos Asclepius, patron of Cos, had his sanctuary on a hill four kilometers southwest of the city, looking across town and sea toward the peninsula of Halicarnassus. The sacred place occupied two lower terraces and the plateau at the top and encompassed a cypress grove .1 The city of Hippocrates was the home of a distinguished medical tradition^ and the Asclepieum of Cos became one of the great healing shrines of the Hellenistic world, rivaling Epidaurus and the Amphiaraeum, ultimately to be eclipsed by Pergamum in Roman times. The great flourishing of the cult occurred across the first half of the third century BC , when a number of the sacred buildings were erected. How old the cult of Asclepius at Cos was we do not know; but the grant of inviolability in 242 was the crown to a systematic "increase" that was recent. Cos, a Ptolemaic ally, was the birthplace of Ptolemy Philadelphus and enjoyed the special favor of Egypt at its height. The games of Asclepius were declared Panhellenic and his temple inviolable in 242 BC Cos has yielded the earliest extant archive of asylia decrees, parts of more than forty surviving; they have not yet been fully published, and the following presentation must be preliminary .3 The quest was called for by an oracle, although this fact is mentioned only once (by Philippi, 27.3). In their speech to one of the kings, the Coan theoroi cited the favorable decree of the Delphian Amphictyony (8.9). This implies that Cos had obtained that decree 1. See generally R. Herzog and P. Schazmann, Kos I (Berlin 1932); S. Sherwin-White, Ancient Cos, Hypomnemata 51 (Gottingen 1978) esp. 334-346 on the growth of the cult. Segre, Iscr.Cos ED177, t|oC npoxtt[9rpfe](jdvo<: 0to[Q] ’Ato*ijk[ujG) (HI a.d); Plin. HN 2.9.4. 2. Privileges granted the Asclepiadae by Delphi already in classical times: CIDelphes I 11-12 and the Hippocratic Presbeulikos IX 415 Littre. 3. The chief publication is R. Herzog and G. Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden aus Kos, AbhBeri 1952.1; see the comments of J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1953, 152. I have not seen R. B. Harbw, Eine Dialektanalyse der koischen Asylieurkunden (Dunedin 1972), cited by Risch (bebw, n. 50). Page 107 before its theoroi spread out across the Greek world. I assume that the Coans sent to Apollo of Delphi (though he is not specified in 27) asking how best to honor Asclepius, and perhaps their ambassadors, upon obtaining the oracle calling for asylia, at once put that petition to the Amphictyony while they were still in Delphi. This may have been at the spring sitting of the Council, March/April 242, but an earlier event is possible. The numerous theoric missions probably all were armed with this precedent, even though it, like the oracle, is mentioned only once in the extant documents. When in AD 23 Samos and Cos petitioned Rome to confirm the inviolability of the Heraeum and the Asclepieum, the Samians relied on an Amphictyonic decree dating from the time "when the Amphictyony regulated Greek affairs and when the Greeks by their foundations in Asia ruled the sea; the antiquity of the Coans' claim was as great" (Tac. Ann. 4.14). Tacitus does not say that the Coans also had an Amphictyonic decree, although his silence might be taken to imply as much. At any rate, what the Coans put before the Senate was claimed to date from the age of the great migrations, a forgery like the Cretan decree for Magnesia after the Trojan War.4 If that was a pretended Amphictyonic decree, then that, rather than a contemporary act, might be what the Coans showed around in 242; but 8.10 is explicit that the decree concerned the games and asylia. In fact the petitioners to Rome in 22/3 sowed with the whole sack, describing the history of their cults and honors from the beginning. Romans were impressed by antiquity of precedent, but this sentiment is little seen in the Hellenistic acts. I conclude that the decree evoked in 242 was new or recent rather than a forgery credited to the remote past. Thus by spring 242 Cos had from Delphi an oracle and an Amphictyonic decree; what the Coans told the Senate 300 years later took in the whole mythic history of the cult from its alleged foundation during the great wanderings.5 The archive offers only one date: the theoroi who made the long journey up the Greek mainland were in Macedonia during Gorpiaios of Antigonus Gonatas' 41st year, ca. August of 242.6 The games to which they invited the world, the first Great Asclepieia, are to happen nine months hence (25.17), so in April/May 241. All the civic decrees, insofar as they are preserved in the right places, accept the new games and can be assigned to summer 242. Doubt has arisen only about some of the royal letters: since Herzog, scholars have thought that some of the royal letters are earlier than 242, maintaining that several make no mention 4. I.Magn. 20; cf. p. 181. H. Biirgel, Die pylaisch-delphische Amphiktyonie (Munich 1877) 76-77, already saw that the was the date claimed by Cos and that that excluded a genuine decree. 5. For ancient accounts of the establishment of the cult of Asclepius see Sherwin-White 335-340. The contemporary Herodas (2.95-98) says that the sons of Heracles brought it from Tricca in Thessaly. 6. 26.2. On the regnal dates of Gonatas see M. Chambers, AJP 75 (1954) 385-394; cf. N. G. L. Hammond, History of Macedonia III (Oxford 1988) 582. Page 108 of the Asclepieia and that another (13) was written by Ptolemy II, who died in January 246even though this king speaks of the Asclepieia. Decrees of inviolability, however, usually stem from a single occasion; we should not divide up the Coan material without strong reasons. Letters 8 and 12 belong unmistakably in 242. Letter 8 accepts the "sacrifice and festival" of Asclepius; that this brief phrase denotes the Great Asclepieia of 242 is guaranteed by the mention of the Coans' theoric missions canvassing the world (line 11). And the garbled 12 speaks of theoroi, though in what is extant Asclepius is not named. Letter 9 grants asylia to "those who come to the Asclepieia" (10), as well as to the temple. This is merely a periphrasis for the ekecheiria, the sacred truce, of a Panhellenic contest; it is reminiscent of asylia for Amphictyonic representatives on their way to a meeting (FD III.4 359) and performers at enlarged festivals in Boeotia (3, 4). Several civic decrees, in recognizing the Asclepieia as Panhellenic, phrase this simply as "accepting the ekecheiria." This acceptance was an essential and evidently sufficient gesture in making a festival Panhellenic. Accordingly, the author of 9 is by this phrase joining in the Panhellenic recognitionthat is, in 242. As to 10 and 11, the first is too fragmentary to reveal whether it mentioned games or not. Ziaelas of Bithynia (11), however, in his long discourse does not mention the Asclepieia. He does allude to and grant "the other benefactions" (7-8: w* ^ «tt«M). This letter is so idiosyncratic in manner that little reliance should be placed on its precision or thoroughness; his casual reference to other benefactions may well mean to encompass acceptance of the Asclepieia. Scholars have thought the letter early because the Coans have not had dealings before with Ziaelas, and the king invokes the memory of his father. But the date of his father's death cannot be established independently of this letter; and we know that Ziaelas had to struggle against his half brothers for an unknown time to gain the throne.7 Cos may have had no occasion to approach him before 242 and therefore mentioned their dealings with his father. His letter, moreover, is linked to 9 (which accepts the Asclepieia) because the chief theoros to Ziaelas bears the same name as the theoros praised in 9 for speaking well in the Coans' interestthat is, the two missions had the same architheoros. This implies that Ziaelas too was approached in 242. Admittedly in 242 the city of Cius was visited by different theoroi, which might mean that the mission to Ziaelas was on another occasion. But it is possible that Ziaelas was not at the time in his capital Nicomedia nearby. By contrast, 13, which is attributed to Ptolemy II, is linked to the asylia recognitions only by virtue of mentioning the Asclepieia. Its substance and date 7. See G. Vitucci, II regno di Bitinia (Rome 1953) 29-31. Page 109 are uncertain: it may not belong to this archive and hence is not a reliable control on the date of the archive contents. Thus only the silence of Ziaelas about the festival and the inclusion of 13 as a recognition by Ptolemy II suggest a date earlier than 242, both doubtful points. If we defer to these two, we must conclude that Cos invited selected foreign friends to the local Asclepieia celebrated before 242 (an attested practice) and simultaneously asked for their recognition of the inviolability of the temple. I believe that this complication is unnecessary and that we have insufficient grounds for separating out any of the recognitions of asylia and assigning them an earlier date. The quadrennial games first celebrated in 241 had most likely been preceded by a local and annual festival: this was the normal situation, and one of the Hippocratic letters speaks of an annual festival and procession to the cypress grove in honor of the god.8 The Great Asclepieia are illustrated in the victor lists extant at Cos over the next hundred years, and occasionally in agonistic inscriptions elsewhere.9 There was a procession, mentioned only once (49.31);io only the decrees of the Sicilian colonies and an unpublished fragment mention that the games are to be quadrennial and are to include both musical and gymnic competitions (48.15, 49.14, inv. M86a).n The elaborate definition of a Panhellenic festival that is offered in the earliest such recognition, that of the Ptolemaia (Syll.3 390.38ff.), and often thereafter, is given only by implication in the Coan archive. No title such as "crowned," "isolympic," or the like is directly applied to the Asclepieia. Rather, future Coan theoroi announcing the games will receive the same honors as those of the Olympia (49.32) or Pythia (26.15, 27.16), or as "those who announce crowned games" (21.16, 23.14). Under these 8. IX 324-326 Littre; cf. Sherwin-White 356-357. The text does not make clear, however, whether the was the state festival to the god, the Asclepieia, or some ceremony of the medical guild. The asylia decrees speak of the games in the present tense, with the exception of the future at 23.8. From this last Klaffenbach deduced that there were no games before 242; but such a reading is needlessly literaland the Panhellenic games now requested do lie in the future. 9. Tit.Calymn. pp. 10-11; I.D'idyma 98.2 with Robert, Op. min. sel. Ill 1627; cf. T. Klee, Zur Geschichte der gymnischen Agone (Leipzig/Berlin 1918) 59-60, 118. In OGIS 42 Cos honors a Coan who has led his felbw Ptolemaic theoroi from Alexandria to Cos with a 0v«[« for Asclepius, presumably for the Great Asclepieia and thus 241 b.c. or later (cf. Sherwin-White 103 n. 107); evidently the same man, son of a doctor, was active in high Ptolemaic circles in 240 (P. Mich.Zen. 55; cf. C. Gorteman, ChrEg 32 [1957] 327; Pros.Ptol. VI 16614; E. Olshausen, Prosopographie der hellenistischen Konigsgesandten, Stud.Hell. 19 [Louvain 1974] 315-316). In the second century b.c. the city of Aptera requested that its honors for a Coan doctor be announced at the Asclepieia (I.Cret. II 111 3). 10. The sacred law LSCG 165 mentions processbns to the cypress grove in honor of varbus gods (no mentbn of Asclepius extant). 11. The victor lists of the Asclepieia show by their fomwv that there were also equestrian competitbns (references at Sherwin-White 357 n. 559). Page 110 terms, any variant of which was sufficient, the games were "accepted" and a theorodochos elected. The decrees mostly make no provision for sending theoroi to attend the Asclepieia; one has, in an uncertain context, I —- x-^v] foahmobc tnjveitoaMjrac • ] (19.8, but see too 12.19). Thus the texts are strangely silent about the essential feature of a Panhellenic festival, the commitment to send theoroi to observe the gamesthis too apparently was assumed. The decrees for Cos exhibit greater diversity of formulary than later asylia decrees or archives. It is evident that individual letters were written by the Coans to the several kings; and that a special letter was written to their colonies in Sicily, whose responses are quite similar to each other but not to those of the other cities. Yet even in the more uniform responses, we find a diversity of details not easily paralleled in later decrees of asylia. This reflects, I believe, the early date; the status itself was relatively new in 242, and the formulary of the act has not yet become rigid with use and familiarity. Another feature of the archive that in my view reflects its early date is the apparent surprise at the request expressed by two grantors (18.7, 23.13). There is no political Tendenz to be seen in the grantors; in a time of very difficult relations especially between Seleucus and Ptolemy, all the great powers "join in accepting" the inviolability of the Asclepieum (cf. on 23.4-6 ).12 As to the later treatment of the Asclepieum, it is worth noting first that around 200 BC the Coans voted to take military measures "to protect the temples and city and country," probably from the forces of Philip V .13 It seems to have been obvious to them that a declared status would not protect the sanctuary. The construction of a large new temple on the uppermost plateau is dated to the second century B . c . Cos sided with Mithridates, but the Coans assured the Senate in A . D . 23 that the Asclepieum protected Romans during the massacre of 88 B .d4 In 32 BC the Antonian admiral D. Turullius cut down much of the sacred grove of Asclepius; after Actium Octavian surrendered him to the Coans for punishment. 15 In circumstances that are not recorded, Cos lost its freedom in the Augustan period. Although this disadvantage lasted until the 70s AD , the inviolability of the temple was not compromised, as we know from the investigation of AD 22-23.16 Cos and Samos approached the Roman Senate 12. By contrast, Bengtson from the mere existence of the Sicilian decrees deduced that Rome and Ptolemy were friendly (Historia 3 [1954/55] 456-463 [Kl.Schr. 358-366]; folbwed by H. H. Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos [Munich 1957] 51, but not Will, Histoire I 323; cf. the skepticism of the Roberts, Bull, epigr. 1976, 522). 13 . noit-tA* xnl tj.; wJXu>; tw ;**?{*(<;]: |V|. Segre, RivFil 61 (1933) 365 (= Iscr.Cos ED49), linked to the Cretan War. Cf. Holleaux, Etudes V 274-275; P. Baker, Cos et Calymna 205-200 a.C. (Quebec City 1991). 14. App. Mith. 23; Tac. Ann. 4.14; cf. Sherwin-White 138. 15. Db 51.8.3; Val. Max. 1.1.19. 16. See Sherwin-White 145-149. Page 111 for the renewal of asylia not in AD 22 like the rest of the Greek cities but in 23. An inscription from Samos (184) suggests that this divergence in date is not a result of the hearings dragging over into the new year, for the decree is dated in September. Cos may have honored Tiberius after the success of this appeal .17 Finally, in A . D . 53 on the request of the Coan doctor C. Stertinius Xenophon, the emperor Claudius persuaded the Senate to grant Cos immunity in honor of its famous medical tradition, "so that henceforth the Coans might inhabit an island that is sacred and subject only to the god" (Coi sacram et tantum dei ministram insulam colerent, Tac. Ann. 12.61); immunity was granted, but not yet liberty.is Most of the texts are inscribed on steles of white marble, usually gabled opisthographic steles; three of the royal letters, however, are on a three-sided prism of blue-white marble. Inscriptiones Graecae in Berlin has a set of squeezes, which I have collated selectively. Diversity of script shows that several masons were employed. They are not consistent in their use of headings; several allow themselves the luxury of quite ragged right margins. The excavations conducted by Herzog early in this century and later by the Italians have not been fully published. The exact findspot of many stones has not been stated, so that it is unclear where in the sanctuary the archive was inscribed, or what its order was. One principle of organization is revealed by 46.1,'EmSmSpioc^xx.): the texts were grouped according to the theoric missions that obtained them. Rather than a cartographic logic, the thinking was either bureaucratic, naming the ambassadors responsible, or chronological, wherein decrees were inscribed as they were brought to Cos by the several missions. There were exceptions to this grouping: the decree of Corcyra follows three from Macedonia. The individual decrees were not necessarily in the sequence of the itinerary (the mainland Greek ones seem to be, while Naples and Velia are not). Thus there was no archive wall but rather a large number of freestanding steles; even the decrees on the prism stand apart from one another, obtained by different theoroi and inscribed by more than one hand. Probably mere reasons of space lie behind the exceptional placement of some documents. 17. A Coan inscriptbn was fully restored to this effect by Herzog, HZ 125 (1922) 222 n. 2: (6 xafliipwoE TiJkJpUoi Kateap* (teoO StfpaoroO t>lut | TfisdtouXiaJc St E^ei natp’ auTo[C pefksBwfielejsi;' Without 3 full publication it is difficult to be confident of the restoratbns. 18. Sherwin-White 149; at I.Ephesos VI 2055.4-5 (early III a .d), M It has been suggested that min'etra translates H. Furneaux, The Annals of Tacitus 112 (Oxford 1907) 139; but this seems unlikely at this early date. For the sentiment of the god's place see p. 12. Page 112 Cos: Asclepieum These are Klaffenbach's texts except as noted, which he edited from Herzog's notes and squeezes and occasionally from notes from the Italian excavation. 19 I give the royal letters first, beginning with the one that mentions the existing Amphictyonic decree and the Panhellenic quest now in progress. 8 . Ptolemy III (?) Two joining fragments of a stele, right margin preserved. Lower right fragment (lines 9- 20), found in 1902; h. 0.33, w. 0.245, th. 0.105. The other fragment is known only from a squeeze, and nothing is recorded about its discovery or dimensions. Letters 0.009-0.013, intersp. 0.005; same hand as 9 and 10 (on the prism). Lower fragment: Herzog, Hermes 65 (1930) 463-471 [Schroeter p. 105 frag. 5; Welles, Royal Corres. 28]. Entire: Herzog/Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden 2 [SEG 12.369]. Cf. Robert, BCH 54 (1930) 345 (Op. min. sel. 1164); Wilhelm, Griechische Konigsbriefe, Klio-BH 48 (Leipzig 1943) 16-20; D. Musti, AnnPisa 26 (1957) 278-279; J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1966, 306. HxoXeiJaw? Kfiiuv xfp. pcn>J- Ml xal] CL 7 ] + . , iv p G- 4 JjlflJv te tttfl 0l£ to- Jpti4] xcd Apx^iwXu; rcept [tSJJc fj* diivtcXeiTt tSi ['AdJ= fxJXijmui nepl toO SwXqv ctvjatj B [x]6 iep&v toft xotl ydp [*pnm] [t]ch^ ra- (plj Totinttv xal rcp&^ tqCkj Xoutous Jpp](xXtu; xat Ta I&VJJ Xal rti- sa tXcJcs dqpEarfXBaL i?uS{cw}- [oo]vT(I^' T^V tt 0wtav x-ai lepoO dauM- [au jidXufjTa t5{v] iS [0c6v p feijeixa Bfc wal Xl" [yeiXciv xa[l f) tUd>v [fyj&v ------ J xal t6v ■irtivct &v tU 19. I omit from this corpus Herzog, Heilige Gesetze aus Kos, AbhBerl 1928.6 no. 13 [Sokolowski, LSCG 158], assigned to the first half of the third century b.c. Of this fragment Herzog offered a complete restoration as a sacred law providing for the boundaries of the inviolability of the temple in accordance with an oracle of Apollo. The restorations seem to me groundless and unconvincing. Page 113 {ttejicv i\ 'IcpSi N^joiiM dnoif^eutk. id ^|<><><><><><><><><><><> [King Ptolemy (?) to the council and] people of Cos, [greetings. It is fitting (?)], what your chief theoros Phaenis and theoroi Phibphron and Archepolis proclaim concerning the sacrifice which you are celebrating for Asclepius and concerning the temple of Asclepius being inviolable. For [they say] too that the Amphictyons have voted on these things and that requesters have been sent to the other kings and nations and cities. We accept the sacrifice and festival and the inviolability of the temple, especially for the sake of the god but next on your account. They have reported too that the statue [of us —] has been erected and that you accept the contest which we are cel[ebrating at Hiera Ne]sos. Farewell. Inclusion of the Asclepieia should date this to 242 with the other texts. Herzog's attribution to the Attalid dynasty was based on elimination and on the restoration of Dionysus in line 19. But Eumenes never took the title of king, and Musti concluded that be cannot have alluded to "the other kings" (10-11). Dionysus, moreover, was not, as Herzog and others believed, an ancestor of the Attalids; he became prominent at Pergamum only in its later years, and because of his role in the Artists' guild rather than in the dynasty .20 The only known Attalid festival that might have enjoyed more than local participation at this early date would be that of Athena (Polyb. 4-49.3). The Roberts would restore in line 19 the toponym Hiera Nesos, in effect assigning the letter to a Ptolemy; although they did not publish their arguments, the attribution seems compelling. The author sponsored games to which he had invited the Coans. The only Panhellenic festival held by a king at this date was the Ptolemaia at Alexandria. But that festival seems excluded here, for the Coans would have accepted it a generation earlier .21 A gesture of special friendship is evinced when a city shares in an otherwise local festival ,22 and for Cos this points to the Ptolemaic house. At Hiera Nesos, then the great center of Greek culture in the Fayum, the Ptolemies sponsored a lesser version of the Ptolemaia, ir™* t&v (psi iv 364: 250 BC ). The village 20.See Robert, Etudes anat. 25-26; Op. min. sel. VI 464-465 n. 42. 21.It is, however, a peculiar feature of our evidence for the Ptolemaia that the two extant acceptances derive from widely different dates, the Islanders' in 283/2 b.c. and the Amphictyony's in the 260s. 22.Thus around 220 b.c. Prusias of Bithynia invited his friends to share in his festival the Soteria at Nicomedia and thereby learned who his friends were (Polyb. 4.49.3). Page 114 is several times called e*s>v ewt^v marking the prominence there of the cult of Ptolemy I and his wife. 23 Our king avoids ambiguity with the Panhellenic Ptolemaia by naming the place rather than the festival. Coan attendance at this local Ptolemaia is paralleled in a letter of Ptolemy III to Xanthus in the 240s: Xanthian theoroi have attended both the Ptolemaia and the Theadelpheia (SEG 36.1218). There the first festival, described only by name and without the geographical circumlocution of our letter, was the Panhellenic Ptolemaia at Alexandria. The second was a festival for the Theoi Adelphoi Ptolemy II and Arsinoe, attested several times;24 it was not Panhellenic. Apparently the Xanthian visitors troubled to sacrifice at both, as would be appropriate to the close relations of their city with the Ptolemaic house. Our letter is of a businesslike brevity, and that too might well be taken to suit a Ptolemy, whose dealings with the island must have been frequentcontrast the verbosity of the Bithynian and Spartocid(?) kings, who have never written to Cos before. For whatever reason, this is the only text in the archive that invokes the Amphictyonic decree and the Panhellenic quest. Chambers (AJP 391-392) described the enlargement of the Asclepieia in 242 as an act of Ptolemy III commemorating his northern Aegean victories. In fact it was an act of the Coans commemorating Asclepius, and if this letter is rightly attributed, their action was news to him, as it was to all the others (nor does he know a Ptolemaic precedent for his favor to Cos: see below). 2: Klaffenbach suggested or perhaps as at 48.17-18 (for parallels see Holleaux, Etudes III 236-238; Herrmann, "Antiochos" 75 n. 56). 4-5: These theoroi are not met again in the extant texts. Philophron was a common name at Cos (see Sherwin-White 542) as elsewhere; I assume that Philophron son of Dardanus who went with two others to Italy (46, 47) was a different man. 13-14: The Great Asclepieia, therefore 242 BC , must be meant by this phrase, given the Panhellenic quest described in the preceding lines. 16-19: The king had already made his own invitation to the Coans, and the theoroi now mention their city's favorable response as part of their appeal. This gesture of friendship was accompanied by voting the king a statue (which, again, the Byzantines refused to do for Prusias, Polyb. 4.49). Line 18 will have specified the location; (Herzog) would suffice in this context. 9. Seleucus II (?) On one face of a triangular prism of blue-white marble found in the Asclepieum in 1903; h. 1.15; letters 0.008. 10 and 11 are on another face; the third, which has suffered from use as a threshold, is undeciphered. 23.References in A. Calderini, Dizbnarb dei nomi geografbi III (Milan 1978) 17. 24 J. Bingen, ChrEg 23 (1948) 208; J. Bousquet, REG 99 (1986) 27. Page 115 Herzog, Hermes 65 (1930) 463-471 [Schroeter 17; Welles, Royal Corres. 26]. Cf. Robert, BCH 54 (1930) 343-344 (Op. min. sel. 1 162-163); Wilhelm, Griechische Konigsbriefe 20; Rigsby, Phoenix 38 (1984) 103. [xh ffUVET^]- XfttZU Jc*i toe 0u]- ota-' seal t6v dY&jvcE napi?J- 4 cl* flnp4ryMfj£un£ [[ - , r ^ i . I] Xftl SlJlfil TtSl lefciL nap 1 it Grt£pEa^ tl t6v te inflvoGfitv t^V Tip^C TOOc feotw; E0- a^ftetav kbI ini iwt np6^ 16 gravEp*k noEiv xat Ai 6 - Yeitov diK0e5&|iE&« *6 unip tffc ftatpl- 5 ch; 6pav wav t6 P£Xthj- m iov xal X-^yovta xal ttpit- TDvta. mpaSE^6|jje^i 6E K»l T^jv AmXiav xv iv oijx^l |iJ|| Axapwjrtw iv ^ioufjdwcr j j8 3 Rigsby: [*v£|eTpcccv Herzog, [5(*]0i|x«v? Robert. 4 the squeeze: « Herzog. The author accepts the Great Asclepieia and the date is therefore 242. Herzog assigned the letter to a Seleucid, hence Seleucus II, partly by elimination (having given 8 to the Attalid dynasty), partly because the same theoroi visited Ziaelas (11) and one wants therefore a king who ruled in Anatolia. Welles thought the clear and direct style impossible in a non-Greek ruler. If this is so, the choice lies between Eumenes I and Seleucus II: which, in the summer of 242, is the more likely to have stated cautiously that his affairs were now peaceful (25)? Eumenes' successor would soon be confronted with war against Antiochus Hierax and then the Gauls; but Eumenes himself, now in the last year of his life, is not known to have engaged in any military enterprise Page 116 in his later years. 25 Seleucus, by contrast, toward 242 returned to Asia Minor from his largely successful Syrian campaign; at Sardes he now agreed to share power with Antiochus Hierax, and his treaty with Ptolemy followed in 241.26 The reference to peace, not a banality, suits Seleucus' situation well. 1-4: The plural verbs show that there were several theoroi; Diogeitus, praised at 16ff., must have been their chief and spokesman, as he was to Ziaelas. In 3, as Robert and Welles saw respectively, it makes no sense for the Coan ambassadors either to "dedicate" or to "conduct" someone else's festival. But the object of the verb is t&: the sense should be "they performed the rites and contributed the things for the sacrifices and contest." For such a gesture in the course of diplomacy, compare Aphrodisias and Rome 4.15-16: ^ ■^fanpw.27 I suggest the compound thinking of the many instances of t*p!vov|i£vfrj[v] npds fjtiss ' EXXyjwiiv tuyx£vg- rip ^mpiXEtav no^( 5 jje- VQt, Ef TlELIS|utEwi Jtp6< OlJ [6 flLXfiv O JtrP- 3 X?-.ElT 9 aL Tib iduxo' itoXii lideXiaxa x&v natftxCjv ipLXjuw fcuerteX&Q- nGXuwptitivxes xafc, OjjxSv 20 ft La ti\> T-^jj naTtpa {^p.uv £mi£pxowa«v rcp&S ^V^Tf- ipDv Bfyfcdv y^cZKftV;, Kul EtA t6 t6|ji IlToXepawv *4 obieLo^ EL-axcTaflat xh. Trp&r tvra ^jIxe^&v V ^iugotoA^volu; epiXoTtfuSte- aB pon dKnXd-ytCTafT&at. r^j e^vgiecv fjv tj(c« efc; fyiS^, Ev xc xofi; Xoir- tto^ M& 1 B &v ffj_toK; i^tJt^TE, ttctpaa^- pelte kb! EBIsi ixdqr^ip xai xol- 32 vfjl ttaffi eplXnvfipcjTtfLv XhS 1 6aav ^|je“g Ewaxot ioyiiVp seal xtfrv kXelBvX&Iv X^jV ti£Xauativ Sroi Tuyx&vwoiv T & v ^ E " 36 '^ptov npMlMXXovti:^ xau; t6hpk 3™ ^noQ^eVj qjpc-vr^tw finw^ #] dmpaX£i[aj cukoK Cm4px7i r xbt& xau-Ta [££] 40 Mai efc; &v oufip|i irrulpaTAs [xi]- vcx; ytvojiivou xsiB ieXo&v ltp>OOJt£OClV xf|V %Lrxt(pffVn] isaaav oimufifyj notrfbOai Tv[aJ 44 yr$* (up* £y£k; aGue&vrat- 4 noS[eje 6 |- ^iE0a M xfflt xft Icp&v fiuuXov sefaftS}- itep fiifpfie Ccpv p x«l Awjyirttwi [xal] Page 120 jc-al ©cuMtol iw[pl] *3 tQw touted *al 5 >uXcj[v /[..) M .-.1 * ***”*-“*-* i '****"*“* ] 4 KpaoSf - -- -------- - - - - - J £v %i[ - - - * , +- . avxuv[ --- ■ ■ ----] „ t tbcoXoiiS[(j<; efyov dvraXaEs- ft yeXlav Tffc tc Ekwlciq xri w dyULX[ttL infyei [fjpctv - - -. dip* rift - -- “““-“““-'----“J i 2 , Eav TCepl ■scrtkwv frcr[ ---------------- -^1- 41. See Sherwin-White 229-243. Page & XTF|XiXoOt 6 JV K«l ToJtOUTljJV 9 lXttV 0 p&TWiJV rtpoj- urtnp^A'Vtxtfv lv [^jS^ ^vE&av M Ttvt>v yuv] tou'oli; i|ij(oftUirv p it xmJI ol dtitipd. touto fyiEivJ sfi JDX[pXXGLjkoIjLiEV fi^LLSC ^ou; xaipais la^ tr&M [oXJou 8 f\ (octvra-; xpfinci f|J- V,ew cnjyyMf&iJTiv baiov, 6 xav {---■-] k 6 tc^ Suv^dta lit; roCjxci[v tSv Ay^uv dUYteXeias;! ■«> Sewpeiv £y& 84 w»l ^ A&cX^pj] (j[qu-- ~ ~ - J xql -ol %ifrfpoi noXTtat if n-ap 5 ^mYrfl- (X)Jav yivofjlvqv wt 0s£k xtd ztpf d[mjXEa]v ^e^[ 6J- jiE0a xal ifjv wyy£vsurii oucrav ^f^}0P^j(v xal, [Gj- 14 jj-Siv t£ 4^liv xnl ffl-itiv ^Icik; iLpCKjJS e] i4y|i t&a 1 tifflpwpCa-; iieyGdxr^ tjjc irapflt xo(G fjujErdpxHj nai;p-&£ Tqpfioyey£VT]|l^vl^ 5jv dutJoitEtfM^vPjarct aGxau 6 alvou iwii^aijfwy- et [54 xal xur* Xouu&¥] ?0 xtvci; "EXX^v^v dfcpxV xotdri^uevoi TaChjYjv irptjrpv rcp*KP]y£pevov fp[fe OTyy™^n eOjXtiyws Av flpoo£Xaii(Mvofjev T[cn>sooc t TOWS^TJfJg fpiXcc^ ©pwnl'ag wpwropjfloOffijs ye to^ to[i]- 32 auTTjY ouyyivEiav xal [ j c*|jXLx[a<>cr|v ^■vayxaidt^a AvatiL^Jv^]“ ^e^lytieSa [xfitjl ti pift[a] taCta [x]c[Ljpttd 6 fi£ 0 (i -Bka- 36 [x]i]Pouvtf[^ x 6 t 4]x [Tt]aXHii>v yp[ 6 jv[t>Jv wvcax^- [xdr]a t v[Cv &k waX]^ xal rtp*mpt£Yt<*[£ e]IS^ t%i pek- {xUrn]v &vDn^]fe>gvv ^ypiva 69 ' e(™ rptXo[^ r l^tXAvBp^ita t&>l] uttApxe[lm xal GnjcueoAovtcj;! 40 Jx4 iEwiyeva Atl xl«ptC£fl#st cl[c fr&voqjuv}. ippcaaEfe), 7 Rigsby (cf. Royal Corr. 58.6): ** 4 P<»av tore xatax£ X ^^voLC Herzog. 9 middle: Mnfrovw* fyi&c Herzog. 10-12: laGc Avfepae o^Opow^] x%| 3 fl 54 XeEa[c^ et4x , ^ v ™®^ yv^tXoXoJyiav jwpl to 0 Twv^[waj <51 %Laq ct? 0 £ov £x«Xemj]®£ Herzog. 14 end: oAx AMy^v Herzog. 16: Herzog. 16-19: TCafpa'uxlxa 5tio>e 'JtJMe] xcxe x«Lpou;t<7^ lnax[tiX]qu0fj{aflt ptaCc^fvote ^J^epi wyy v^hiv txx£ov T 6xav ^ ^v^eea ?*< to*[ou too & y s>vo^ Herzog; 17 Piejko: *™[eAJc^[«iKlaffenbach; 18: [iv™iraX 4 uaLivKmJ|x 6 rfie pjejko; 19 o^vreXeiae] pjejko: Klaffenbach. 20: ^ ^■lHM 1 T P taM " E p] Herzog. 22 AIAN lapis. 26: Herzog. 30 Rigsby: i[oi5xm>e itdoije Klaffenbach. 31: ■% yc Herzog. 32: Herzog. 34: ^ Herzog. 39-40: rcav ^Jaxo^ovtft[e | ScrovAv ^fjetv ^ap{^EO 0 ai ^ietv] Herzog. <><><><><><><><><><><><> ...in accordance with [their instructions,] they made proclamation [of the sacrifice and games, using] their education [so beautifully that] wonder overcame [us ...] since the time when [we acceded to?] our kingdom ... concerning these things ... so many and such bng-standing [benefactions toward you. As there are just Page 123 now certain things] standing in the way of these things, if [for this the theoroi] seem to find fault [with us, we ask you nonetheless to judge] that we are accommodating ourselves to the times, [reckoning] that indulgence is owed us, whenever... we should be unable to send theoroi to [the celebration] of these [games]. I and my sister... and our citizens accept both your [proclamation] that has been made for the god and the inviolability, and we also have accepted gladly the kinship as true and worthy of you and us, the best testimony being that of our father, which you have made clear he himself furnished. If any [of the other] Greeks, [making the] a start of friendship, should first proclaim us [kin], we would gladly approve them many times over, having full gratitude towards those who remember such kinship and bbod ties and choose to preserve them. [And now] we approve your byalty and in the future we shall try to maintain for your people the [benefactbns] established in ancient times and now finely and suitably brought to the best [renewal] by you, byal friends, and, heeding [your requests, always] to gratify you to [the best of our ability]. Farewell. Because the decree of Gela is on the other side of this stone, Herzog assigned the letter to Hieron of Syracuse; Klaffenbach at first preferred his son Gelon but then realized (p. 30) that the placement of the texts is irrelevant. The author's odd expression "our citizens" (21) shows his urban base, which would be consistent with a tyrant of Syracuse .42 As the Roberts remarked, however, his happiness that some Greeks have acknowledged his kinship with them (27ff.) shows that he was not Greek; their suggestion, a king of the Cimmerian Bosporus, has not been bettered .43 For this dynasty's urban constituency see Diod. 20.24.4-5. In 242 this would be Paerisades II or one of his two sons .44 From the author's reference to his father (14ff.) Seyrig concluded that he must be newly on the throne, therefore not Paerisades. This must be left open, however, for it is the Coans who introduced the father into the discussion, evoking some prior dealing with him that may have been years in the past 36). With this clumsy and rambling letter there is little to compare, and it discourages restoration; rightly did the king marvel at the educated discourse of the Coans (9-10).45 The sequence of thought is garbled, the apologetic emphasis on himself ungracious and pathetic. If rightly assigned, it is a precious document on the Hellenism of the Spartocid dynasty. In the first twenty lines I have given 42. Cf. Dbd. 19.73.6, 20.24.4, 20.63.23. 43. Bull, ep'gr. 1953, pp. 156-157; accepted by Klaffenbach, DLZ 76 (1955) 737; Seyrig, Scripta numism. 12-13; D. M. Pippidi, StClas 7 (1965) 322-324; Gauthier, Nouv. Inscr.Sardes II 73 n. 83. Welles 398 had suggested Demetrius the Fair, who ruled Cyrene briefly ca. 250 b.c. (cf. Will, Histoire I 244). 44. R. Werner, Historia 4 (1955) 421-430; see CIRB 24, 25, 75, 822. Paerisades came to power in 284/3 (Dbd. 20.100.7) and was alive as late as 250 (IG XI.2 287.B.126). That he dbd around 245 is merely Werner's guess that he cannot have lived much bnger. 45. Welbs 398: the btter "uses few of the usual chancery formulae." Page 124 Klaffenbach's conservative version of Herzog's reconstruction. Nevertheless, much is to be doubted. 9: is normally "instruction" or a "lesson," not "education"; perhaps the king marveled at the lesson or presentation the Coans had offered about his ancestral connections with Cos.46 11: Some verb is needed for the king's accession; Welles (398) suggested or 12: Perhaps a form of if this passage looks forward to the author's excuse for not sending theoroi to the Asclepieia; cf. the contract of a contemporary flute player promising roM&fc ... (CPR XVIII 1.12-13). 15ff.: This reconstruction is only a possibility. The certain element is the phrase "whenever... we should be unable to send theoroi" (19-20). The reference is to the future, but the puzzling thing is that the envoys have already blamed the king for something, and this cannot be failure to send theoroi to past Asclepieia. Another possibility is that something has impeded the Coan theoroi (™irou; 15), for which he apologizes (these may be the same theoroi who complained to Ziaelas about Bithynian treatment of visitors, 11.12). 20: "Sister" for the king's wife is a usage familiar in other Hellenistic kingdoms; see C. P. Jones, GRBS 34 (1993) 81-85. rather than is found in the several dedications to the Bosporan royal family (CIRB p. 844). 23ff.: Legend traced the Coans to Thessaly; the Spartocids were Thracian (references at Werner 419), but what account they gave of themselves is unknown. 24: For see Gauthier, I.Nouv.Sardes II no. 2.17 with p. 73. 34: I am uncertain what the adverb modifies: I translate with but it might better go with what follows. 36: The good relations with Cos stem from "ancient times"; the envoys only reminded him of them, bringing about a fine "renewal." This suggests something older than the time of the king's father and may rest, like his Greek kinship, on the presentation of texts or arguments from the mythic past. But that would leave in doubt what the father "did" (line 27). 13. Ptolemaic king Two joining fragments broken on all sides, found in 1903 and 1905; dimensions not stated; letters 0.01-0.013, intersp. 0.005. Lines 3-8, 14-16: Herzog, Hermes 65 (1930) 465 [Schroeter p. 104 frag. 3; Welles, Royal Corres. 21]. Entire: Herzog/Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden 1 [SEG 12.368]. l. M-- [ -.]ETAE[ ] 46. An inscribed example of such a discourse is SEG 38.1476. Page 125 (G 28 3: ■ tSs itejpl OuaEsig [ - --- ■ - - Jv Mf0 n Vjfjuv e|[-- ‘ Ap[mvAift * * - ■ - Jcrav xal irccl npcKjj ------ - ] f^trurjcavov - ■ ■rijjv iravilYyptv xal ij ----- - ■ - Jav Cm£p ffcjwv [ - - -- ■ - Je seal peri Tf][ * *■ ■* - - *- - jAPri^T.A[ - - - -- ■ - - jMHOH xaI U ztm t[Gv ■ - - Jeiv wx\ nap 5 f^cwv l - - - - - ■ ] eU; t& AcftAijicEem yuf* ■ ]c<*9ai- ^petc ht Kftl n[. ■ jc; JyP&Hjgv nepl I - * * -- oto 16 mpoaipcto{ 6 ai - - - ■ That; tijv -■*-**** avi}<><><><><><><><><><><> 49. Macareus' son is attested at the end of the century; cf. Sherwin-White 485. Page 127 Decree of the Lacedaemonians, in the ephorate of Euxenus: we accept the truce of the Asclepieia for all time which the Coan architheoros Aristobchus and Heraclitus and Macareus proclaim;50 we give the Coans what they ask, that the temple of Asclepius on Cos is invblable. In 243/2 Agis IV, newly king, undertook a revolutionary program to restore "the ancient dignity of Sparta" (Plut. Agis 6.2) by returning the Spartans to the laws of Lycurgus, the of their ancestors (8.2). The ephor Lysander sponsored the program of land distribution and social reform, and in 242 the hostile king Leonidas was deposed. When the ephors of 242/1 opposed the program, they too were deposed and Leonidas exiled. Internal disputes and military pressure in the course of 241 put a stop to this first of Hellenistic Sparta's revolutions .51 The Coan theoroi, canvassing Greece in summer 242, will have arrived in the midst of these events. The Spartan civil year began ca. October ,52 hence the Coans must have arrived during the still unshaken regime of the revolutionary ephors of 243/2. Of these our literary sources name only Lysander .53 The inscription gives us another, Euxenus, and reveals that he, not the leading partisan Lysander, was the senior and eponymous ephor. Sparta grants the barest essentials, recognizing "the truce" of the games and the inviolability of the temple. The "laconic" manner that the decree affects may well be a mannerism of the archaizing government rather than normal Spartan public discoursewe have no decrees of the third century to compare. 55 This text thus may well be drafted in a self-consciously "Lycurgan" manner. 50. On the force of the verb see E. Risch, ZPE 60 (1985) 1-9. 51. The events are surveyed by Will, Histoire I 333-338; B. Shimron, Late Sparta (Buffab 1972) 14-27; L. J. Piper, Spartan Twilight (New Rochelle 1986) 32-41; G. Marasco, Prometheus 7 (1981) 35-42; P. Cartledge, Hellenistic and Roman Sparta (London/New York 1989) 43-47; none citing the present decree. 52. References at Andrewes, HCT IV 38. 53. Modern scholars sometimes include Lysander's supporters Agesilaus and Mandrocleidas among the ephors, but the sources do not make this explicit. References in A. S. Bradford, Prosopography of Lacedaemonians, Vestigia 27 (Munch 1977) 11, 273. H. Mbhell, Sparta (Cambridge 1952) 129-130, argued that Agesilaus (Age' uncle) was the eponymous ephor of 242/1 (after the deposition of the first board of 242/1); that would be consistent with a date still in summer 242 for our decree with its different eponym. 54. Noted, for instance, by Herzog ad be. and E. J. Bbkerman, Athenaeum 41 (1963) 76 n. 22 (Rel'gbns 479). Loci classbi are Hdt. 3.46, Thuc. 1.86, and Xen. Hell. 1.1.23. 55. Two proxeny decrees of the next century show nothing of the manner and are composed in conventbnal Hellenistic formulary (IG V.l 4-5). The dialectical forms in our decree are not consistently carried out (compare SyII.3 594 n. 7) and may also be something of an affectatbn. Around 200 b.c. Nabis, who renewed the revolutbnary program of Cleomenes, put the dialectic Battik 0 n coins (so too the stamped tiles SGDI IV.4n 24.22 [p. 687]), with which (Footnote continued on next page) Page 128 It is worth recalling that King Leonidas and his daughter took refuge in the temple of Athena Chalcioecus and did not come out until the new ephors took office in autumn 242 (Plut. Agis 11-12): thus they were there during the Coans' visit. In 241 Agis, defeated, took refuge there himself (16.3). Hence the Coans' request might have touched a nerve; no Spartan in 242 can have been unaware of the traditional respect of suppliants, and of the problems that this could cause. Evidently this was not thought relevant. 15. Messene Inscribed below 14. yetiFSttvlfrV K&iot if&ot itfvrec xgd w* Meaattvlwy ox 'Af :0 AoxXomw* Xom %icv tk diicA Msooa'vLikw xal tCv ifi MetJodvaL x&TQtxetifv)- xw toTs Ekwpelc tocanlvTie fcwSronwfi] 12 xort £(pgvoi [ot KGkJot toe AjdrxXaiU&t sf«l xckG xal *3k ixexTJpt®? t[eJ tep6v douXov xi tv Km {ot} tw 'AeJxAmfi^ £Bo£e tat * 6 > 4 . tS[v] SiXqpouolttv tfic tt tc SuaEa-g xcn¥xv^v xat uo dyi£vvai x«t \t*n a xok Gteapw x& ic xm v£fjm xcd 0e«pe>66“ Xov ^TjpOttnfjdai t5\ hq-Xlck; iu L * . , ,oai trb< Straps, Ti> i a x at J c^T«0ai $EAwv, . .&u, 4: PQZ lapis. 5 stoeei, corrected by the mason. 11: TAN ***«*; corrected by the mason; Herzog. No other decree of Thelphusa in western Arcadia is extant; it is on record as having recognized the inviolability of Magnesia in 208 (88.67). On the road north from Heraea and Elis to Psophis and Achaea, Thelphusa was repeatedly drawn into the wars between Achaea and Aetolia. Little is otherwise known of its history.58 The city had joined the Achaean League by about 238;59 the decree is silent about the League (contrast Aegeira, 18.7-8), which may suggest that Thelphusa was not yet a member in 242. 17. Elis Inscribed below 16. 'A X £ l ill V imel -col Kwm>i dnoflrTc{A«vxE£ totE t&v itfXiv dpxiWptptrv 14pMrc6X*x° v xal &esp&|p] 'HpdxXm&v seal Maxapta hvxyyik~ 4 Xovii xiv th>aEav xot a Afr[xX|ffiKux xal al[x]ioTO 6 ijv x& Up^v ■ScfjXqv f |q£e tmi tt 6 XcL tdv te ixc(x]iqpLav &£xgsGs.{i] xcit x& lep&v T£j , AoxXffiiu& iv K£h SauXo[v] J^jev dn 6 xe FaA(etJ- w xal tejv FdXti xerr ckxe< 5 vt[ ti]v ( - - * ] iXlaa^a no- 8 tH xa £6v Gni Tft^idv [ ~ - }A .av xsl. 5£vt[a] xo(t)p Gea- potlp Sfjipa^ AIk®! y £^htcCch|? xEAelap 58. Polyb. 2.54.12, 4.60.3, 4.73.2, 4.77.5; E. Meyer, RE 5A (1934) 1618-1620; M. Jost, BCH 110 (1986) 633-645; Sanctuaires et cultes d'Arcad'ie (Paris 1985) 60-70. 59. Bebch, Gr.Gesch. IV. 1 632. Page 130 8; ti Teui ?&y tmatot|i^av ava&eup - - - avvet £|v*a Herzog. This is our only third-century decree of Elis (which recognized the inviolability of Magnesia, 89.49). The Eleans were now allied with the Aetolians, who around 244 had helped them annex Triphylia.6o Of the constitution of Hellenistic Elis little is known.6i The treasurers (line 8) are met in second-century texts (I.Olymp. 39.29, 52.26); is otherwise found only in the West, a "decree" of the heliaia (IG XIV 612.5, Rhegium) or a "meeting" (256.4 Gela, 952.7 Acragas, both in dating formulae). 1: As at Magnesia, these headings were added by the Coans and do not reflect the Elean dialect (6-7). 6-7: The meaning seems to be that the treasurers are to add the decree "to what exists," that is, as in other decrees, to add the asylia of the Asclepieum to the existing laws (cf. 48.8). 8-9: "Sustenance for the theoroi for ten days, three adult sacrificial animals worth sixty drachmas"; cf. on 15.11-12. 18. Aegeira Inscribed below 17. t & jp] 3 y evo[pi! c vc.,>v nap^f [*]&$ [n]6Xioc xaq. Ktiktov f A[p]e4jt[c&6x°^] *“l flcapwv xaL "HpaxXiiTorj 4 foijjvxuv idv te £xc[x]ciptav [kJccI t&y drauXIav tou lapoO t QU A tuC 1tci[p p ] enittiTCp Tat TiiXfl AlyEipB- tSv x3iy] i£xcfx]£ | .pt&v x&l x6 lep&v flkmXov ctgje[vj t|&| d- 7 id xnl [& 6 y]fja Iffxl xai t? tc 6 Xel xal [A]- 3 gacat^ E[trujX« xft lepd" ISdpev hk xal ^pferriov KaftJ otxj^p^i- dv to«; SeapoT^ Lhta Spaxp^ xni i£k Glcui Sifsta ^aYr[etX]>xvto M xa[fc] £cJio|[ii]v? vacat? ] vacat 5: Klaffenbach suggested K£>l, 6: the name as at IG VII 288.5 0[qpaTov xffc £0u&it£o<;. 63. Contra: A. Gbvannini in Ancient Macedonia II (Thessabnica 1977) 469-471, who argues that only leagues and not their member cites could recognize asylia (whbh is contradbted by 88 and 92, Achaean cites recognizing Magnesia). Page 132 Thebans on the Greek mainland who offer a geographical specification (5) and do not speak Boeotian are necessarily the city in Phthiotis on the Gulf of Pagasae. Here as at Homolium (22), it is surprising to find them using Koine at this date: contrast IG IX.2 132, apparently of the second century B . c . Of the place we have a description in Polyb. 5.99; by 242 Thebes was probably an Aetolian ally (Flaceliere, Aitoliens 199-200). 7-8: In the Coan archive this seems to be the only provision for sending theoroi to future Asclepieia (cf. 12.19). 9: The verb is suggested from 100.48. 10: Klaffenbach thought a chronological indicator was to be restored here; for the phrase in Thessaly see IG IX.2 11.11. Here too, as Klaffenbach notes, is our earliest attestation of etwpmfiv for the honorarium given theoroi, more often or the more general y*™. Something like followed in 11 (cf. 21.17). 20. Megara (?) Inscribed below 19. |M i y a p?] t w v [hit -------- rntpk [Kmlm-v xal Qewpol TV 4 IfuaLSmij Muxs^Ck; Apdc-cou t] 4 Aa^tXafstcss ic xa\ ctuvceX^ovel tui ‘AoxXomu.jL Kal £xEj(£:p[---*--- --* - ] ww rfyt te ^lXI&v xal .. - -... - — ---j 1Ep&C ffyv KUKWV TldX [tv - .....- -.- - J ia xal xb l£p&^ toO AemXfontoG ftoukov - - ---- -----] s^aSilrEtp T^touv Ali4 t[& *-- + -*-*-*| xa& xi^fv ouTyivEiav { - t ob$ xot|j&]- AaDviii ttaS&KEp - -*,*.-* -_ _ ^ * - * . - To'r Toi< t^Sva^] 16 To&t ar[e]f 4[itaY^£>XQtfm---t4J lx 10 D v^iou 3J4vt&v. [vacat?J Klaffenbach suggested the folbwing exempli gratia: 2 ^ **“«, 8 b°<* Ay»va? of* ouvieXoGotv xwr* ™«eti)pEa 9 end iieWxOaiire*s^wonc* - - - ]*av, 10 end £»av tAA ' ferttv , 15 [■&»? 6 end Robb.: 4 xoXoy ?]'*** Klaffenbach. The Coans expressed their loyalty to the city and "the rest of the nation" (6) of which this city must have been a member. The Roberts suggested Demetrias, with its ethnos the Magnesians. The Thessalian League also comes to mind, but it is thought not yet to have come into being at this date. Whatever the city, Cos claimed kinship with its citizens (14), a claim not idle or universal. 22. Homolium Inscribed below 21. Cf. J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1953, p. 45. t O |i o [X t t u vj AYa 0 Tji 4qp a [-*»■**.<.****-*- - - --»-*>-**■ immuj- touvtoq tt AvSfovtxoJu---- - iwcpayE^ityiivtov na]- 4 pb iri^ *.-.*-^---*-.1 ApLG-coXfi^yti] Z|i^v5pwvoQ x«V 0e[wp«v Maxapit^ xal r HpftxXehffu T^aESoy 4 |i*ptvt£ 6 v]- [xttiv x]z tpiALav x[ai-- --- - --- - t#)v &n£pxotKiav TaT^J ic 6 Xe v itp' Up&iw; "AcfxXtj* tofcftpou p rDpTnn[ou r 6c Ku poc real MaxspcSfc; Apdxou xi\v xe otxewS- 4 tTjta Avevftf&a itjv UTi'ipx.QLKJii’tf Ktitou; xal t^v elh viQriftv fjv f x^u™ wyx^^i ^ ic6Xlc ^ K&mv xfrv JJaaiXia Avtlyovov xal ne^a(du^ x>il Xcutdjv t^y xal i> ^ AcmA^TcEeioc xi ycEwdiifvcf itap 1 atixois seal dty^va^ a -H 3 U£ ti)l icav^Y^p^ xnl d)v iVJEtfUCTav Si KQt\ t 4 |l]- epdv toO Affs&ijntou £v Kg>l SctuXdv (foai* f &q£e T^t se^Xei tc £myyW- Ttjsi AaxXi^TtLfltjv Tfj,v nnpa Kuiuv xal t^v xal Smatvioai adroit 6cl ct xa&? iifJtaTs at; EuvxeXoGot XC&; 0 eo^ xal isf 64 tijL pjvotaL T^L TCp^Kj xiv pamXIci AvUrcavgv xal Tip&S M®CEd6voc r IJJldp- Xciv Si seal rflfv liiriAiav xut Upwi sca0£i£Ep seal toT^ SXXov; tcpoTc- &oGvai Si »*w Civia tolh; xopfac toTc 0twfow; S seal tolc to&; sxe^avha^ d[Yfiva]; £.nax- [yJIXX.{-0]uO 4 {S]I[StfT44].L, xn.1 0Cejp*S£kov kXiaficti K^[jyv r 16 *Imi(-]ou- This is our only decree of the Antigonids' capital city. The month is the eleventh, placing the decree in August/September. Of the four Macedonian decrees for Cos, only Pella's fails to cite the favorable response of Antigonus Gonatas. The simple inference is that the theoroi reached Pella first of the four cities (as was inevitable if they were coming from the south) and that they 65. See Klaffenbach's references and F. Stahlin, AM 54 (1929) 205; Pagasai und Demetrias (Berlin/Leipzig 1934) 181 n. 5. Page 135 addressed the city's assembly before they had their audience with the king.66 The reason may be nothing more significant than the travels or schedule of Antigonus at the time. A famous instance is at Dem. 19.155. The Macedonian decrees suggest the speed with which the theoroi moved: at Pella in Gorpiaios, at Amphipolis by the 19th of the same month; between these two stops they must have addressed Antigonus, presumably at or near Pella, and then Cassandreia. From Amphipolis they went on to Philippi, and possibly thereafter to Maroneia and Aenus. 1: The city's eponymous priest was perhaps of the royal cult, but compare Amphipolis (26.3). 4-6: At all the Macedonian cities the Coans stressed their loyalty to Antigonus; this sentiment, perhaps surprising in a Ptolemaic ally, points up the nonpartisan character of recognizing inviolability.67 The expression of loyalty to the "land" of the Macedonians is strange; contrast the following decrees, which speak properly of loyalty to the Macedonians. But for evidently in the sense of "nation" or "community" required here, cf. 217.13, 1 Maccabees 15.16, and I.Labraunda 42.10 (someone useful to the x*p ft of the Plataseis). 8 : Klaffenbach thought the future implied that no games now exist; but strictly speaking no Panhellenic games now exist, and this has no implication for local ones. 1 Iff.: The phrases by which the Coans are praised are quite similar in all four Macedonian decrees; this must echo the particular Coan decree that the theoroi presented in Macedonia, which will have mentioned their good relations with Antigonus. 13: "inviolability for the temple as for other temples"; the Pellans, like the Aegeirans (18.7), seem surprised at a request for what is normal usage. 24. Unknown city Inscribed below 23. [ 4-5 ] to* This is the heading of another civic decree. If also Macedonian, Pydna is a good possibility, as Klaffenbach suggested; but the other decrees (on the following stele) proceed from south to north, as the theoroi apparently did. 66. Bengtson, Kl. Schr. 365-366, citing only line 12 and not 6, was mistaken in writing that Pella, like Amphipolis (26.8), omits to include itself in the expression of loyalty, and that Amphipolis, like Pella, omits mentbn of the wishes of the king (see 26.14). He concluded that these two cities were of a more independent legal status than Cassandreia and Philippi; his attempt to deduce differences of status from these decrees is refuted by J. J. Gabbert, "The Greek Hegemony of Antigonus II" (Ph.D. diss.. University of Cincinnati 1982) 11-14, and F. Papazogbu in Ancient Macedonia III (Thessabnba 1983) 202-205. 67. Gbvannini, however, takes the phrase to refer to a general edbt of the king declaring temples invblable, parallel to the "wishes of the king" in the other Macedonian decrees. Page 136 25-27. Stele with a cornice at the top, broken at bottom, found by the Italian excavators on Terrace 4; dimensions not reported; letters and intersp. ca. 0.007. Klaffenbach had a copy by Laurenzi, a bad squeeze, and a photograph. Remains of four decrees, three from Macedonia and that of Corcyra (45). Herzog/Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden 6 [SEG 12.373]. 25. Cassandreia o* neqporYCYivTQvrai wpot na- 1T& Ktouuv la xal teak; dy-L^vas; 4 toLK^ iv a^TO^ xnt Ixe^ELptav, xal cS-vfflotv «£iwv n&>.£&>£ f]v rcp6<; tc pamX£a !4w- ttyovo^ xal djw Kawav5pi«tf^ n6X(v xnl np^ Xwiwtn; McfJCE^dvat ndvrw^p xai &&ouaiv xd toO id n«p p -stiiGti; etvai, B riya&ijL Tij^qip deddx&ai xf\t t^v ^icavyeXtav ™v Acf- xXriniewav xd. trni^ dytWffl£ xal txcxetp^ xal efvai id Irp&V Tod AtnAipti- W &fpAm rani Toy pgiyX^v' jljwvtpat Ct xfyjl fAX iv T«v Ki&ujVp At i frateXeC xpAvgcav TCDLOiJ^iAvfj xtLv rtpd<; toik; Seou;; ay steXqu |_l £ v eg v m xaXwc xal xal t^v tindfp-^cnKxiv sQvotav SLajel£ tfj; KtTutuv Z\i£v- Xat Furt f ata ou iewp&s Maxetpeks Apirou ret £t& ixXij- potjQ xal toi^ OWia iKot^fyOXo^i 16 5 ( 5 oTat p tfvat 44 xaL % Kutuw Amvudu^v 'ERiyivou, napanddai^. This is one of the few decrees extant from Amphipolis on the Strymon.7i Its preface contrasts with the other Macedonian decrees for Cos in such a way as to suggest that this city was more subordinate to the king than were the others, 71. I. Papastavru, Amphipolis, Klb-BH 37 (Leipzig 1936). Page 138 which cite only civic institutions: first a royal date and a royal overseer, then the civic facts, the eponymous priest (of Asclepius)72 and the bureaucratic docket dating the decree to 19 Gorpiaios (late August). This provides our one date in the Coan material, late in the 41st year of Antigonus Gonatas, 243/2 BC . 3: The name Orgeus I have found only of the father of two Thasians prominent ca. 480 BC , one of whom took an interest in the coastal possessions of Thasos .73 Perhaps our Amphipolitan was descended from Thasians. The plural need not be taken Iiterally74 and can label this decree alone; but it might instead come from an archival heading in Amphipolis' record office, "decrees of 19 Gorpiaios" (compare 166). This would mean that they organized their acts chronologically; see p. 73 on the form. 17: This records the count of votes (understand Wp**); 75 unanimity was not uncommon (e.g., IG XI.4 1057), especially as extant inscriptions tend to be about honors more than about policyas was asylia, in my view. The adjective tropic js not in LSJ; it occurs in a Byzantine doctor, Aetius Amid. 6.55 (CMG VIII.2 203.16): **p*x&o6dvB^ W" vtiL 6fc xcrt t& U-p&v TOy AtoXt^ioO x6 tv Kut S^ojv), xaSdnsep xal & PaaiArC^ 'Av-iEyo- w? sspcpatpeE-rffli’ toGvou 64 x6^ xqjtsv xotc ffcwpoTz uiiip iMewc tic 6£vu 16 ioov x«& tok lit Ilufha 61 &oiat iv x£k vA^u* y^Y^™^' xaXtotti S£ xo&c (fc&ipofrc xftl ini i& Crti^p T*jc i?6X£*l^ tftv ApKovru E ^Cnpvwtvrtw xfcv 64 xaptffiy 6oGvai xfih Sp^ovti ftufcp txaiipcni mjttfrv ipyupiov xb ix t&ft vA^ioir 6 **ic 6 s &v doqwX&g dfocxrrakt&oiv Ndav H6 Xav 3 to£k; crcpaiigfYO^ mi|iTCd|i4#ai aikoC? a& xotis; £ 4 wquc (a^Tpocxufrac to^ nap6s xrp n6Aet ^ioSo^H 3 p0 iy K«t SeuXav* xsMoat Afi) 79. Sherwin-Wh'ite (341) refers the oracle to the constructor! of the new temple in the third century. 80. Compare a Thessabnican mentioning ^ Xouto&; Maxe56vct$ xai tout; (ig X.2 1031, ca. 143 b.c). 81. Cf. Head, HN2 217; A. R. Bellinger, ANSMN 11 (1964) 29-30; G. Le Rider, Le monnayage d'argent et d'or de Philippe II (Par's 1977) 339 n. 4. 82. Boesch 53 n. 2; Robert, Op. min. sel. I 56 n. 1; expressly for security at Delphinbn 152.13-14; Syll.3 614.33, 615.14, 679.23; and IG XII.7 44. 83. D. I. Lazar'riis, Ne&wAu; (Athens 1969). Page 141 Tgus tret t6v le^ila %ou Pocct[l]- SoOvat ftt aiTotc xal ek T ^ v TBiJlav t b £x xoQ v6|iou. repex^SpELkiav idivtECi 6 : KAIKAE lapis. 11: hp*(*i>i¥6peuw*^ Klaffenbach. If the theoroi with Aristolochus continued on across Thrace, they will have obtained the decrees of Maroneia and Aenus; but a different team may well have been sent north from Cos and canvassed Thrace from east to west. This region had only recently been conquered by Ptolemy III.84 He is warmly invoked here, but, in contrast to most of the Macedonian cities, the Aenians do not yet know of their king's response to the Coans' request. That is to be expected, given the geography; what is more revealing (pertinent to 13) is that they cite no response of Ptolemy II. The two decrees are close to each other in formulation; the Coans evidently offered an individualized decree and speech to their fellow allies of Ptolemy. 2: For the plurals compare 35.5, 7, 50.3; genitive singulars are also possible; cf. 16.5-6. 4: The decree does not expressly accept the contest, except to the extent that this might be encompassed in the "good things," an expression frequently met in the asylia inscriptions and in other summations on religious matters (e.g., IG Il 2 661.15, 668.6; Moretti, I. stor. ellen. 115.17; I.Stratonikeia 14.5). 7: The singular recurs in the decrees of the Coan colonies (48.24, 49.25). 9: As at Cassandreia (25.15) the theoroi are entertained in some connection with the royal cult (cf. C. Habicht, Gottmenschentum und griechische Stadte [Munich 1970] 122- 123). 10: On the given to sacred ambassadors see Boesch 75-77. 11: Klaffenbach considered the text senseless and emended it so as to mean "all attended." This should be rejected. In a Greek assembly one might take a written vote to be sure of a quorum (see Gauthier [above n. 75]), but it would be unnecessary and unwieldy to reckon whether all eligible voters were in attendance (nor in practice would they ever be). Klaffenbach saw that the verb, emended or not, could not mean "voted for," indicating a unanimous vote as at 26.17.1 suggest rather that means that all "were proedroi": that is, there was no presiding committee at this meeting, for whatever reason, and the assembly served as a "committee of the whole. "85 One thinks too of the proposing of the decree (cf. 27.2, proposal by the assembly as a whole); but even if the verb can mean that, here we have a decree of the council and people both. 84. References in R. S. Bagnall, Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions (Leiden 1976) 159-168; Robert, DAM 289-294. 85. For placing such informatbn at the end, compare statements of the source of the proposal in Delian decrees; cf. 80.2; Syll.3 644.11 from Argos. Page 142 29-30. Stele of grey marble (rather than the white of the others), the right margin preserved; h. 0.12, w. 0.18; same hand as 28. Herzog/Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden 9 [SEG 12.376]. 29. Maroneia [ --Ay&Jvsk; xal toO IspoO do[u]~ JXEriVj dsYafrfJt jSwXfjt xnl T-cijjt ijfftJ.Wl toi [vitwv - - - &Tvipx ctv tJ leripiv Tdv 'AoxX^ntdO] toO £y K&k &(?uXov h 4 [fepS£x eft 9 a t ht Mai ------ -- navi^Jijjpw wal Xal ay 104 S eCxOvtati K£k]ra ifllL uyiELaL Mall [strci^lat toti £%iou toO tc Mapuvrriw xwl 5t [iftv notary tou; OcwpQ% ££via Mai stc; x ] oG vd^roii'. The restorations of Herzog and Klaffenbach were exempli gratia, but they regarded 2-3 as complete and the length of line as certain; the effect would be to exclude the reference to Ptolemy that we find at Aenus. But a number of longer variations can be imagined at 2-3. 30. Unknown city Inscribed below 29. [ -..- ’ Js W Letters somewhat larger than what precedes, so that Klaffenbach took this to be the heading of another decree, an ethnic with some geographical specification. But while some of the descriptive headings in the archive extend to the right margin, none runs over to a second line, as this seems to have done. So it may be that the variation in size is not significant and these letters belong to 29. 31-32. Stele, broken on all sides, found in 1933; th. 0.09; letters 0.007-0.01, intersp. 0.005. 31. Unknown city Herzog/Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden p. 25. Unpublished: the final seven lines of a decree in Doric. 32. Cius Inscribed below 31. Herzog/Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden 14 [SEG 12.381; Corsten, I.Kios 18]. K i ot v [u v) -froetiWil Kljlql SneX [xfy* ^fiu^p^av n6h.v? Atjnypov [©b^o&Stou "EntxXfj AYOpaxpEtou] 4 fxal dnpfitapCFtf Eix]ptTom ^[yy£XXovt«; ts (xnl tahs oQ^ fluvre]Xoij[Xe* fl[vr]e^ [xiXxaoi Afaxpov Ayopcocp(itou] xal 4 [wpav &u[u]([av tit xai) mwjytjpiv Page 144 [tw AcrxXrjiuou xal ixejfupiac) xa(l) dtiouot zt> [lepiiv toGJ ’Aox^iou [tA £v Kui fimiX-DV vopL^Eiv, iyaOJiji tujri^ teS6[^aL tf;.l PoJuXtil xal tui , m- fpwi xqI] ti^ 6 cfx [tiptop jcwl tA IJrp&v iw iAmtXfTt]- B [jntjG SmjXov ctvat), jeaSiJx; d^oOot KJEiol, e[lg Snavra tA]v xpAvov iiv [Si] [tic m^sepaPalvFji - - - ] 0 [ —-- ■ — -- 6 v]c?x^ *. « - - [.h h^ c *4-3 (.-]«M* ——.j 1: i^] ‘laooo Herzog; vacat?] 'iaoo&. Klaffenbach. 5: KA A lapis. 8: k]uux cm xp^vov Herzog. 9-10: spotK- -t^Aouxtow, em]ox<>c ivctj) tRi e(^ t6v 6e6v £ocpc[ca Herzog ("too short," Klaffenbach). The attribution of this decree presents some difficulty. A singular toponym rather than the ethnic is unparalleled in the Coan archive, and the decrees of Hellenistic Iasus have a dating formula far too long to fit in line 2. As it is, the placement of the word in line 1 seems too far to the right to be centered; even with Herzog's addition it does not quite balance (better h«p&] ’i«°o). There is no change in letter size spacing or skipped line from 34 (so too M100), so that line 1 may be the end of the preceding decree; the present decree would then lack a heading (as does inv. M86a on the same stele, and apparently 39). 5 , 71 ixtxaglvLi unusually in the plural; cf. on 28.2. 8 : The "for all time" clause, as in a treaty, recurs only at Sparta (14, of the truce) among the decrees for Cos. Cf. on 10.1. 8-9: A penalty clause, found at Cos also in 36.11. 36. Unknown city Three (?) fragments that Klaffenbach indicates are to be joined; complete at top. Paton and Hicks, I.Cos 20, with bits of inv. M83, 85, quoted at Herzog, Heilige Gesetze p. 34, and Herzog/Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden pp. 25, 26. [6iL---* ----- - J a Eno| J ic[ r wvchE {-------J [iitft&jj - - -.- - - -.* Kwioji 0Eti>pouic ilnimf[iXav - - - J [-..-.E[Ajxpftou xal Alfo^pov] 4 [0£LiSAtou xal ‘EstxXfj tj’Jv 6w](«t w \ tAv [ --— - - - - - —— Crnip tifc fldk&v n&T|pt&o< jtflt f - - - --^ - - - - *-- - « 0 to]^ AavXov / AO[ - - - ] [■ ......ScSAx^at. ™]i Si- $ fXEcrSffi V&v i^v . .lep&v tod Aox]Xtr|SLoG j tAv Si -- - Tijjc dcau^Efflc twv 6c. .oai |[-j l*.******-*****--***.-*-,. Jtjv fvox^ v to*.* i + w; Eli 12 [ * - - --- --- - - t|A 0E&|y dfcoEjktfklV 3 cf. Klaffenbach p. 25: ©e[o]xfhou Patton/Hicks. 4: a bnger restoratbn is possibb. 6 init.: tWt&rfyswi; Patton/Hicks. 10-12: ("too short," Klaffenbach) xijk ioyXIoK xuv [ — 6 pijKihj£v]w'v t'nojtov Etvai To[t« v4tJtotcto«; xeifiivp^ #jd to'c t)6 teiov -ioefJoGcrt Herzog. Page 145 The same theoroi went to Cius. Line 11 shows a penalty clause, as does 35. 37-40. Stele broken on all sides, found in 1906; th. 0.09; letters 0.008-0.01, intersp. 0.005. Herzog/Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden p. 26. 37. Unknown city Unpublished: last two lines of a decree, possibly in Koine; chief theoros Herippidas. 38. Unknown city Inscribed below 37. Unpublished; a decree often lines, in Koine; same chief theoros as 37. 39. Minoa on Amorgos Inscribed below 38. Herzog/Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden 16 [SEG 12.383]. Cf.J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1953, p. 159. [yMtopnf] npuruv^uv] Tijt xa\ TtSc, BifejuL' raspaY^v^iEvotJ [isspd i:fj£] Ktittuv tt 'Hpunttkeii; JtnL -] [inctinfiW.CiLKnv Jolt frjafta.'v xal of^ m/vreXow™ KfcHO* T«t] 4 [ A-oxXi^itwij AEusttaJrt bt xat dauXov [intip^ccv tb \tpbv tod "AoxX^ni-ou ?ct^ luivra] [t&v Kp 6 vofv ds 6 Miv]of)T&v T - - -- -------■ r .] 1 init. Rigsby, from IG XII.7 222.1. 5 Robb.: ftpowWwv Herzog/Klaffenbach. 5f.: &L J ^ct[vT|Tott 6 6 jA^olvoti™v fti'n|v Kuwn t&v xciL 4 [ - - - -—- ....aJtoTT^ptasi xw: {.....] ... . -civ imiXIav] roD tefpcjG tou M - -...1 Another asylia decree of Corcyra is 94 for Magnesia. 1: Of the decrees from the Greek West, all whose beginnings survive offer a description of the seal on the papyrus;87 perhaps the chief theoros in Sicily and Italy (Epidaurius) was devoted to this detail,88 and he may have obtained 45 from Corcyra as well. Decree 45, however, was inscribed apart from the decrees brought back by those theoroi, for the heading of their decrees is at the top of 46. Decrees were legally binding documents and arrived sealed; so, for example, in the context of a boundary adjudication, ^uxtoxa^ (LOlymp. 52.12-13). Klaffenbach remarked that no griffon appears on the coins of Corcyra. Some coins of neighboring Dyrrachium 87. For references to these in inscriptbns see Robert, Monnaies antiques en Troade (Geneva 1966) 52 n. 4; T. Ritti, MemLinc VIII. 14 (1969) 261-360. 88. Another example at Cos, of a foreign decree: Herzog, Koische Forschungen (Leipzig 1899) 125-128 no. 190.24-25 Page 147 are countermarked with a griffon head (BMC Corinth 101 nos. 14-15); these marks may derive from Corcyra. Assured Corcyraean countermarks, however, are the civic initials (BMC Corinth 112; Thessaly 153);89 and the coins of Dyrrachium circulated widely in the Balkans. 46-47 On the other side of the stele that bears 23 (Pella). Letters as 23, but line 1 larger (0.01). Two decrees of Italian cities; presumably the theoroi were traveling northwards, although the texts are not in that order on the stone. Herzog/Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden 11 [SEG 12.378]. 46. Naples 6 t-xApxmv fetipoi NlxApxw* AnpM{v)w N e o jt oX i T« v $ X ° v ^ I o \i 0 V £ UV & I O V & v^pelo v £hel&^ rt&kwe; Kdnwv 1 Ntx&p- TE T^V Opj- XEi&trpa xal t^v c&vqtttv fyt tjjqwa ^ nAu; ^ Kiitisv ni6Xw TfjV Ne- onoXiT&M xal ijtafyilXown fluatav AaxXtjiciui xal Aytivn. seal x6 \tpbv md 'Asxkip&orG fiaukov ftapa£^a^aL s Spx^ 1 ** 11 u Kal xm xiflv xe oIxstjAxtyra k«1 tV e$vm«v xfjv t^c h^ecx; Ktiwav iia>5i^}apo^ ini £ivia. i: AHOT lapis. 2i letters not m widely spaced at rtic headings of most other decrees {m loo 47.1), 9: X lapis. 1: AHOT lap's. 2: letters not so widely spaced as the headings of most other decrees (so too 47.1). 9: Ilap's. Other extant decrees of Naples are of imperial date and much influenced by Roman usages. In 242 southern Italy and Sicily were in the last year of the First Punic War, which seems to leave no trace in these texts and the travels that they reflect. Naples and Elea were Roman socii and had lent Rome ships at the start of the war (Polyb. 1.20.14). 1: The heading names only two theoroi, yet a third was at Naples and the length of line guarantees that his name is to be restored in the decree of Elea 89. In Roman times, a dolphin or Zeus Casius: C.J. Howgego, Greek Imperial Countermarks (London 1985) nos. 356, 532. Page 148 that follows. His omission from the heading suggests that he diverted from his fellows along the route to canvass other cities and returned separately. A further oddity is that a different (and single) theoros accompanied Epidaurius in Sicily. Evidently the Coan travels in the west were complex, and they defy reconstruction. 2: A "male figure" at Naples, a "seated female figure" at Elea (47.1); I do not know whether the Coans mean to distinguish and The two words appear successively at IG XI.2 161.74 and 76, without making clear a distinction. Both images will have been of human figures, given the specification of gender. Pugliese Carratelli (ArchStorCalabLucan 24 [1955] 1-7) suggested the man-faced bull seen on coins of Naples, perhaps Sebeithus; at Elea perhaps the nymph Elea or Persephone. 10: The sacrifice, worth 120 drachmas, is for Asclepius in Cos, not part of the honors for the theoroi; if we are to judge from 49.30, this was a once-only donation and not a permanent commitment for a sacrifice to be offered by the Neapolitan theoroi to Cos at each Great Asclepieia. 47. Elea Inscribed below 46. EjCd'v £nwa(J.&v Zfilftv YV xaO^CVOv KtikidV util 4 {Rnslav te xal dY<3vat xcd [toti ^JcrxXiptoO dwXov nLapa&££aa@ai --- - - ---J From Elea we have no other public acts. On the city see G. Radke, RE 8 a (1958) 2399- 2405; PP 21 (1966) 191-377, 25 (1970) 5-300. Epidaurius and a different colleague toured Sicily, from which we have the decrees of Camarina and Gela, neighbors on the south coast. The theoroi in their speech appealed to these cities as colonies, whence we learn that Cos had participated in the refoundations of Timoleon.90 The Sicilian cities maintain cults inherited from Cos and invite the Coans to their festivals (j«n®«(tetv 48.20-22, 49.21-23); they are united with the mother city by isopolity (48.11).9i The decrees are so similar that these points must reflect the decree and speeches 90. Bibliography at Sherwin-White 80-81. Dbd. 16.82.7 mentions Timoleon's intervention at Camarina; Plut. Tim. 35.2 at Gela. In the latter passage some scholars have thought to emend the origin of the colonist Gorgus from to & K&; discussion at R.J. A. Talbert, Timoleon and the Revival of Greek Sicily (Cambridge 1974) 204-205. 91. Cf. W. Gawantka, Isopolitie, Vestigia 22 (Munich 1975) 111-113. Page 149 of the theoroi, composed with these colonies in mind. The Sicilian decrees are alone in mentioning the program and period of the Asclepieia (48.15, 49.14) and the procession (49.31), although these must have been specified also in the decrees presented to the other cities. The Sicilian decrees are puzzling for their constitutional form. Each has two sections; what is granted in the first section does not recur in the second. Neither section reads as though it were a rider to the other in order to add points omitted inadvertently (an omission that is unlikely to have happened at both cities). This format seems to bespeak at both cities a division of jurisdiction. The first section (insofar as it survives) grants asylia and provides that this and the acceptance of the Asclepieia be added to the laws; in the second, the assembly votes only to accept the games (there is no mention of asylia) and to entertain the theoroi. The first section therefore is not a probouleuma and the second the decree (although there was a probouleuma; cf. 48.8 ),92 for the decree does not repeat the first section. Perhaps the first is instead a decree of nomothelai, reflecting the sort of distinction between a law and a policy decree that pertained in fourth-century Athens .93 Yet in the first part both asylia and the acceptance of the games are "added to the laws" (48.6-8). Or possibly the distinction is fiscal, with the assembly voting funds for a policy decision made by the council. 48. Camarina Stele broken at top and bottom, found in 1904; h. 0.43, w. 0.445-0.45, th. 9.5-10; letters 0.006-0.008, intersp. 0.004. Herzog/Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden 12 [SEG 12.379; G. Manganaro, Historia 13 (1964) 414-419; Rizzo, La Sicilia 10-11; Dubois, IG dial. Sicil. 117]. Photograph: Manganaro 1964; 1990 pi. 76.2. Cf. Manganaro, AnnPisa 20 (1990) 391-408. f■-- JAO , . * A[ -.. x&y Ko]- pAptvabv wh; [-*-**^**^-*«*****] mj-wuaEdvrea^tp xa&d e[[ - ---* - - --J 4 in 1 dyaQat xal 6 ^o[vdEocl xal crarcrjpt)- Toy Wj-Loy t£y Xal, T&(y K&W^ + T&] Upfrv SovXov ct^icu toO AokAhtcloGp xupAEa'i -cdv] T6 dcryA[jCry Xal tiv O'jolav XfA Toh; dyyvfii; tic B xofoq, pouAa? ISoEe t&i &X[H«r] ol Kuloi au va ex torn l £yiv Ovrq Gmpx^vrwv te atfoou; wxp' nSv fjeytoTtijv xal dvaTxaioTdrtyv, te xal qUelAwtoc *al lao^a- 12 AeLtela^,, 'ETtt&aujptov Nixdp^a[uy 92. A western example of this normal procedure is IGUrbRom 2.10: C6o5« our^vl (Acragas). 93. See M. H. Hansen, The Athenian Ecclesia (Copenhagen 1983) 177-206. fewpd* HwtcrcfHitcrtf iiurrr&Xvw 0*u- alav fiv 06 ovt[i] TtJi AoxXftnti&i xal Tofrc; Ayfiuac o&c tMSevu (jwjwtxdu x«l yu^vuc&fv xay4 !isvTa£TT|p[tI-’ 16 £a s xal i^tuvtt StTv xmvt^YtEv tfrv %i&ji h6Xjcv ^i^avt* ^ovrec t&v obcei^xorca xal ffGvoiav Taic noMEOtn, xa£&c l^ov {nil t( £n[iyY£to nop* mVrfi* Si^Ecrfrai xa|l] *pavEp6v rohJobi afoot; SuSit (iM^iiav i^ovce^ Bia- m tcJlOu^ie^. tat; filtnpxOuDQiC Wt 1 auiqut; mjyy£vE[.a< [£v] te xai< norpE«LC SyaLa^ na^eXipopec w«p ¥ ufoiUY x[ccl) £v rave itavftYtjptsMfe xataxaX&ijiVie^ ofo&k; xa0[a] xal Tfi&C dbtwrta<; s &EB6)(8ai fee 11 dyaSat tOx^W 24 xal frytsEai xal ownpEat xal &]JGvolaL Toft M|jou xuv K ajjap-Lvnlcdv xal Tra(x“ xa0& xal toCh; &XXou£ otMim^ s S$- ?4 is 1 dx^ftai xi^aL xal O^ct-aL xal ffwxr^Eai xat ^ptovoEat xoO 6dqi€hU t&y rski&udv xal xGv Kijicjv 6i5 ao ^ aL nap* afri£av (xdv)- it §yo£av iujieQvt xat x«[t T A]£ itdafl-ai; x&<; &C xa ini&afiitwvrr 6t6£jvw 66 a^xofe xal of m^ ef^ [ie tdv] 0irtj[lav xa]l xdp: rejojiisav tui A-a- 32 xXciTittJL, Saao[v x]al xo15 (t]a ‘OXtfprnwt nepwtmnE^ XGvxeootp dp{Yu)ptou fcoxEptou [6i]xa |jv&c b 0uo4vifa> fik xat el 6etopa[l p]tt4 xSv lep[o|iva4i-dvu?]v xal iep[a]- IhSXcjv ini xas; itnrinc; xai; xlwar; - »**-** - ipj- 3,6 vxt; xal iv t&l [ 'AoxlXaiuctut lejpeLov xiXcLov 6nip] totj -MuOu tu[y [Y^uitiiy xaL tuv Kml£iJv of M ntiiX^]- xfjpe^ 6[dvxw aiko^--- j 2: or xai fcirui™; cf. 24 (Klaffenbach). 35: xpeuj^r^o^ spW Herzog. The Gelans who survived the destruction of their city by the Mamertines ca. 280 maintained their identity when resettled at Phintias some sixty kilometers to the west .94 Whatever others called them, their coins and inscriptions show that they continued to call themselves reX v ot . The specification of the toponym "Gela" in line 7 (contrast 48.9-10) must reflect consciousness of the distinction between the old site and the new one. 94. Dbd. 22.2.2, 23.1.4, and Klaffenbach's references; see generally Manganaro. Page 152 9-10: Klaffenbach considered oixuneu*; an error for 30ff.: The provisions for honoring the Coans are the most elaborate in the archive, and the amount for the sacrifice in Cos, 600 drachmas (33), is the largest. The contrast with Camarina is indeed striking. It is clear from (30) that this is a once-only donation given now to these theoroi (compare 56 for Tenos), not a provision for an ongoing commitment for sacrifices at future Asclepieia. The sacrifice at 33ff. is local, in the Gelans' Asclepieum, part of entertaining the present theoroi (see on 15.11-12). 30-31: The poleteres of Gela (this form also at Delphi, CIDelphes II 32.88, 92) were obviously "treasurers" broadly; elsewhere poletai usually let contracts. The office was common in the Dodecanese, including Cos (T. Lenschau, RE 21 [1952] 1361; Manganaro 399-400), where their functions were similarly broad. 36: Compare the adult animal for Asclepius at Cos, LSCG 162.10-11. 50. Unknown city Fragment of a marble stele; h. 0.25, w. 0.17, th. 0.08; letters 0.08, intersp. 0.07. Segre, Iscr.Cos ED38. Collation. Photograph: Segre pi. 12. [..]IPIAlTOt--J [ -.jlfiN .-.J t£ Xatj tit; xo.1 to6^} 4 - elvgu Upfry ftox&rijuouj ..---]■ «9e<^poicJ elvat] Si auTGUc jhiI -*-***«] f ----] tA M [etc - - - - --] @ [ - - - ]5lv (BiJoDvai t&v [to^ocv], vacat 3-5: Segre treated the text as continuous; but the formulae can vary, so that the line length and line divisions must remain unknown. The nouns might be genitive singulars; cf. on 28.2. 51. Unknown city Fragment of white marble preserved at left; h. 0.09, th. 0.05; letters 0.01. Segre, Iscr.Cos ED170. Photograph: Segre pi. 47. E3[o5e---—------ - Kuirt[i - --, r T T T ] [dnoGi^XXovrcs; ■—- 4 tiv duo [lav- dtaoxpflvEs&si - - - ---] Page 153 52. Unpublished (a) Herzog/Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden pp. 10-11 (18 incomplete lines): Herzog thought the hand the same as that of Ziaelas' letter and restored the text as a letter of Hieron II; Klaffenbach reserved judgment whether this is a letter or a decree; (b) p. 26 (inv. M 89): the same theoroi as to Cius; (c) p. 27: Priene? (d) various phrases cited at Herzog, Heilige Gesetze p. 34. Page 154 Tenos The temple of Poseidon and Amphitrite on Tenos stood in a grove on the southern shore of the island two kilometers west of the city proper; it enjoyed its own small harbor. The complex has been partially excavated; there is no certain trace of cult activity before the mid-fourth century BJC ., and the city itself seems to have moved from the interior to its coastal site only at about that time.i The first temple was built toward 300 BC ; Philochorus, who died in 261, reports a famous sculpture of the two gods, the work of the Athenian Telesinus (FGrHist 328 F 176). There was a major project of expansion around 200 B .c. including a new temple, and another toward 100 BC , which added a large stoa. The temple included an eating facility, a mark of a major pilgrimage shrine .2 Games of Poseidon are attested at least as early as the quest for asylia (IG XII.5 802.25), but not their enlargement to Panhellenic status. The evidence for asylia at Tenos presents grave difficulties. One decree has been assigned to the 270s or 260s BC (making it the earliest extant); others to the period 250- 230; and yet others, which are reckoned to be renewals, to the early second century BC . The texts are disparate also in content, and it is uncertain how to form a coherent picture from this material .3 53. Phocian League Stele, preserved only at left, found built into a wall on the site of the temple of Athena Cranaea at Elatea; now lost. Writing "assez reguliere," O and Q smaller. 1. R. Etienne, Ktema 9 (1984) 205-211; Tenos I-II (Paris 1986-90). 2. Strab. 10.5-11 (487); cf. Nock, Essays I 434. 3. Boesch 128-132 (initial recognition, including Phocian, in the second half of the third century, renewal in the early second); cf. Guarducci, RivFil n.s. 28 (1950) 144-145 (Phaestus ca. 250, renewals early II B .c). The list of inscriptbns at Fiehn, RE 5a (1934) 524, is careless. Page 155 P. Paris, BCH 11 (1887) 332-337 no. 9 [Elatee (Paris 1892) 245-247 no. 57; Michel, Rec. 278]; Dittenberger, IG IX. 1 97 (copy of Lolling) [Hiller, IG XII.5 p. xv ; Schwyzer 352; Etienne, Tenos II 93-95]. |-- — J \ I IA (- - - - -.] f - - - Tijvfotk --- - 1 . . H[ -tcj-l KDtvuL 4 ? euxlcjv x[h] tc- 4 [e]pdv toO xttl T^wi xv\ xfcv vSfjw xotl iv t&y xjotTaoxeu&v toD vaof) toO (kofi in\ piv Tqy mxpivrcw; ba¬ ft T-Epov yc votive*}v AuhcBbl tEv icpaYI^^M Hal tou ItoW^DV xmi Wygy iTWWTE^i, xat’«£(foK Ta>v Se* 5 v x«l ia^ Quetp^otityat; d^L^tote^ n(nt TijvtcrtJ^- ^ttgelvz ejcil Sj: jcat 19 tuGXev TijwUov Gu toO tc tep«?u i&v £rctp£- Xf Lav K^iVtaL Kal T-av noxL l luxf"< gty^ta- t« dvavEffD-vrai,, xal etfiEV Tt^vLol^; IooieoXl- ■ceEflv tiScl ^tJKewr Gdfciev i 6 ht xal ©emLoct Aiatsoy xkM. 0eap^i ^.yiav xal kuXtdivirtJv oAtGy tq! [w]x4px a1, ^ v [ a J- Yp^^Qtt ht Xffll £v &l&Xwi tpek T& l)^[{pLO[ia x[«l] liva^utv tiv fiiv £v l&L IfptJL t-S^ [ AJGivai; » Kptfvau^ T^rv 6|r iv tSl £v F EX*Ttif«L], t&v ££ £v AeXip(o]i^' tG §k £v&(X]«^a GGtiev T[oih;) Kfll to&c ip|T]Lmfjpa^ SlerOafi,] vacat Text of Dittenberger. 2-3: «ixt«v. . . i ^x«' *■] Par's. 22-23: Wo9a l> * v *®** J - - -1 p ar js. <><><><><><><><><><><><> (3ff.) the temple of Poseidon and Amphitrite on Tenos and the island are to be inviolable; toward the construction of the temple of the god, for the present to give five mnai, later when affairs and the war are in order for the Phocians to send in a manner worthy of the gods and the existing kinship with the Tenians; and to praise the city of the Tenians because they are taking care of the temple (etc.) We have also the Phocians' recognition of Magnesia in 208 BC (84); in this decree, as in 84, the last sentiment in the preliminaries is to invoke the friendship of the recipient (2, whatever nouns are to be restored). Only one ambassador, called a theoros, visited them, consistent with IG XII.5 802 (see below). Boesch concluded from the term theoros that games must also have been requested; but games are omitted also in the body of the decision, nor are they found in the other (admittedly fragmentary) asylia texts for Tenos. Page 156 Most scholars have followed Hiller in dating this decree to the period 278-261 B . c ., hence the earliest extant recognition of asylia.4 The argument is that the temple in question (6) was built by 261 (death of Philochorus, who mentions the statues) and that Phocis could not have put up an inscription at Delphi (21) before becoming a member of the Amphictyony in 278. But states not in the Amphictyony inscribed at Delphi; and line 6 might mean adornment (so Paris 335) rather than construction or might refer to the new construction of ca. 200 B . c . rather than the earlier one. Roesch in fact remarked that this decree can as well come from the second half of the third century and maintained that Phocarchs (22) were instituted only after 228.5 In the early 220s Delphi honored a Tenian Diaetus son of Thestias, who already had ancestral proxeny:6 this might be either the son of our theoros or his father, hence no help in dating this decree. In a catalogue we have auxitoc TiQosLSwvLoy w ho Hiller thought might be the father of the theoros; but the date of the catalogue is doubtful, as is the relationship. As to when Phocians were at war (9), there are too many options. Accordingly the date of the Phocian recognition must be left open. 3-5: The terms of the recognition have no immediate parallel, but the intent is clear. The entire civic territory is to be inviolable; what is exceptional here is that the temple stood outside the city. In this circumstance the formula "city and territory sacred and inviolable" was avoided; but it would have been misleading to say ^ ^ x ^ "the temple and (its) territory." Therefore, I take it, "temple and island." The odd phrase might suggest an early date, before usages had become fixed. 9: For the sentiment compare Delphinion 141.32 (*■* «“p*>); on such reservations see Wilhelm, Hermes 41 (1906) 74-77. 14-15: isopoliteia with the League, not with its individual cities, according to E. Szanto, Das griechische Burgerrecht (Freiburg 1892) 74. 54. Aetolian League Stele of white marble with acroteria found in 1902 between the temple and the exedra, now in the local museum (no. 74); h. 0.84, w. 0.36, th. 0.06; writing of the mid-third century BC . (so Klaffenbach; A with straight bar, I with somewhat splayed arms, Q small and raised; small apices); the surface is extremely worn and hard to read throughout. 4. Most recently Etienne, Tenos II 95-96 (even as early as the 280s). 5. Etudes beotiennes (Pare 1982) 359-364. 6. J. Bousquet, BCH 82 (1958) 84-85 [SEG 18.187], with 83 (1959) 146 n. 1 and 84 (1960) 166 n. 1. 7. IG XII.5 872.109 (ca. 300 BjC .: Hiller, Wilhelm; ca. 200: Holleaux, Etienne [1984] 210). g a tribal affiliatbn. Page 157 H. Demoulin, MusB 8 (1904) 88 no. 15 (line 11); Hiller, IG XII.5 857 (copy of Demoulin; 7 lines); Graindor, MusB 14 (1910) 43-45 no. 22 (21 lines); Klaffenbach, IG IX.12 191 (squeeze; selected lines) [IG XII Suppl. p. 135]. Collation. (6-7 lines effaced) 4 8 3? 16 Klaffenbach's text, plus the lines that Graindor reported; I could confirm only occasional phrases on the stone. This is a white stele uninscribed on the back, rather than the grey opisthographic stones that held the archive (below). It was a long decree; the lettering suggests the third quarter of the third century B . c . Of the few words legible, line 8 would be consistent with a grant of inviolability for the city and country; but all that is assured in this text is "security" (1) and "territory" (8). This need not be an asylia decree. 55. Phaestus Stele found reused at Miamu (ancient Leben) south of Phaestus, preserved at left and bottom; h. 0.68, w. 0.28, th. 0.24; letters 0.015-.02; now lost. F. Halbherr, Musltal 3 (1890) 726-727 no. 178 (squeeze) [Blass, SGDI 5085; Guarducci, I.Cret. I xvii 1; Staatsvertr. Ill 562]. Drawing: Halbherr. Cf. Graindor, MusB 10 (1907) 22-23; Guarducci, RivFil 71 (1943) 66-73. ■ j dotf [4]Xcuiv [ - -* * * ]INAAI[ * — --* .)AIA[. ■ tftLH; ToCh; TlJvfticJV - - .lKO[. -. AElAAIf- -- xal ija; ctfa&v [ - - ■ ■ tAv mjmnfijv AeI tAv £[ua]^ery --) cnpaTaYO'jv^oc- ■ - trakpxoGvJuK [-- • - Aafinx>.[£o<; - * .- A. XEOT{ ■ .. -{£) toI( AItu^qu; AAMA[ .AlJuuM&v TO[--.. » --]ME90NA[.- ■ .jl£IIA[.- -]E[-- .}TAN«£TA|.. . m .. --] -1 -1 ---3 -]T - . ETPAT^J * ~ ■ Page 158 fitwuv 6e[ --- --- - - --*- --»»] [.—] ( - *-- * - - --* el^isv &i tdOnfiAittldv ^dLcrctoK; xodj 4 {Tijufat^ xal iJm T^viov iv ^aunn xai t6v ^alniov iv Ti^vtiwJ 1h«]^ lv xal Av0lfwrc[vtijv r -scqd SeruAav elfjcv t 6 lep6v to 5] noriiMgJv[o^ mt\ iSt; Apc^iTpfra^ tSl tftv ^amttcjv xnl ^ltjScvI [i^crr-w ifeudpat tut* Tiyvkav injttaa |jt|]- fl S£v a! M tI[c xiva dBuci^t tGv ^aiordfiev 6p£iLd£i|vtavj TqvEwv s Bm£[£ca@ai.- - - -- -----■] a &iv toE; Tyi(v(ott ------***--**#*--** . . . . tctvrof.... - ^ea]- [3 {trcjtw Iv T^[vwi - - ----- $a]- [(o]ttoi Mpl [--- * ---* * - J . TCpdvaiQE | - - -- -- -- -- ---- - - -- ------.-] fijpdvoLctv [-------- - lav BA mjvJkrtcet tciGth tcZrt B^uui] e6 twv T^v(tj[v p dvaypa^i el; ardXaM XiMwv x& &6 yt4$* tSvJ $aujr[ijv [xal dvczStivdi 4 ^uti[du(; tB tepBv ™ x£>J Tt^v{{ou£ Bi ek tB tcpBv tou IIoTEiBdtJTO^ xal ick ’A^cpttpEta^J. Text of Graindor. 6 Guarducci (or w^H): to** Graindor. Guarducci thought the lettering to date to the mid-third century or soon after. In what is otherwise reconstructed to be a decree of personal asylia intrudes a declaration for the temple, a restoration prompted by the name of Poseidon ( 6 ); at 11 might be (dou^avTopispw. 3 and 4 show a similar mixture; but Graindor's entire reconstruction must be regarded as uncertain. If 54 and 55 are both responses to the Tenians' quest for inviolability of the temple, then the Actolians and Cretans have responded in their manner and assumed that the Tenians' goal was personal inviolability; and the palaeography of these would dictate the date of 53: the Tenian quest would be in mid-third century or soon after. But other constructions could be put upon both 54 and 55. An archive of decrees was inscribed on opisthographic steles of grey marble, the same stone as that used for the temple. Only for 57 can the length of line be estimated with some confidence, on the assumption that the headings were centered and that the text did not extend onto a neighboring block. These texts have been understood as subsequent "renewals" of asylia granted by "our ancestors" (57.9), like the second series for Teos. Normally, however, what one "renews" in Hellenistic diplomacy is friendship, and this is done by the initiator as a preliminary to the substance of the mission; the word in effect means "remind." In the several fragments, the mention of the temple of Poseidon comes so soon after the verb of "renewing" that (under the presumed line length) one must assume that the Tenians "renewed" asylia. For this phrase we have one parallel (154): &vav£frkjacs6m xdv xe m^yY^vsiotv xal xotv tpuUotv tljacoc un6 ia<; rBXeuc Iv xok itp^TEpov xp^voi^; ™i t&v Page 159 xaMpumv to* hAuk »«iti %&pui; wi Awv&ytH. But even in this passage, it is still the Tea ns who did the "renewing," not Aptera. Thus strictly speaking there is no parallel for a grantor "renewing" asylia. As to what the Cretans now vote, the nearest we come is in 59.5: perhaps to inscribe the old grants, as for Teos. In this sense I follow others in taking these texts as "renewals" of asylia; but with the caution that with a longer line one might instead restore the familiar renewing of friendship, as a preliminary to the request for asylia. That is, these texts all might be reconstructed as initial grants, thus presumably contemporary with the Phocian decree; but this seems less likely than a "reminder" of the sort the Teans sent to Crete. In what survives, the ambassadors are called presbeutai rather than theoroi. That is perhaps the best evidence for separating out this archive from the assured grant (53) and deducing that this mission concerned inscribing rather than the status of the cult. It is only in this renewal series that we hear of an oracle (57.6); that is the case also at Teos. IG 802 shows a theoros bearing an oracle of Delphi, and that will surely be the same quest that produced the Phocian decree. Some letters (especially in 59, badly corroded) have been lost to flaking since the earlier copies, which I have not marked. 56. Gortyn Four joining fragments of a stele with molding at top, now in the Tenos museum; h. 0.12, w. 0.37, th. 0.03; letters of the first third of the second century BC , h. 0.008 (0.014 lines 1- 2), intersp. 0.005. P. Graindor, MusB 11 (1907) 20 no. 32 [Hiller, IG XII.5 867]; Guarducci, I.Cret. IV 196 (squeeze consulted by Klaffenbach). Collation. Photograph: P LATE 1 . Cf. Graindor, MusB 14 (1910) 91; Halbherr ap. Maiuri, RendLinc V. 20 (1911) 666-667; H. van Muttelsee, Verfassungsgeschichte Kretas (Hamburg 1925) 48-49; H. van Effenterre, La Crete et le monde grec (Paris 1948) 138. Y M at « K p TJ t|S vj r O p T U V [[to v] [ini tov ALJhu&vuv Kop^udvrov F6p^[uvt - --- --] 4 j - - - - Eeutljp&t tJiCvdvtoc - ■-* -* J (traces of one line) 1 van Effenterre, Guarducci: Hiller, Muttelsee. 3 init. Halbherr, Maiuri. The regional heading used by the Tenians suggests a more systematic grouping of the documents than is evident in other asylia archives; the Coan archive is only quasi- geographical, grouped by the theoric missions themselves. The restoration K ^NH ought strictly to mean the Cretan League, which would Page 160 be inappropriate here. The heading also implies that other places than Crete were approached in this "renewal." If the headings are centered, a far shorter line was used here than in the other decrees of this archive. 3: The reverse order at I.Cret. IV 184: ^xop^uSvtuv 4: Perhaps tootwv t>[mv *tx,■ c f iQ-gt. IV 181. 57-58 Fragment of grey marble from Tenos, badly corroded, left edge preserved (Athens, National Museum, no. 11567); h. 0.42, w. 0.28, th. 0.06. 57. Unknown Cretan city and Tylissus Graindor 21-22 no. 32 bis; Hiller, IG XII.5 868B [Guarducci, I.Cret. I xxx 2]. Collation. (traces of one line) [T uj X i cf l[t* v] [M. Tfiv otiv - - - J - - - - p ipCXot xal auyyiru^ g?n4px] OVTf: C tc xal npzo}- 4 [peui&< » 11 At&paviov NiJxtiXXou, $vctvE&v[™ xe t^v AauMsv seal] [tit XfiUri i[fita tu lp£a tG XCil t]m; x[-J [ --- - xal x| - - - Guarducci. 5-6: *( ati - - - Guarducci, *I al ™ "<&* - - - ™ I TvXwt**. >«na Hiller. The traces at the top are the end of another decree. 58. Aptera (?) Inscribed below 57; line 1 larger. Cf. van Effenterre 138-139. Page [ *A it t a p ? ] « L [w v] [ifd T4*V KCXJ^l6vXtoV T &tv eJ'jjy [■** -*-■* * * J [ - - - --- - - - ispE-opjEuxkv [---■ - - ] 4 [ - - - - - --- - ]AI[ - - - jv Ka^k, [ ..—. 1 E.^ls ..1 t- .*-JTAArf.-...3 1, 2 van Effenterre, from the position on the stone and parallels to the personal names. 59-60 Fragment broken on all sides, found in 1881 built into a wall of a church near the city; the reverse side of 57-58, into which it fits (Athens, National Musuem, no. 11568); h. 0.33, w. 0.23, th. 0.034; letters 0.008 (headings 1.2), intersp. 0.007. A. Latischew, BCH 7 (1883) 247-250 [SGDIIV p. 1032 (59 only)]; E. Georgantopoulos, » (Athens 1889) 42-43; Hiller, IG XII.5 868A [Guarducci, I.Cret. II xvi 2 (59 only)]. Collation. Photograph: Hiller (squeeze, 59.10-60); Pu TE 2. 59.Lappa Cf. Hiller, BCH 24 (1900) 615. I..]tfON(.. [..]? mw[li]ev[---- ---] [.**-**»* -- ^ -- - ^[vjcrrfwyrat t[£ tq Kfltl t&c xal x&v [w* jidUwv ^lXE«V?‘] dviypii^irn 71 *:□.£! 6xi] tue^ucoX^ytl T^vJlck tciv te] ™ tp& x« TIoteiMmw^ xal Xo]Ln& n«p& AaTXJiakdv [Sc&optivaJ [t LjiLcr ^fldEv^lEV ht XaL X&K npti^CtJt)^ Xai tov dyvEofj £ 4a^ifT]x 6t a.] 8 [ctuTOiq - - - - - - - --frc]l xai dvoKSv Ijwft^citfvxo) [d^U^ te tdv jicXUj-v xal aueFizJu^civ tiraiipdjjEQtt M . -- - - ]i twt tikuxtixt- LatischeWs copy of 59-60 is useful for confirming a few letters that Hiller dotted; Georgantopoulos's copy is not useful. 3-7 Rigsby: naxct6ijHtfVQ£ xal xis ^t]}±(p«ptxa^ xat xdy x«tc ntfXeai ^peMav | t[t tiv dcruXta-w x&i ] tw xat xal] fla^oxaX&vxL Ti)v[(ci^ Atto^^vtaL t^v xal xk Xojiift nap& Asmtuv [tlyia xal ^iX&vGpuna, Emvfivri Hiller. 7-9: rp«w«^a | x&v Sew* a*]i (xrx.) xat a]^uv Hiller. 9: xai™p* 5 *wjt*;? Latischew. 11 in it.: 4® Latischew. This becomes a letter in form, like many of the Cretan responses to Teos. Hiller's restorati of 3 has Lappa renew the asylia of the temple and call on the Tenians to accept a crown. But the "renewer" should be the Tenians in Page 162 the preliminaries; the decree proper, I believe, begins in line 5, whatever action was voted by Lappa. 2: Perhaps 7: A secretary accompanying the ambassadors, quite regular for foreign judges, is unparalleled in the asylia decrees. 60. Axus (?) Inscribed below 59; line 1 larger (0.013). Cf. Paris, BCH 1887, 336 n. 1; van Effenterre 139-140. [A S t» ? ]v [.- - .[d]- {tc£v- TVjvw qjIXpi xnl fiExEinL 6rc«PX OVTe ? fw] 4 [k6\\,o<^ biitJiv xal TtS hocv& Kpqtcuijwv, dmo^i^QCVte^ oroide [tc] [xal npcopcuias 15 x]al ^vavf [SvJ' Jthl tSlv ^otAtatv t&v Kpiyrai^v tftt te Ipfti tjii llotttj- [&Swvo<; xal t 4 /.TKPi-i to6]1«x; xal Tav v&a«d xora| - - - J 3 [ - - - t4«; Ilut-lfti - *--- [ - * * jeal iiv ioxXi^oLav AroXaTtEavro xepi - - - ] [ Tffl]i na jp££t [ -- - - - ^-—---— - — - ] 1 van Effenterre, from the position on the stone. 6-7 Rigsby. 8: t*v M a«etoLv^ y\.] Paris. I am not at all confident of the restorations suggested in 6-7, which make a difficult transition from the temple in the dative to the city and island in the genitive (especially given «: in 6). In the fragments of the "renewal" archive, this is our only mention of "city and island" as the subject; but elsewhere in these Cretan decrees "temple" is only a restoration, while "temple and island" were the subject of the Phocian grant. 7: The singular article does not need correction; for terminal * for c cf. 138; 161.20; I.Cret. I xxm 4; I.Mylasa 650; Gortina I (Rome 1988) p. 331; Bechtel, Die griechischen Dialekle II (Berlin 1923) 737. 61. Rome Fragment of grey marble found in the sea by the temple; h. 0.14, w . 0.21, th. 0.03; dots between words. Graindor, MusB 12 (1908) 5ff. no. 1 (copy and squeezes by Sakellion) [IG XII.5 test. 1381]. [■".. J [ ’ - - ] . . p[---- ] dekihra qua id impm [ - - ^ ] [ - ----“]* pfaejidmt jwtfi i&tum . [-] 4 [ - * * - - *-jaqaf $ji[” - -] f--- - ]qua ifgf jq [re - - - - } [ - - - fcmplttm tmsatta&M tsi .] [ - “ —-- - , | Page 16! This Roman decision about the temple may derive from the senatorial review of AD . 22, or from the work of Servilius Isauricus (40s BC ), who we know restored some statues to the temple (IG 917). The remains defy restoration. Line 5 shows the argument from analogy that we meet elsewhere in Roman confirmations of asylia. Finally, we have the following secondary items: IG XII.5 802: The Tenians praise a Byzantine, Nymphaeus son of Athenaeon, for helping their theoros who was sent to proclaim the asylia: [5-7] AjtocrcaXf TCpacr[THridJv AnsYYELXe[i x^v douXtav [Bu£nv- Ttoifc* ^ tog kpoo tqo noociiavoc [*«*] ^avrd«c rfjc nu8[a<; Nymphaeus exerted every effort for the god and the theoros in the assembly ( iv ™ *4“»). This surely alludes to the quest that also produced the Phocian decree; but the present decree cannot be closely dated. If Phormio son of Nymphaeus, a Byzantine active in Egypt in the years 217-204 (Pros.Ptol. VI 14635), was the son of the theoros, that might date the Tenians' quest well before the end of the third century; but it need not, nor is the filiation necessary. IG XII.5 860 (cf. Etienne, ZPE 39 [1979] 145-149 [I BC .]): In a time of threats by pirates, a Roman is praised for his aid: fjYrjoi^cvoi; cdoeJJfeq x«l (JET«Xo- nptnis fafdpJxeiv fcmmj) rf|v xpomptomiMv xi jc raipL&o; fyiuv no^aacr[Gai] *0,1 ups* c^oGo.* This last description may be no more than vague and grandiloquent; but similar statements are made about Pergamum and Ephesus under Roman rule in possible allusior to their declared inviolability. Tacitus Ann. 3.63: In A . D . 22 the Tenians showed the Senate an oracle of Apollo "wherein they were ordered to dedicate a statue and shrine to Neptune." This appears to be the foundation text of the cult rather than the oracle that called for asylia. Certainty is out of reach, but I would urge that we have no intrinsic basis for dating the Phocian decree, our clearest text, and hence no reason to put it earlier than others. If 53 and 54 are indeed recognitions for the temple, then the probable date for the Tenians' quest is the period 250-225 BC But they need not be, and the quest and the Phocian decree then might well be as late as ca. 200, when Tenos became the center of the Island League. The "renewal" seen in the archive would seem to belong in the next generation. 8. Hiller and Etienne (Tenos II 95) considered the space too short to restore the Byzantines; but Klaffenbach from the squeeze thought it possible (IG XII Suppl. p. 134), and Gauthier (ap. Etienne) urged that only a citizen could have supported a foreign theoros in the assembly. Page 164 Chalcedon In Roman times a visitor to Chalcedon remarked that among all the monuments in the city notable for age and history none was more marvelous than the oracular temple of Apollo, inferior to none of the greatest oracles in the world .1 This shrine, the oldest of the Chalcedonians, was chosen by Cocconas, associate of Alexander the False Prophet, as the lucrative place in which to fabricate oracles of his own (Lucian Alex. 10). Around 250 BC . the Istrians consulted the Chalcedonian god concerning the worship of Sarapis .2 The epigrammatist Antiphilus of nearby Byzantium (first century AD ) could evoke this oracle in the briefest terms: <« >ovx, * a > u£fflXer t t£ lepdv toD IXuSctLol? SuoXcrti x*l l KaX^rjSdvtCK tc xa! cuvol] [fctfe TtpoT^wv] jfj/L [hAJXct. iTKcn&JjodCJL xal xpw]- 4 xal Ar^jiiXoy [xal. r . iw]- \pi (mb 'AjcAXW^k; toO tv] jet? Tfjfljt ndXtv K&yrrfiovUjtv tfrat Ewcou xal tm&pxzw [£vflpc 3 itcn]i; kp&v xffil xul irapaxaXoCtotv fgifr; *[&$ toOI fl [tfeou Ti+Jtdfc, xaSdTL xal xal nAXw KaX^r^fovtctiv] [tqpdv x«l 5]*iuXciv toG 6eoS fcjavtetac xal ol l^pEopfffDrml) 19. Pouilbux points to 217-212 but is rightly skeptical about the role of Rhodocles for dating the event. According to Flaceliere, Aitoliens (and there are many gaps in the evidence), there was a Boeotian seat in the years 245-235, ca. 229-219, 217-212. 20. Pomtow thought (mistakenly) that some of the forms in the decree are exclusively Boeotian, and attributed these to Rhodocles. Unless Rhodocles actually composed or carved the text, his own dialect is irrelevant. Page 170 [ini ptnjJXfiv xotl t 6cX^Lav ^leX^yt^jsv db<><><><><><><><><><><> (4-9) [describing the oracles given] them by Apolb Chresterius in which he says that the city of the Chabedonians is his and is for all [mankind] sacred and invblable, and they call upon us to join in increasing [the honors of the god], as is in fact incumbent upon us, and declare the city of the Chabedonians [sacred and] invblable in keeping with the oracbs of the god (etc.) Hellenistic Phocaea is poorly documented; of decrees there is little to compare .21 The city joined Attalus I in 218 (Polyb. 5.77) but had reverted to the Seleucid alliance before 191 (App. Syr. 22). It was favorably treated in the peace of 188, its ancestral constitution and territory restored (Polyb. 21.45.7). The tantalizing fragment from Delos mentioning Phocaea (Staatsvertr. Ill 550) is roughly contemporary with our decree. 2: Klaffenbach's restoration is doubtful; I.Priene 65 has r&m after the decree formula. 8 : The recognition of inviolability is taken to be an obvious moral duty; cf. at Amorgos xaefrri £i*p«|uiev 4M«p[i] twv dptotwv[^ 0 * 61(1 (ig XII.7 231.5 for a doctor). For the sentiment compare Eumenes' urging to Cos, (176.36), and the frequent response to the Teans, "we too worship Dionysus." The action is "declare" in the request, "accept and declare" in the response (15-16). 17: As Klaffenbach remarks, we do not know which magistrates at Phocaea were in charge of such expenditures. The Phocaeans make no provision for inscribing the decree. 21. Cf. I.Priene 65, with Robert, RA 1926 II, 180-181 (Op. min. sel. I 239-240). Page 171 64. Tenedos Inscribed below 63. Tevp&kofv I5d;ev tJ-sc xal tul Mp^i h yvu^ia £i6XXtt£ b Ks[kxaMj- [viot tp[X]oc Iovxec x[al] gIxeuh xnl ot/^jsxca ix hhXsImv xp^vwv T[alt n 6 Xi]- 4 (OC iaTr TjcvE^tav <£he crriXica ictl xal itpierpEa: A^i[uXav l[jj- (] « oOx iMy* ml n&u; ml w J3eo lXI wv □t TEIEUX^m TW’u TIK TWtpA "OU 0£GU CTU|jJjO , jJj.£H; ll)y tC XCl6lipiil£HV ml xV^v AcruWav Avi ’(fApcoanv Aimp&xXiixin nihol, x«t w 6eui *«l xfji it6Xei x^|m i£l<*v fiEpl -ouxwv dnovcl^avre; x^f' lv ■ ■ • <><><><><><><><><><><><> inasmuch as the people by ancestral custom celebrate the festivals and games at Didyma for Apolb Didymeus, and as the city and country have been made sacredll on account of the joining of Leto and Zeus at that place and on account of the oracles of the god, in response to which not a few natbns and cites and, of kings, those who have obtained the greatest things from the advice of the god, proclaimed unasked the sacredness and inviolability, rendering to the god and the city proper thanks for those things ... For these reasons Miletus, in keeping with the oracles, now seeks to enlarge the Didymeia to crowned status. As to the date, 12 the limits are suggested by Delphinion 143.9-10 [Staatsvertr. Ill 537] (Trallian theoroi specially sent to the annual sacrifice to Apollo Didymeus in 218/7) and Syll.3 577.70-71 with I.Didyma 259.25 (quadrennial Didymeia already existing in 206/5 when Eudemus was honored). There is some reason to think that the Didymeia occurred in the year after the Olympia (like the Magnesian Leucophryeneia): Elis honors someone who has treated Olympian theoroi well, and the decree is to be sent with the next theoroi to the Didymeia. 13 This would place the first celebration in 215 or 211 or 207. Thus the Panhellenic Didymeia probably were in place in 207 bc at the latest, and the quest for the recognition must have occupied the preceding year; the recognition of asylia preceded that quest, by how long is unclear. I think it probable that both these honors for Miletus preceded those for its lesser neighbor and old enemy Magnesia in 208. If that is so, then it was in the years during which the Magnesians were smarting over their failure of 221 BC . that Milesian Apollo inaugurated crowned games, in 215 or 211.14 Inviolability was older, perhaps not long before 221 and prompting the Magnesians' first effort. 11. For the verb, see p. 9; Greek has no verb deriving from (cf. 156.12, 219.4). 12. For Milesian chronobgy in the period see M. Worrle, Chiron 18 (1988) 428-448; cf. Gunther 100-107. 13. I.Olymp. 39. Hiller, RE 15 (1932) 1608, held that the was the bcal and annual Didymeia; apparently he relied on the excavators' earlier date for the inscription. See Robert, Monnaies grecques (Par's 1967) 42-45; Herrmann, IstMitt 25 (1975) 159. 14. For the possibility of dating the Milesian "Persic" silver drachmas to the period see P. Kinns, NC 146 (1986) 256- 257. Page 176 It is interesting that the Milesians do not claim that the recognition of asylia is Panhellenicrather, many nations and cities, some kings, "unasked." Of these recognitions we appear to have one fragment. 65. Aptera Marble stele found at Aptera in Crete; preserved only on the right; h. 0.135, w. 0.23, th. 0.065; letters 0.005-0.01. The lettering is known only from the drawing published by Guarducci: A with broken bar, right hasta of N fully descended, of II mostly so, bars of I only slightly splayed, Q small and suspended, some thickening at the ends of strokes; "HI bc" Guarducci; I should think the last quarter. Guarducci, I.Cret. II 111 16. Cf. Robert, Hellenica I (1940) 113-115; M. Segre in Hellenica V (1948) 123 n. 1; Gunther 85 n. 100. [...JENIA - - ~ AJNTf - - - ] k-sH liv ^ii>p]QtY lep^ [xa\ acruXoc tfvat? toG t-q-G Xal EfR 4 (-- --■sSir tqD &]atfju>vl44 wpovoicti Mai ™ [-*cd] Mo]l rtpHivas: (traces) 2 t^v jt6Xiv Robert. 3 Gunther. 4 Robert: — ^ Guarducci. Guarducci took this to be a treaty, perhaps with Miletus, referring to sacred land and islands of Aptera. Robert and Segre independently recognized a declaration of Milesian inviolability. The islands of Miletus were a substantial part of the civic territory and presumably were specified for that reason. 15 1 think that the succession of topics in lines 3-5 requires a longer line than Gunther's restoration of line 3: here instead may have been invoked oracles "of Apollo Didymeus"; hence the line length must be considered uncertain. If this is indeed a decree of inviolability, then the event probably was in the last quarter of the third century, if we can judge from the script, and not earlier in the time of Seleucus II. If, however, we take the Milesians' own statement literally, then there was no Panhellenic quest, 16 and we may well be mistaken to seek a coherent occasion and date for the inviolability of Miletus. A complete decree of recognition would resolve these doubts by revealing whether Milesian theoroi in fact canvassed the Greek world for 15. On them see G. Manganaro, Annuario 41-42 (1963-66), esp. 293-295, and Pierart (1985) 276-292; the phrase "city and country and islands" is found in the lex sacra I.Didyma 488.19 (= LSAM 48) of 276/5. Compare at Itanos deputed "territory and islands," I.Cret. Ill iv 8.10-11, 9-44; at Calymna attack on the "city and territory and elands," T.Calymnii 64.9 (= Syll.3 567). 16. Benefactors who act "unasked": 102.64; OGIS 194.11, 248.25. Page 177 the status, or by contrast governments recognized it casually in the course of other dealings with Miletus; this latter seems improbable behavior, and unparalleled. The remaining evidence for inviolability at Miletus concerns Roman policy toward the temple at Didyma. Miletus was deprived of freedom in the 80s BC for supporting Mithridates; the Didymeia were abolished, and the temple was in some way separated from the city administratively (perhaps fiscally), for a distinct calendar now functioned there. The "festival and games" were restored in 63, and the city regained its freedom after the Parthian invasion in 40. 17 Some cities punished by Rome in these circumstances lost their inviolability, only to have it restored in the 40s on Caesar's orders. At Miletus things were otherwise. The temple treasurer of the first semester of 44 BC stated that in his term "Caesar increased the existing asylia of the temple by two miles," npocTEitjQTj gh&K aia.apogKpi?ifjilepoo|iDua boo^ j n effect, this will have been the work of Servilius Isauricus,i9 so active in this regard, and contemporary with Caesar's edict for Sardes (214); Caesar was of course dead before this treasurer went out of office and put up his inscription (hence perhaps the brief "Caesar"). The two miles is doubtless an addition to the radius, the sort of gesture attested at Ephesus, Oropus, and Hieracome. We do not know the original boundary to which this extension was added. Certainly the resulting perimeter cannot have approached the city proper and created the problems that the Romans observed at Ephesus, but (as Rehm saw) the south coast with its harbor Panormus is just over two miles from the temple and must now have come within the inviolable perimeter. The temple, not the city and country, now possesses asylia. Perhaps in the 80s, rather than abolish the status, the Romans stripped it from the city and country but let it continue at the temple, which for a generation was in some degree treated separately from the city. This moreover would accord with Roman thinking about asylum, a property of temples and not cities. Caesar's favor on this topic accordingly had to be different here than elsewhere, an expansion of the boundaries rather than a restoration of the status. In the time of Augustus a distinguished Milesian was honored because he obtained from the emperor "the inviolability of Apollo," ^ 17. See Rehm, SBMilnch 1939.8; the relationship between city and temple in these years, about which Rehm wrote with cautbn, suggesting some fiscal separatbn (p. 41), remains obscure. For the status of the Panhellenb Didymeia in Roman times see Herrmann, IstMitt 25 (1975) 149-166 and 38 (1988) 309-313. 18. I.Didyma 391.II.A.7-10 (= OGIS 473), with Gunther, Gnomon 63 (1991) 605. For the topography see Rehm (1939) 24 n. 1. The bare term "Caesar" is odd, but the date admits of no doubt (Haussoullier had thought the reference was to Caligula). Extensbns of the boundaries of asylia are not attested after Augustus. 19. So Habbht, GGA 213 (1959) 152; cf. p. 28 above. Page 178 tg dmXiavToo ’Ato»xuvoc .20 Apparently the status was revoked or at least threatened at some moment after 44 BC ; perhaps Caesar's expansion of the limits had provoked hostility and challenge on the part of some affected party such as publicans. On a later occasion the Milesians honored a citizen with a statue in the temple precinct; among his past services was an embassy to an emperor concerning the inviolability of the temple and the rights of the City, [npECj(}]eA-< l7liq>SVCHJ^ &fe ( ApT^lfrOC) iLpCKlSe^r^lCVOL >—< Trj'f £tX ^[tf^VS^pOu] la Zr?voWrou T £v *A8frm< 5£ &p[xq]vto£ yq*(wtw; t ITuOtJ- rr hk XiEkip-aj5©OU vLKuvCd^ t]cu-L JlpOtiptiiL It [fit --■] ou BouotEou p 'OXuttTCto; &| tw4 Ciaripwi; ttei Wjy [bcwToirrftv] xd ircrapaxMt^v k 0ky§j;u&5tt vikS-vtch; [ti tphov] i© {ra]eeY?«paTUJ¥ Ayi^aiZ^toy MtaoT^Ewp >—< ^p«r5[ov &py^plj- t^v dy£iva Bcivat tG>y JctrtotxoijVTitfv t^v Atrictv ^^(oavj- TO, Tfjv |xB«]rt¥ TtfU TlOri^V Xgqpivfpq, (©Tt q6tw] itH^aouoiv oifcuq Apiqjiw AnwtppuqviifvJ rcp&;| ao x6 fieEScrt sikjrpEiM; l&M MdYVTptv id x6v ifp^avDv fci: re¬ lieve* J3 w^¥ Ap^T^ 1 ^ yip®. XEX®pW7[i^fs &tco5l®wi3lv J Cite xd t-U¥ £UtiiV dc[Y]cjvtiiv t^v iilv In 1 dtpy[up[tin tC^ Oiviwv, xpiwt 5£ CfftEpqv 5ii <3re—< &£ 51 £ne0[a]k6fjey&L nep^JKvdST^[-i<¥, dd} [a] t ptpa.¥i^|n5p—< CTteqJsvs^opc^Ovro^ 51 Moiipcey^pou T©y oriscpay[ETqv tSy^va] ft]P*v BtA xfyi raapaflveow toO] [Otjau XaL tots; urrrap^u'iaa*; TtAvfni; oOt[uy i^iAtar] [x«]l obcEiiTiyrac tx TfpoYduwfj. -] Text of Ebert. 1-2: a$rvi$ xai xp^ou* f imb 3 Mvw]v ve | Attwkc>]v Hiller. 2 Kern: a U 0 [- l at Ebert. 2-3: ai^oft « ae. ,v Kern; tr-mz eo ]* T ® , >att[v^ 25 ’r£^{'0<*pl'4'>s 5^axoc]^ 26 tr^sW? * jctprilowl^. 27: — 1 Kern, ^ X£ ^ l ^ av f* ™^l Tf > Hiller. Kern: 28 st^Aviou], 29 xpI'j<>^4, 30 'exx^uv Aniv]^ 3i Aitoae^a]-^ 32 &. voji^civj. 33 Wilhelm, Hermes, accepted by Kern 495: *ap<><><><><><><><><><><> (4ff.) But when later, upon Artemis Leucophryene manifesting herself to them, they sent Agaristus, the god proclaimed in response to their enquiry: "It is better and more auspicious for those who honor Apolb Pythius and Artemis Leucophryene and recognize the city and country of the Magnesians as sacred and invblable." Page 187 After the manifestation of Artemis had occurred and they received the oracle, when Zenodotus was stephanephorus, Thrasyphon archon in Athens, first year of the [Pythi]a in which [] Boeotian won as cithara-singer, one year before Olympiad 140 when Heges'damus Messenian won in pancratbn [for the third time], they first voted to hold a moneyed contest for those who live in Asia, making this interpretation of the oracle, that these (the Asians) would honor Artemis in the way, being in general piously disposed toward the divine, if accompanying the Magnesians to the [od] altar they shoud render gifts pleasing to the Foundressinasmuch as other contests had been established originally with moneyed prizes, but later as a result of oracles became crowned. But when having undertaken this they were fobbed off, when Moeragoras was stephanephorus, the fourteenth from Zenodotus under whom the oracle was given them, remembering their ancestral [friendships] they revealed to others all that had been prophesied; and, in Moeragoras' year, they established the crowned contest, equal to the Pythia, giving a crown worth fifty god staters, with the approval of the kings and all the other Greeks to whom they sent ambassadors, voting by nations and cities to honor Artemis and to make inviolable the city and country of Magnesia, because of the god's urging (etc.) 1-4: Hiller restored an allusion to earlier festivals and prizes. I suggest a different possibility, although the word order is clumsy: ^ ( 0 r l^w**) tuX£(l)v k & yvx ? tou^npoEijp^vou? iidyvijaiv i fc "Such being the question, the god ordered them to fulfill all the oracles that had already been given, according to which they would preserve the holy city."30 This last was merely the familiar poetic phrase, "31 which then in 221 BC (lines 6ff.) was given a contemporary and literal reading when Apollo was consulted again and ordered that the city be declared sacred and inviolable. The repeated issuance of oracles, with growing clarity and insistence, is a familiar pattern; a graphic case is the famous Sarapis papyrus, PSIIV 435. 6: The only other Magnesian Agaristus on record is the father of one of the theoroi of 208 bc. (see on 103). 12ff.: The more precise date of this first quest was probably spring/summer 221; see on 67. This text gives us one of the few externally dated archons of third-century Athens (listed by C. Habicht, Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte Athens, Vestigia 30 [Gottingen 1979] 113) and helps to anchor the list IG II 2 1706 30. For in Delphian oracles compare Parke/Wormell II nos. 292 ( T - <^P«c) and 339 ( T - xa &{&» iow Axx 5 dpYupitijc)■ but xp , v aTl ) T, i v or 9e H Ttl l' n i v are also possible. 17: The notion of the "Greeks of Asia" was of course old, 33 and it does not seem to have expanded in the Hellenistic period despite the many civic foundations in Asia by Alexander and later kings. That is, I suspect that the Magnesians in 221 did not invite to the games all the Greek cities from Ionia to Afghanistan, but rather, as we see in the Delphian theorodochoi list, the old Greek cities of Aeolis, Ionia, and the Dorian south. 34 18: For the expression cf. Polyb. 22.7.6: 20: If Ebert's restoration is right, this is the original altar rather than the Hellenistic great altar (Humann 91-99), a distinction envisioned by Kern, Hermes 494. This implies that the extant great altar was in place by 208 BC ; it is normally taken to be the work of Hermocrates and contemporary with his temple. 22: The Magnesians are defensive about their first interpretation of new honors for Artemis, which proved to be inadequate. 24: For 0 f an oracular "undertaking," Robert adduced an example from Antioch by Cragus: v***te* — ™pi s* twpmofiw (Laodicee du Lycos 306 n. 7). Ebert took to mean that the Magnesians "were slow in their undertaking" (to establish crowned games, which he believed to be their intention from the start), and that annual games for the Greeks of Asia 32. Hinted at already by Robert, REA 38 (1936) 13 n. 1 (Op. min. sel. II 776). 33.See R. Seager and C. Tuplin, JHS 100 (1980) 141-154. 34.Polybius often uses "Asia" of western Anatolia; thus 18.46.15 (the freedom of the Greeks in 196) and 21.17.12 with 21.18.2 (the peoples the side of the Taurus = "all those in Asia"). Cf. Arr. Anab. 1.20.1 (after Alexander took Miletus, the Persians no bnger had a port in Asia); App. Syr. 3; M. Segre, RivFil 60 (1932) 446 (Eumenes II saved from the Galatians not only his own subjects but all the inhabitants of Asia). See Robert, Op. min. sel. I 336-337, on the geographical limits of the Delphian theorodochoi. The extant fragments of Nymphodorus' "Periplus of Asia" (ca. 200 B .c?) all concern the Aegean (FGrHist 572 ff 4-8). See generally D.J. Georgacas, The Names for the Asia Minor Peninsula, Beitr.z.Namenforsch. n.F. 8 (Heidelberg 1971) 27-29. Page 189 were a reality down to 208.35 He guessed that they were waiting on the new constructions of altar and temple for the final elevation of the games. This seems to me mistaken, and Kern's understanding of an initial failure correct. The passive ought not to mean "were delayed," with no moral tone, but "were turned aside," "fobbed off." That is regularly its meaning and tone in Ptolemaic papyri, where the word figures in complaints and petitions when one is being "stalled" or "fobbed off" (especially by debtors or by bureaucrats). 36 And the defensive tone of the passage does not suit the success story that Ebert deduces, a growth from local to Asian to Panhellenic games, with an apology only for its slowness. Rather, is the undertaking of both the Asian games and (as specified in the oracle) asylia, and the Magnesians met with refusal of both in 221. Refusals will not normally have left any record. We evidently have one result from the quest of 221, the decree of the Aetolians (67). 25: The phrase "fourteenth stephanephorus from" 221/0 implies inclusive reckoning, as would be natural in counting eponyms in sequence, thus 208/7 rather than 207/6.37 We have seen that the quest began early in the civil year, so spring 208. 27: So other cities "remember" their kinship and friendship with Magnesia (84.16, 88.29, 102.62; Ebert cites also I.Cret. Ill 111 3.C.2-4); cf. 12.33, 48.19, 49.19, and the Xanthians being asked to remember (*v«tw)oe£v™<) their kinship with Cytenium (SEG 38.1476.14). 28: The force of repeating the citation of Moeragoras is that he not only dates the year of invitations but was still stephanephorus when the enlarged games actually came to be celebrated (spanning spring to spring, in my view). The text thus speaks against the theory of Ferguson (see on 87) that the Magnesian theorvi went out in 209 and Moeragoras merely dates their return to Magnesia. 35. He argued (205) from the detail of the Asians' sacrifice envisaged at the old altar, and from the annual contest attested in a decree of 221/0 (I.Magn. 15b.4-5), which he took as the Asian games. As to the latter text, surely there had bng been a bcal and annual contest for the patron divinity, so that the passage (KnJ9 T txdOrO'v (via[t/rAv tGt fiertjm*Sa]i AySvi) tmv ctjvtcXol^vov w*p T /jutv [ApjKotppurjvcjv - « -J jg no t proof of the eXBtence Of the contest for Asians between the bcal and the Panhellenic games. Ebert speculated that the vacat in 24 represents an erasure and that the mason intended ... ^ W and, having omitted &£ by mistake, altered the conjunction. 36.So all three instances in P.Enteuxis (32.9, 55.14, 75.10); all seven in the Zenon papyri, listed at P. Pestman, Guide (P.Lug.Bal. 21) p. 698 s.v. Note especially P.CaixZeuan 59355.108: kft ^ cf (a|| passive) UPZ 20.42, 57; 39.8 = 40.7. 37.Kern assumed exclusive reckoning. Inclusive: W. S. Ferguson (Athenian Tribal Cycles [Cambridge, Mass. 1932] 128); Welles (Royal Corres. p. 147 n. 9); Kobe; Ebert (206). The discussbn of W. B. Dinsmoor, The Athenian Archon Let (New York 1939) 166-167 (cf. S. V. Tracy, Hesperia 41 [1972] 44-45) is confused. Page 190 32: Note that a single word (whether or 1 e p^) is sufficient to evoke the status; compare the elliptical allusions in 88.37 and 140.7. 34: D.Musti, AnnPisa 32 (1963) 225-239, has argued for the increasing banality of the claim of kinship by the late third century BC ; for "kinship with all," however, he cites (227- 228) 27.7-8 of 242 B ,. 67. Aetolian League Copies at Thermus in Aetolia and at Delphi, not at Magnesia. Thermus: inv. 57+86, found in 1897, inscribed with several other Aetolian acts; limestone stele broken at top; h. 0.63, w. 0.75, th. 0.39; letters 0.010-0.015, intersp. 0.007. I.Magn. pp. xiv-xv (copy of Soteriades) [Dittenberger, Syll .2 923; Schwyzer 385; Soteriades, EphArch 1905, 83; Pomtow, Syll.3 554]; Klaffenbach, IG IX. 12 4.c. Photograph: Kern, Inscriptiones Graecae (Bonn 1913) 34. Delphi: inv. 60, a small fragment found ca. 1892, preserved only at bottom right; h. 0.13, w. 0.11, th. 0.038; letters 0.008, intersp. 0.003-4. Bousquet, BCH 82 (1958) 90-91 [SEG 18.246]. Photograph: Bousquet fig. 18. I give the Thermus copy, underlining the little that survives at Delphi. crrpcr^orffovia^ AyNatflwOnloU t 4 ikuTEpov, IjETcapxfavTat ITcuke^i^pxou 0u- ptoxnEau, Tptx&v£o^ + 4 Iho ^e tow; AtxmXotc- Mdr^TES autotac tWvpjM&Qtv* xal igfV n^Ai- v atfrwv xal tdv lapdv xal SmsXov eI^ey* x®B5h i ot li 7ip£ap€urtal £r:Q-TT QVI1 □ xelI ^ouaLav ctu-rv AItwXwv £y AfctoXlai xnracxEdvtuv dye[L.Jv |i3f^&£va TSg td*; Mayvi^Giv |ii^squt6Se|i ^yquc x-xcd yaw xsrcd MXaavTL w; id xeuvd p- X«nr6vr Ciiv Mai IxEpdooovia^ HaraSh<><><><><><><><><><><> (4ff.) Inasmuch as the Magnesians on the Maeander, sending as envoys Mnesiptolemus and Hipponicus, have renewed their friendship with our people and made clear the loyalty they have toward the League, it is decreed to preserve our friendship with them, and their city and country are to be sacred and inviolable, as the ambassadors proclaim. No one of Aetolians or those living in Aetolia is permitted to seize anyone from Magnesian territory, operating from anywhere, by land or sea. If anyone does, the current strategos is to impound the visible property, while for that not visible38 the synedrvi are empowered to fix such fines as they deem fit, as upon those harming League affairs, and to collect the fines and pay them over to the victims. They are to be given as well a hieromnemonic vote in the Amphictyony. At Thermus a subsequent Aetolian decree (IG IX. 12 4.d) was inscribed below this one; it mentions King Philip, hence a terminus ante quern of 179 BC The text, mostly lost, was restored by Klaffenbach as a grant of a crown and citizenship to the Magnesians in thanks for their prior grant of these to the Aetolians, with a provision to include in the laws the decree under Agelaus. Most of this is speculative, and the act can provide no reliable guide for defining the occasion or date of 67. When was Agelaus strategos for the second time? Polybius names other men as the Aetolian strategoi of 221/0 and 220/219 (4.5.1, 4.27.1), and Agelaus in 217/6 (5.107.6)but which time this was for him Polybius does not say. Agelaus was strategos again in 206/5 (SEG 38.1476.79, also unnumbered). Klaffenbach, treating the chronology of the strategoi, dated our decree to 224/3thus before the first effort of the Magnesians in 221, which is impossible; Bousquet preferred to call 217/6 the first and 206/5 the third, with our text somewhere in between. 39 The Aetolians here grant the Magnesians a seat on the Amphictyony. This seat is first seen with certainty in 133, probably 202/1 BC (the Delphian archon Megartas). Flaceliere assigned to the years from ca. 220 to Megartas as many as five Amphictyonic decrees that seemed to lack the Magnesian seat. Accordingly he placed this decree with the second quest, in 208. This too should be judged impossible, given the silences of the decree. The Delphian evidence seems in fact to be inconclusive on whether Magnesia had a seat during the period 220-202.40 Moreover, we now have in 78 an Aetolian decree given to the Magnesian theoroi 38. That is, already deposed of. 39. Klaffenbach, IG IX.12p.i. (he put the first tenure in 231/0; he could not know about that of 206/5); J. Bousquet, REG 101 (1988) 26-27. 40. So also P. Fraser, BCH 78 (1954) 65. See Flaceliere, Aitoliens 324-325, 409-412. Flaceliere admitted (325 n. 1) that his I 42 and 43 were of quite uncertain date; I 40 and 41 are too fragmentary to show whether the Magnesians are absent; I 39, almost complete and certainly lacking the Magnesian seat, he assigned to 216/5 (archon Polycleitus): but 225-214 or 206-205 according to G. Daux, Chronobgie delphique (Par's 1943) 48. Page 192 of 208, accepting the Leucophryeneia: that occasion could not have produced two Aetolian decrees. We must judge by the nature of the act itself and put it into the historical context defined by the Magnesians' account (66).4i The Magnesians send two ambassadors, not called theoroi, both otherwise unattested ,42 who speak on friendship; the Aetolians approve the friendship and declare the city and country sacred and inviolable, dwelling at length on penalty clauses of the sort regularly found in Aetolian grants of collective personal inviolability. This decree differs from those Aetolian grants only in making inviolable not the people but the city and country, which (the Aetolians add) is what the Magnesians are "proclaiming" (11-12). This territoriality, by contrast, is the only point that the present act shares with the recognitions of the inviolability of city and country that date from 208: there is no mention of Artemis, the oracles, the epiphany, games, or the piety and past benefactions of the Magnesiansthe "case" that they would make in 208. This decree, therefore, is a response to the first Magnesian effort, in which they asked baldly for inviolability without "revealing" all the oracular testimonia (66.27), and without requesting crowned games for Artemis; nor of course would they invite Aetolians to the games for the Greeks of Asia. The Aetolians responded by reading this request into their own conventional formulary for collective personal asylia, as they would for Teos later (132) and as the Cretan League would for Anaphe (175). Indeed in 221 B . c . the Aetolians may never before have been faced with a request for the asylia of an entire city and country. The Magnesians say that they failed in their effort in 221: we can conclude that the Aetolians' recognition was exceptional. In 208 a number of Aetolian cities responded to the Magnesians by accepting at least the Panhellenic games (77): but not enough of that decree survives to indicate whether they granted asylia at the same time; likewise it is not certain that the Delphians (79) granted asylia in 208. All these may well have followed the League's lead in 221 and granted asylia then. 1: The date is Olympiad 139.4 = 221/0 (66.14). Aetolian strategoi served from autumn to autumn (Polyb. 4.37.2); another man is certain in 221/0 (Polyb. 4.5.1), so Agelaus' year, his second tenure ,43 must be 222/1.44 Our decree must date from the last months of his term, in the summer of 221. 41. Bebch (Gr. Gesch. IV.2 417), Pomtow (ad be.), and Daux (JSav 1939, 122) have all seen that the act must precede those of 208; cf. Gauthier, Symbola 273-274. Summary by Fraser, (above, n. 40). 42. The name Hipponbus is found again at the end of the Hellenistic perbd, I.Magn. 88.f and 346. 43. His term in 217/6, unnumbered at Polyb. 5.107.6, will be his third. 44. To this year Klaffenbach (p. 74) assigned Pantaleon's fourth tenure, but with much hesitatbn. He invoked Pomtow, who, however, said no more than "c.a. 220" (Syll.3 522 n. 5) and "c.a. 222" (546.A n. 1). Page 193 16-17: On these terms for disputed property see J.-H. Michel in Le monde grec (Brussels 1975) 508-512. 18-19: For parallels for "harming" see Wilhelm, WS 29 (1907) 3. 68 . Attalus I To the left is inscribed the list of Cretan cities I.Magnesia 21, apparently the subscription to the forgery I.Magnesia 20. Kern, I.Magnesia 22 [Dittenberger, OGIS 282]; Schroeter 23; Welles, Royal Corres. 34. Cf. Wilhelm, Jahresh. 4 (1901) Beibl. 27 n. 6 (Kl. Schr. II.l 154); Holleaux, Etudes I 315; P. Roussel, REA 38 (1936) 229; R. E. Allen, The Attalid Kingdom (Oxford 1983) 169. [Mot}- Yvijtuv xfjfi pduXfji xal tui [Sifl- JlyStwv ml Aux[o]- 4 rj, c mv 6 KoAettE t dY^vfl TijL At 1 jXCKppvT|v[f|l] 5 |£OUdlX^V xod X«l III- lUX&v laOTjfllOV, XOtl ttlVcol St£M3f0t^r[«v] ttXdXoo^iiJ^ toll; YCTFW^E 1 *;'] it f Lauv xal Sm 1 tpk iriXEtjq;] d"o5i5cf[v hi) tbv S%j*v ^(^VY|iivov [0rt h iy poG yTYFvrftifwv tic «lut6v cd[tprrj’ r6 rnu/v Kotl &|J^ | lXovvT , ^X(wpp6]- vtiK h t6v tc dy&va sS-dnttp ttap-a^eiXtE]- xe drcoSfxOf 1 ^ xact dnoEpx^ ij[t^ jcpg^ra]- ■5a ftoDvfli, x&l at rcriXcu; 8& «1 iT[eiG6^e]- 20 ™ £\uA iroi^Q'Q'iJoiv 6|Jo[£JC r [lypn^st] ■ydp aiji-ak napaxaXfov 1 xs[t iv to^ SX]- Xou; Si xctS 1 6aov 6 [il-renTcrt] [ffU¥os]u5^j«j x£v dy^vot [ - - - J *4 {.1 ^ *[.*- ] 13 Dittenberger: ** *t&] Kern. 16 <><><><><><><><><><><> Page 194 Your envoys Pythbn and Lycomedes brought me a decree in which you ask me to accept as crowned and isopythian the musical, athletic, and equestrian contest you are holding for Artemis Leucophryene; and they themselves spoke in keeping with the text, and asked that also the cities under me accept it likewise. Seeing that your people are mindful of my past benefactions to them and are always friendly in their dealings with me (?), I accept the contest as you ask and have given orders to give a firstfruits sacrifice; and the cities that obey me will do likewise, for I have written them asking. And in all else, insofar as your people ask, I shall join in increasing the contest... I place Attalus' letter first, for although he makes no allusion to the fact, Magnesia certainly was on some terms an Attalid city in 208.45 Presumably they had been allies since the 220s and his defeat of Antiochus Hierax, who had held Magnesia.46 Attalid rule over much of Caria would be ended for a time in 204 by the western campaign of Antiochus III. 47 In what survives of the letter, Attalus does not mention the request for asylia. He alone among the kings specifies the categories of competition (8-9) and promises to provide a sacrifice for Artemis (18-19). 3: This pair of theoroi is not met again; the same number, rather than the usual three, were sent to Ptolemy (71). A Lycomedes visited some Anatolian cities (125, 126), while perhaps a different one toured the Greek mainland (cf. on 73); but the name was common at Magnesia. 16: Kern's text is unparalleled in a diplomatic context and dubious Greek, 48 hence Roussel's emendation ("&(*) avec un adverbe"). For the construction compare Origen Cels. 7-35: ty*™ 1 ** *•-One might instead have compare at Philostr. VA 4.16. 19-21: "The cities subject to me will do likewise because I have written them asking" is revealing concerning *«p«**«v jn the mouth of a Hellenistic king. The verb is common in the asylia decrees; when a recipient "calls upon" a grantor to recognize inviolability, that is a request to a sovereign state. Attalus' statement might be taken to imply that Magnesia was not among these obedient cities, 45. A tribe Attalis is attested soon after, I.Magn. 89.7. A. Mastrocinque, La Caria e la Ionia (Rome 1979) 154-156, from the fact that Ptolemy abne of the kings grants asylia, infers that Magnesia was Ptolemab; Fraser, BCH 1954, 67, assumes that it was Seleucid (on his claim of an Amphbtyonb recognition for Magnesia, see J. and L. Robert, Bull, ep'gr. 1955, 122). 46. Porphyry FGrHist 260 F 32.8; cf. Will, Histoire I 296-300. 47. The city is attested as Seleucid a generatbn earlier (I.Magn. 5.4; G. Le Rider, BCH 114 [1990] 543-551 [Antbchus II]; the last issues of the Seleucid royal mint come under Seleucus II; cf. Newell, WSM 290) and was so again by 201 (Polyb. 16.24.6). 48. Kern cited IG IX. 1 235, a poem on an individual, its text uncertain; in honorific prose we have at OGIS 505.7; compare ^ t"****^ del a t Eur. Hipp. 452. With this sentiment would be jarring; and the phrase iv js not well supported by the para lb Is adduced by Welbs. Page 195 rather an ally. Several Attalid cities are represented in the archive, and some recognized inviolability as well as the games (e.g., Teos, Colophon, later Tralles). 21ff.: As Welles (p. 151) remarks in support of Wilhelm's restoration, n*pT"mw* makes no sense with (and Pergamum surely would be reckoned among Attalus' subjects). The "other things" whereby he will help increase the games might be an indirect reference to inviolability, but this seems improbable, uselessly unspecific; compare the Seleucid letters (69.6, 70.6), in which Magnesia has voted to establish "the contest and the other things." 69. Antiochus III Kern, I.Magnesia 18 [Dittenberger, OGIS 231; W.Janell, Ausgew. Inschr. (Berlin 1906) 51]; Schroeter 25; Welles, Royal Corres. 31. Photograph: Kern pi. III.2 (lines 1-15). AvtE&x&s T«V Tljlr fkjU&ijl. Kfll toi 4 pi]? ot rap’ 0|juv sipfe Se^gI Evtxev mO t6v t 5XXa S ist 6 owteXelv rr\i ■B Tt&i, -ri^ Apx^jiiGL AtwCMppy- Tjviji, ou^L|4E(t«VTE^ £v AvrwxcLat Tijs HspspUkK; t6 tC Kflv Kffll aOxol ia Tote xaxaxex*&pu3pil« VOtg iv lCttpnMAnfi'vr(( &fto&££aadai irwfavEr^v la*mO0«sv tAv liycd-va Bv tUterc i^l 0e5i ftti ircv- 16 Ix^vxes ^cvcn JTGtpdcrC^iat KOfTOXoXouG^V [xiii xoG n]ra[xpjfrc OqnrY^oct gwaOEeiv ufjtv [iv ot^ &}v n[ap}axoXiirE fj xal afrcbc isavorft. £ppwGe. 18 Dittenberger: fi^i^Kjai Kern. 21 Dittenberger: l tL = xp^H^ Kern, T *>.]t>M*v Wilhelm, Holleaux. The eldest son of Antiochus the Great, born in 220, was co-regent by 209 and died in 193; he never ruled alone.si Evidently he accompanied his father on the eastern campaign, and it is visible that he has his father's answer before him; but it need not follow that he too was at Antioch in Persis (in whose decree the response of neither king is mentioned). That the Magnesians obtained a separate letter from him (contrast the letters of the joint rulers Theodore and Amynander to Teos and Claros) might suggest that the two were in fact not in the same place. And the Magnesians presented the decree and made their speeches "to me" (10), not to the two together. 4-5: For this simple citation of the parent see Aymard 86 n. 2, 93 n. 5. The son makes explicit that the ambassadors were sent "to my father" and not to himself. 51. For the dates see A. Aymard, Etudes d'histoire ancieunes (Paris 1967) 217 n. 1, 267-268; Schmitt, Untersuchungen 13-20. Page 198 71. Ptolemy IV The only inscription of the archive that was found exposed to the elements, its text was badly worn and had a furrow down the middle; the stone was left at the site. Kern derived more from the squeezes. The letters become increasingly crowded, so that the loss in the middle of each line is hard to estimate. Kern, I.Magnesia 23 [Strack, ArchPF 2 (1903) 543; Schroeter 24; Welles, Royal Corres. 33]. Cf.J. De Decker, RPhil n.s. 29 (1905) 160 (squeeze). [p)aoO..EU£ [J1 toXsi] [i i Mory^T«v (tt]i xal lui 5/iu-on ]/ii[CpfLv blj rtap 1 i>- *oiL --------) mi [- - -]54id[u] xb [poi] dtoifoaxav £y jLl & [« B a * + ]t£j[ -- * -]wv $1 * * * ) [dET]wva tw{v Aeujio^p^v&v x]ht it xbv Xfjpojjkv too [SsckS flv cnjv]teXepts] TT)1 *ApnillEjfc-[l TlJ[ AEUXD AJuxotiftEr^ Xaputou i 6 it [4]n£E«Kav (xffc Ui5|tu\ Eit^yr^v ixnAogflti*;; tote x«t [f tapjom Ei^oOvtcc] a [i4v ix] [x4v xSir] ntiXt x&v [May^Jr [tov tuv] M-attivEpou nit ii ituviv Bdt^ntuv xaL ^Jto) L o[YL]‘ [E^^ievot xjdtv it ihc Ecu ApxIijlEqs AwKjqjpJu^vac £nwjf[4vei]- [av xi^ fritE i(&v JiptoY^vuv] iv Ttl>£ 'EXA[avaqj ii leOepywlffi;, x^] mapexdXtOTv pcti Tidtrir; (ntou&ic qn[Xot&]- kilac drr;oE^5a}cr9irj{i} x&v xc 0 (ihtE«v xfj] x&v ixiQxe-ip^Y (t&v] [4y»VB (nt^CtvtT^ tnq-nnuOi.pv t[fcG£vt^ tat ft pif^tE l] [xa£& iv xu tO nip cnjjxwv y^ypafirs^,, xfj xiv n6Xiv] l6 fenhwv xfj x4v xwpav lapav] Xtj [ctptv, xafri }dj A 6 m.6*c] [6 Iv BeJupG^ ixpetoc aikO^] L SeE^x®* 1 I.-.-- ] [”**** - x]J| n t 4 %toy xf| ,[ ■---] [ - -— - ]iwy Bqiwtot [ - -] m ]t4v xir gtxtAiaitt ct[ - - -- ------] I - -.M«]tv^xwt [.-I j---- Iftt*; inti. ■ vy[..- - -. *--] [..fi)™? ^ve^tipo[....] a * [ -.^Vl...3 -| i.TCEirc[iXfitv[ l---- W § - ■ ■ 0KKj[ —...] Si drapu*; ft.]iLoXXja[tp4]vtiv [EgjkjuXov Auxg]- 2 El c^iXon^tC'SC Evexev ifi^ xje n £>i tin* fteftv [x^ t«c fi4i ^StvJ Page 200 p [n«tpl£a s t& xcAco&vJ tliv hni £ivta [ctik^ ■* *■ - ] -* - ]t* - 'w * -wnx[ -- —*--J [ - --- --JxorcaBf . a [--*--,*,.***-* ] | ^ * -*-*****-, Joutqv iLQi[ -----■-] [ - ------ ]ctvta xn \ - * - - - - | [’... \]6&e &^(ev--- - - - --] f - - ...jiTOu™^ [---J vacat 3 (0IB clear on the squeeze) Kern, Roesch, Etienne/Knoepfler: [P***-=q [x^a^a^iivu o^ P ^ (or 4ni ^ iiwiTnrtx^) Feyel; wirfww? Knoepfler. 4 Feyel. 14-17, 27-29 Feyel: 15 ™ v mv*\w**#* Kern. Feyel suggested: 17-19, tiv^ptciMv f xa@t>£ tu wvu] tmy Dfltwwy [xacB&x^v (r&tpl6v) toi? - - - xdiv bt ipiXlav] rav te ubft^taxa ofouvreipd^v | tAiv nbx T«|i n^Xiv x^qji MajYVi^TtaYh ^5> ^ tiXw aut]tj[y x^jJ tdy J^t^pav leupTfcy t*c y*t* \ ti^ne t&v vdxiifi locv x]f| n&x x5 Belov x^ [tc*t x ^l I ScjquXqv dyCY, xaO^ tfc] -i 7 waTaX|j£v[u Trap afc&v Btftpu | ffapixdXcoav. This decree of the Boeotian League, one of the few extant, was evidently long, Feyel saw essential points of its structure. At 17ff. the Boeotians acknowledge the piety and kinship they shared with Magnesia; at 22ff. they recognize the games and the inviolability; at 27ff. the theoroi are honored; 32ff., provision for inscribing. These theorvi canvassed central Greece (attested also in Euboea, Athens, and Phocis). Feyel claimed (p. 15) that only the Boeotian League, and not individual Boeotian cities, could recognize asylia; so also Giovannini (above, p. 182), on the grounds that members of leagues were not free to decide the foreign policy matter of war and peace implicit in declaring inviolability. This assumes that the Boeotian League took a general constitutional posture about allowing these recognitions, and the general principle is contradicted by several civic decrees for Magnesia by members of leagues. 74. Unknown city A heading, inscribed below 73. Kern, I.Magnesia 25c. [nap£ - - -]xeov[ ] 75. Larisa (?) The stone is badly damaged and difficult to read. Kern, I.Magnesia 26. Cf. A. Fick, BeitrKundlndogermSpr 26 (1901) 280-281. — M — ..j i^» Kern. 27: ai©jnan lapis. The dialect is Thessalian. Kern's suggestion of Larisa seems best. Our city had more than one treasurer (29), which is unusual in Thessalian cities but richly attested at Larisa. 52 The city seems to have supplied the Magnesian theoroi with a boat for some part of their voyage (22); Larisa had a harbor on the Peneius River, which was navigable, 53 and we can envisage a boat downriver to Homolion. Whichever was the city, its king (28) was Philip V. The sequence of thought is difficult to make out. At 17-18 we seem to have a provision for making known the documents (ysh»m*«) brought by the theoroi (so Fick), then for honoring the men (19) and sending them on their way (21-22). 52. Occasionally too in texts of Gonni, Crannon, and Hypata. 53. IG IX.2 517.42: i* t&vX^w c f. p| u t. Pomp. 73, at the mouth of the Peneius. Page 202 Perhaps in 23-24 the reference is to a request that the decree be inscribed in a conspicuous place in Magnesia; at 27-28 is the provision for inscribing the act locally, next to the statue of the king. 18: Probably the inscriber's error for Thessalian "set out, published" (so Fick; cf. error ^ for Thessalian relative in 30). 23: "Erecting the decree in full view"; cf. F. Bechtel, Die griechischen Dialekte I (Berlin 1922) 206. 24-26: As I restore, "not only for their kinship ... but also for their whole policy." For fivYp«m(; = cf. IG IX.2 461.28, 504.4; BCH 59 (1935) 56 line 40; Bechtel 204. js nearly a hapax .54 Rarity may intensify the implication ofthis seems a stronger word than the familiar That is perhaps especially apt for a Thessalian city addressing the Magnesians, whose ambassadors will have described their origins in the region (I. Magn. 17). 76. Unknown city Kern, I.Magnesia 27. |-- - ---— tv T«L? £] 7 EUp«- [vCotittJl lilEtiH? - --- - £v tih Ijtpfil 4 f-- - - ---tJjecopo- - - --- - - -.j. in 77. Calydon Inscribed to the right of 76. Kern, I.Magnesia 28 [Klaffenbach, IG IX. I 2 186]. Cf. Wilhelm, Jahresh. 4 (1901) Beibl. 25-26 (Kl. Schr. II. 1 153); Holleaux, Etudes I 315. [ ....Al]- TEdXpl fryoYtL MdTfvjjtcn; ■Aj&fr ^a.LO.v]ffip*[u -J xort EnjEpynav ofiv Jji £vj 4 tl^j nivTa £p6vGv + tflw; 7 tiX.[uOC icota^wpi^ai] iv to 6c v6fjcm< j SeopoSdxoc ETparaY^' dvaypo4*£vrt«) tt xal tv 16 IcpAv tSc tctc Aaq>p(]- ac ^ dl xtIothl t&c niXtoc tSc PAulpc ix & T ApxeiJi.c [ - - - - - ■ | w xcit& t& hi 6^ j - QXeupMvux 'ApppoxitJTai Sxa[ptpet^] Tpi^6vioL 'ApycLOi ol AfwpSXo^c* KoXjXteTc] ApuivDEic Etp&TKH $w{xeTc| 54.Posidonius FGrHist 87 F 105b (Strabo 16.4-27) uses it of three Arab tribes. See also Diosc. 1 prooem. 3, where the noun is prompted by bng use of the adjective jn biology; whence a scientific tone in Epicur. frag. 36 Usener (of two perceptions); cf. Iambi. In Nic. 38.23 Pistelli. Page 203 IX 'Ajuplaatu; Nauftitmoi 'Tna^aTbt^ Mute ‘HfaidcuM 6po[vici;| ■tuTaicEq AafllEK. 'Ajvtdalpeit?] vacat 1 6c AO- Klaffenbach. 3 end Wilhelm, Holleaux (or *“**»*»“, 0 r '*' ivep4 ^ Kern. 4 end Wilhelm, Holleaux: Kern. 5 Klaffenbach. 13 end Klaffenbach: q p*[>H Kern. 14 end "arbitrary," L. Lerat, RPhil III. 19 (1945) 185. Attribution to Calydon, already envisaged by Kern (hence Artemis Laphria, 6) because it is absent from the subscription, was guaranteed by Klaffenbach's recognition of Damocritus in line 5, a Calydonian who was later a strategos of the League (cf. IG IX. I 2 31.131). If I am right, the League decree 67, granting asylia but not the crowned games, dates to 221 B . c . If individual members had been approached then, we should expect this decree of 208 to omit asylia, as having been already granted; but the substance is lost. Swoboda argued that the list of Aetolian cities implies a date after the Aetolian loss of western Thessaly in 208/7 and before the Peace of Phoenice late in 205 (Klio 11 [1911] 450-456). But 208/7 reflects his date for the Delphian archon Babylus, whom Flaceliere would place around 212/1 (Aitoliens 295-296). 2: It is difficult to see what sentiment would introduce the following genitives; perhaps^ 6 : On the cult of Artemis Laphria at Calydon see E. Dyggve, Das Laphrion (Copenhagen 1948); C. Antonetti, Les Etoliens (Paris 1990) 245-262. 78-79 Stele found at Delphi in 1936 (inv. 6163), complete only on the left, badly worn; h. 0.40, w. 0.19, th. 0.135; letters 0.004-.008, intersp. irregular; two decrees cut by the same hand. H. van Effenterre, BCH 77 (1953) 168-176 [SEG 12.217];! Bousquet, REG 101 (1988) 27- 28 (only 78) [SEG 38.412]. Collation. Cf. Bousquet, BCH 82 (1958) 91 n. ! 78. Aetolian League [ ^ . —- - - - - - -■ — T&] (upfreepov yeYovfoa? atiJxPK tc&vtov t«v qj-iAavftp&iewi x<*]- tEjifv xat iknncp a-£t,GCkj[t, vuv ol xpeopeural [tJe Bvolav xal t&v isi Apfc£|jm lat Atukch orppftvi]- 4 Tffv ItohO0u?v Tflfe TL^Qt"^ wl £[vaypi<|*n tdfe for£]- Xa$ xsl lv te AeJwpoa; |£v i-fit tcp&i tou xralj Iv Bcpfi&u arfXiTOcytiSfv^fl^ Ma[ - - - - - Imrapj^gvic^ S.1 ^ucFXto^, Ypa|4ia^e4o¥TO^ bl AItw^g&v....] & twv Mapo^ki, &eptiL>ca«;- Wott AtcLaXfio^ i&] xfe ysv^jevov ini \ - - - - xa@£>c iEtouv MtfyvTlTt* ol draft] Page 204 MaidvBpgiu Kpt iyiivoj [ndl t*( $u9la; t5i jAp]- tIi Atum^p^vii to[ 6<: xmunaQivtou; vojie»Ypii;, (inet ksc «i va[j®Ypav Mayv^t^v £i*[ te Tit no|- [t] 1 to^ 6ea[^| C^KKpclaL xa\ [tE.i mgtl tlv ](6Xiv euvoLul, xaL qte]- fa]oEvuaai x[5]y Wijjov twv Ma[yv^wv orE^dwiM Tfii napd) ifi tq& Seoti xa&ox; ttitfuAv idrt A[cX(pg^ - *****-1 [toic] MdYVT}ct[v] 4v tul dy4>vt t<$j[v...-J itdvTtt ^p&v&v eGtfEptEaj; |[vtx£v xal ipiXoTLjitttt raitl t&v fjcjod t&v n 6 Xtv t&v AcXrf[&£ xhj&cel hi t 6 v dyt^va &v ctuvxe]- *£> [Xlldv[tli Mi[yvlnt[c^ dn6 MIim&v [-Gpoo orEqmvturu UjqkC&xqv taw; tt]- hijat? xal [GdJ^JeJv [clc dn]op^d[v - --- >---J £ --*-*....- * <- Niv] [Bdfe itfXiJy gut&v m\ t[&v tepdv xal taruhov et^esi xaiifc] 24 [tiv Tou 0 e]oG [EXioGu ££ seal Gimpo&dKDtJC to^k; Cjn&Se] 1 - fEofctfvflU? tik^j del tux[^aYcwQfji£vnC Sewpla^ n^pd twv Mayv^wv] The theoroi are those we know from the Magnesian archive to have traveled northwestern Greece, so the decree derives from the Magnesia ns' second quest, the summer of 208.56 This fixes the Delphian archon Athanion to 209/8 or 208/7,57 depending upon how quickly the theoroi reached Delphi (where the year began in early summer). The presence of both the Aetolian and Delphian recognitions on this stone at Delphi would suggest that the Aetolians' was obtained first; if it is rightly assigned to their autumn meeting, then the Delphians' is also autumn and Athanion's year was 208/7. The alternative, with the Magnesians traveling from east to west, is that the Aetolians' decree was sent on to Delphi before the Delphians had gotten around to inscribing their own decree. There is not room to restore mention of a request for asylia in lines 7-8, which would in any case be too early in the text. If van Effenterre was right to restore the recognition at 23-24 (where nothing survives but an allusion to the oracle), then this decree is like those of Corinth and Corcyra in neglecting to mention the request in the preliminaries. It may be, however, that Delphi does not mention asylia at all but following the lead of the Aetolians had granted it in 221. 80. Unknown city Kern, I.Magnesia 30. 56. Van Effenterre (175-176), with much the same argument as Swoboda, held the date to be 207, after the Aetolians' bss of part of Thessaly. 57. Thus Daux, Chronobgie 45; "248-7?" in Flaceliere, Aitoliens 463-464. Page 206 [&6^jc]v be |Toy] \i6^iou aTET%xiLt; 4uo. [dro|j]&p[i]5t Tip4[«js. From the Doric and the location in the archive, Kern surmised a city in the northwest, perhaps Oeniadae (which is absent from the list in 81). 81. Acarnanian League Inscribed below 80. Kern, I.Magnesia 31; Klaffenbach, IG IX. 12 582. Cf. Habicht, Hermes 85 (1957) 110 n. 2. 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II 104); cf. Helly I p. 108; Habicht in Ancient Macedonia I (Thessalonica 1970) 269. 5-7: "Having their city and country sacred and inviolable for Artemis Leucophryene and intending to increase their piety toward the gods," they are establishing the games: the Gonneis clearly state that Magnesia possesses inviolability already and do not describe this as part of the request, nor do they grant it. It is evident that this is not a refusal, but a presumption that that status already exists and what is at issue is the new games. I would conclude that they had granted inviolability already in 221 BC 11: For *po»Ev(ftrt» of a contest see Syll.3 457.15 (the Mouseia of Thespiae). 20: "Demetrian drachmas" are silver of Demetrius Poliorcetes (283), which the hoard evidence shows to have circulated throughout the third century B . c . and later.58 No coinage has been attributed to Demetrius II (239-229 BC ). Only bronze issues are known on the part of Gonni (Helly 1 155-159). 23: For &>vo&k of a festival cf. IG XII.7 36.22, OGIS 326.25. 28: For nomophylakes in cities closely controlled by kings, see on 25.2. 58.E.g., Coin Hoards 5 (1979) no. 42 (buried ca. 190 B .c). Page 211 30-31: The city itself rather than a private citizen is made responsible for hosting future theoroi. Boesch (111-112) compares the city of Delphi serving as proxenos for Sardes in Syll.3 548 (on which see Gauthier, Nouv. inscr. Sardes II pp. 143-144). 34: Phalanna, about fifteen kilometers southwest of Gonni up the Europus River, presumably shared a border, as no city is known in between (cf. Helly I 34). 84. Phocian League From line 13 on a lower block, from 30 on a third. Kern, I.Magnesia 34. Cf. Robert, RPhil n.s. 53 (1927) 114-115 (Op. min. sel. II 1069-1070). M^Yvrfie^ iidi Mou&v&put oIxeXgl 6vte^ xsl fl- Xttl ftsutpobs. [4]nECTxiXjtavu Alt0XXr>|£- 4 vqv AlaxtiXau, EEpoukaw Auxop^ijv olxivte; ]tq^aT6v6ti£nrtn itpyl xb- xCnvfi™ xwp Av£vkIdy (wort] lay lep&v [x]crt RooyXov ct^v,, xa96xi [ajOxoic xai b flc&c £ iv AcXfol; ^xpi^crcv 1 £n&>^ o&v wal t£ hchv£v 1^41 S’wxi- cai xai xou; tA D<$l« vpce6vtqi.c p ditOtftiXXiev 6jr xal fettpobc leal frj£fr h xat iv xofre XoltioCk; Ay^^i £{w)a iwtpay yiXXwfv] u MAyv^TEC 1 iirat- 94 vfoai, Et wal xofr; feapw; A?tiAX(Kp4vr|v AloyuXou 1 EGJ 3 aiiX&v Ava 5 aY 6 paj Awojj^ijv XapioEou xal ax^a^ma&i aOxoi^; ^xopivciH x-axA xd jodxpw E^(?E|3eEa( fvtxrv tSj n&tL tdv Oetocv xal t$L$ iv Tiifj uMiplSa xal ctpev aijifou^j xa\ 6cy6- ^■0 vovi npai^ovt; xcil nkp|yiT]fft ™ ^qtvfov x^fiJ ^cjxijwv Hal U?o- n&Xitftc xhL £ndp^eiv &£r[o&; nAvta ib ba]5^vot^ xat plpY^i^K H Xdt tp^k; {tf-JtJ- x^p^a<; [tJ 5 tJoG[t]o iv ar^Xca XiBivai xal dirafetvat £[vj t£ 31 lepdv i&z '"AiavB^ KpavaCa^, xb it dviXw^fl 8ij4ev xcuq (^]«- x&l ™(j^ tfli; T , O . . AI S xam ^ 614 ?^ 011 ^ Page 212 tow; xa[t] iv 10^ vjjjou; [<]6 i^&piavwi toOto, [xoXtj- oat to0 <; ♦wxdpxac *(rt -htl ?itvia toix ■fteapaiuc. 23 Schultze ap. Kern: OEIA lapis. 33: so I read, most doubtfully, on the stone; the squeeze shows nothing here: -tot; Kern, [’Aftw&a Robert, Tcp6 A Klaffenbach in sched. IG. The only other Phocian decree extant is 53 for Tenos. In 208 the League was allied with Philip V and the Achaeans; Elateia was under Macedonian control from 217 to 197 (cf. F. Schober, RE 20 [1941] 490-494). 8: The word order seems garbled. Given his one error, I suspect that the mason realized that he had skipped and in inscribing it late included the article again by mistake; that is, the true text was te ™»8 ess fytfyaK&e acuxo^u^ 32: The temple of Athena Cranaea, the federal temple of the Phocians, was atop a hill two miles southeast of Elateia; 53 was discovered in the ruins. For the excavations see P. Paris, Elatee (Paris 1892) 73-206. 33: Robert saw that the Phocians ought not to call themselves a city. On the squeeze I can see nothing; the stone yields faint traces, which I report with much uncertainty. Perhaps the mason meant to write TQ& XGlVOU. 85. Same Kern, I. Magnesia 35. [ini] ip^Avitiiv AukEvaU toil AijM?u + t[ou ...... JxparoU ™(0] {EuJiQ&t&o!, Ypapparcite; toG ZkuTdxou, lepoJxouiQ #i]AEdrxou tou Av- [5p]t?|JE^EW n npecppeunrav napay6vP|i£v6g^ nopi tqO [SJ-itiou too Mayv^Ttiv ^ ini Mai&v&pou, twv hk aihw-v dpxifkwpoo EwixAios xoO AigxX£- [■p]<; x-al SeciI^^v jAp'.-aroM^ua'U t&G Aldt[C.}(j.cu toC MipCKpLAou, [xjfltl T 6 TC &KoAdvTUV XQLl T-dcV IE Tck AfT£|JL- [xo]t invpt'Y&tfty loal OnA- Tuv npoy^uv auT-cjv tv Tqiu< & {"EjXAavai; EticprcoLa; xal iv xb tep&v xb £v Sid tc tov toG 0 eoG [xjprfaptjv xal Sii TtJ^i itoi^Tdv xal Jhfic Te 3|1 t ljv unap^^v- |x]*>v oc0™(; irap£ thu; toXEg*; xaXwv te xal iuS6?wv xal TCapuMotarfviHY ibtoSilJaoBai xdv te Quo lav xal ndv inxr)piav xal t&y By tEQevti tSl *Ap- pt TijJLTi x&l AcuxfMppuijvdi orc tcp6v xb Iv Ae&frfq Ktstl Iv toij^ dXXgfcj^ *EXXn-vi^ h 61 xal ti-v dytSvct Sv xt&evti tat ■Afxi- |UTI TBl Apx Kal ol 0stupo[ f et^ev M ataftv idv te hAXlv >:al tdv x^&pav tfpdv 34 wad dauXov koM< 6 An^XXfiiv 6 Iv AeX:al g-iiepyita^ ic6Xlck; t£>[v] Ea^iGrtiuv EtoaLxXIcc, ftpw- x66a- afl 4iov h At6tnjUOv 1 IrtciWf IkrXfYt® 1 ! 6 * ’t* K(i ^ rape[it]eM^H7Wfv A^kxz x3k t&jj Mb- Yvi^fctiiv tE^Xia; xal tSc tSv E^ialuv, xal xm&pytw auiak ndvra id (juMvSpas- jia. TCSLpa rat; ndXuj^ 5aa *aL tow; Xqittdl^ npajivg^ xal 2S^ev SI dpyuplog f^tjivatov Seal ^atuCuv o!v t xaXIoai M aOto^k; ja xal lid Elvia Kpvwveujv Ini xiv xoew&v Icrxlav’ tX£?6ai, 5t xal 0 eope£6xqv xbv 6iEdAc^^i£VOv t4^ ji apa y v #o pi v aGeapltt?; t^apa xSjj Mayvi^i mv dc(ipi|0rj [K]Xf^qpdvr|c Eipdxo[ul' x6 St cjid¥[i|(k tc dp^avia^ xal TO&q v^^pd^u^, nflpanitnjKiL SI aikorte; Iv 'IBAxav. xari xac aifrd SI ILaavw HaXck, (KlpdviflLj [IIpS]w[oL] These theoroi went on to Ithaca, Corcyra, Apollonia, and Epidamnus. This is the only extant decree from any of the four cities of Cephallenia; the subscription (38-39) indicates that the other three were successfully asked by the Magnesians. In these years the four were Aetolian allies and held a seat on the Delphian Amphictyony, which rotated among them (Flaceliere, Aitoliens 284-285). Same alone resisted Rome in 189 and was destroyed (Livy 38.28-29). 9-10: These laudatory decrees of other states were not other grants of asylia that the theorvi had collected but earlier honors voted to the Magnesians for the services to Greece that they cited in their decree of request; see above, p. 181. 14: The Samaeans are unusual in specifying the basis of their kinship with the Magnesians. The hero Cephalus, eponym of the island, is seen on the coins of several of the cities: he was given the island for helping Amphitryon with his wars .59 His father, Deion, was the brother of Magnes, whence the kinship. 59. Strab. 10.2.14 (456); Apolbd. 2.4.7; schol. II. 2.631 (I 315 Erbse). Page 214 The same theoroi at Ithaca apparently mentioned no kinship there, although Odysseus was great-great-great-grandson to Deion. 19: Collective proedria at the local games was also voted by neighboring Ithaca, 86.16. 36-37: The provision of an escort was a common civility of Hellenistic diplomacy and does not (as Kern thought, Hermes 506) prove the political dependence of Ithaca upon Cephallenia; cf. Dittenberger, Syll .2 257 note 2. This gesture would seem to imply that Same was the last of the Cephallenian cities visited; at any rate, it was the closest to Ithaca. 86. Ithaca Kern, I.Magnesia 36 [Dittenberger, Syll.3 558]. \in]\ flotjjaopyw^ Apv[uxo[ij too 1 Tl^vopos [too —-J 1 Miyvrifrt^ l£a]tAvfipou oLxeEol Sv^f[<] k[« 1 cpttQt] 4 t&s it6Xu>c; T(&v 'ISdbetiiV iip£apgy[T]&s [ATilocnelXavTES xota; Si [tofts] xat Ah?xMps p ApurrA&qjiQv Aiax>io7 t |jov Mt)v&|LXgUp ottives t 6 te ij^totia inlSwxav xal aural ^neXoy^^" to t£v Tt tSjc; lltUpAwav xal tiv yEY £w J^ I{ ; yuA ttiv itpoyA- y im aft™v iv t Y^toGtiv SI xal iftv i v xatax£;£4iSptonivGV ^l v s eX^tv xal Ei S^cvqv tolc Aprqjsv Ac?yx9TOV7gv&* xal TtAhu xal T&y Xrnpa’v teipdv xal lautau vQ^Avtou;, ScSAj^Sst tfii IxxXqslat ImiLvioaL |iiv rftv £o|ju>v tAii May-v^w/v fed te rat wgtI to£js ‘EteoCis eftotjielai xetl fenl tai Itfftl roftt; * EXJkavaS Xdtl xdX.Ctv tSv SxllOv ti^i Mi- 16 yv^wv ion/ r^poe&p[«v t [|j.]a otvp xotMoai SI aftrofts xal Id £fvui id r&v idtrpiov iorEav" IXioXfea M xctl. feapoWxox tAv AtoSc^ov^evox too; 4 d ^p^xrf'ivc^^vci^] teapEa^ ws$& tcj^e M«yv^t-gjv j ITpa$Xou j inaftsiMt M ?4 tAv ie SwotxXiJv xal toCh; teapoys "Apior^Aw^ox, Ac6- teuov irtl te tSi uici|> tS^ aAr-Civ itiHpISoc; ^iX-drti^t[cit xal t 5 i otioo- Sair too iioXecv peoS 1 5 l| ii, xal npoiivo^n; xal sikpylTas ^ag ttAXlos teHjv ^IflAxxu-v Xal 6rdp](etv CrjidtiJ nopa tac~ it&ux; navra tS( ipiX&v- 26 Spti^na 60a xal tols iXAots npo^iwn; xal eyepy^^ (jjiApx EtL A'waypA^i SI tAAt tA loriXas SuO Xal to^i plv |v wl [ 'OSjcKJOelwi, tfitv SI iv ic&i Icp^L t-Ss AGdva^i 6 IntSapiopY^ Swtttov -c4^ Xccav notT^adi&x Page 215 The one decree of Ithaca extant. To judge from the space in 1-2, the eponymous damiourgoi numbered three; this magistracy was common in Dorian cities. The epidamiourgos (30) was by contrast rare; the same function, overseeing the inscription, is found at Chaleium in Locris .60 2: The Ithacans assembled in the Odysseumdoubtless they were not numerous. That the decree was inscribed in both the Odysseum and the temple of Athena (29-30) suggests that one of these was out in the countryside. This may have been the Athena temple, because it is named second and because the civic assembly met in the Odysseum; but perhaps rather the latter was the putative site of Odysseus' palace outside of the city.6i It is of course one of the engaging features of this decree that these partners from literature figure prominently in the cults of Hellenistic Ithaca (including games of Odysseus, 16); so too on the city's coins, which show only Athena and Odysseus (BMC Pelop. 105-106). 4-5: "ambassadors, and the same men as proclaimed"; «**yy***> seems to be a hapax, a recherche way of saying The formula is at 96.5: *<*$**& M 20: Hellenistic Ithaca is known to have struck only bronze, and that sporadically. Yet these "local drachmas" appear to be the gift to the present Magnesian theoroi, not money for the Ithacans who will attend the future festival and might be expected to use the "local" money there, that is, Magnesian silver .62 Unless we have failed to recognize Ithacan money, the requirement would seem to indicate weight: every city of course had a definition of the drachma.63 87. Athens Kern, I.Magnesia 37. Cf. S. V. Tracy, Hesperia 41 (1972) 44-45. [ hmi Spjjfovics ircl xf)[i; 'Ikt;]o0mvt[& 9puv ine?|tT^pi^Ev NiwSwpo^ W»|peij? xnl eJpoi- 'AyaSoxXfp; Auxpdvou AcxXeci; elnev- M&Yvrp 60. IG IX. 12 740.35; cf. L. Lerat, Les Locriens de I'Ouest II (Paris 1952) 120. 61. It was certainly not the cave at Polis (S. Benton, BSA 35 [1934/5] 54). Corcyra had an apparently rural temenos of Alcinous, a vineyard (Thuc. 3.70.4). 62. Thus in the Zenon archive some visitors' *4*1^*, "(their own) native money," as distinct from Ptolemaic (P.Cair.Zenon 59021.12). But once in the Milesian accounts "local drachmas" = "Milesian," evidently in opposition to Alexander drachmas (Rehm, I.Didyma 471.7, with p. 152); a scholiast to Thuc. 8.101.1 on Chian explained vofifojMnn 63. Hultsch, "Drachme," RE 5 (1905) 1624, took the coins to be "bear to Greece and thought the phrase indicated a standard (Aeginetan). Page 216 it; o\ £nl MnwvSfUL obcctot xal fOla iw %sv wO ’Arrival- S wv fivxt£ ijjTjqk-cjiiiiiev^n ©Da^v xsl ir^vl £TEtAdyijfv AIc^Xou, BC^ouXov r-i AvfflSttydpoy, AuXAfcii^v Xa^Lcjldu dl ispMtX&rivfEi; rijv PfluK.^'if xal •zhv JSfjtiov dvev^kjfflvro x^v Tipwnipx 0 ^ sjqlv iftl^ ju6^dn obteLj6t>jtii xaL xcil dH&X.&yted- ^e^ot x^jfy ©EM-q ^updvcLav ratpExdXEoecv pierd 16 ndm^ crrctiuS^ xnl ^piXtm^lLtn; t&V Ay&- VOt OTEipCI^iTqw foOJtuGlOV 6v ttfliatfcv Ttl ApT^JnS-L T(l AeUKO^pU^VEf, Xftl T^V h£&ev ccGxuv X«l T^jV X 4 ^ 3 ^ p&v xsti fag^av 4iraSfL5n.iT. xaftaiti xal A &e5^ 6 £v Ad- to qpo^< ixP^C3*v“ !va ofiv xal 6 £P|jgo< ^avcp6^ Tsavrl xat- pSi ti^v T&- Sfifev Met x*yv olxeL^ts^ca xal -rJfli 91II- ccv TTfptiv i^p Tipd^ 4y«9ti tiifcs* -rat pouXeT, xci^ npo£3f»uf eJ &v Xds^GMJiv e£$ £xu>u- 74 crerv ^icxXr^olav ^pr^aTEtinai itrpl tOijTo>V a ^ 5uptPflc?io#at xijc pouXift e&; t&v Srn^v t 3ti Soxet x[ejt ffovXct fi^ecQat tSv Si|i*v xal yC^u xsl efe; xfe|i |ircd taftra ^p6 - yqv idw; tc iv xal x&v x^pav IcpAv xal 8 SauXov vop[£oaw xal uspl t&v Xoiituv indvij-najv fita- xa 04 eTx^v tAc (vtoXA? napA icct i&[at rc6- Xi {x)al &hjoC6vi{u}(; toCg h i6T{s) iJia^EcfpaxL ytYpap- p£voLf p lv{c)p Mayv^iaw, xal tAv 5t6Xtv xal tAv aAtuv ItpAv xal AcruXgv tEvai, tat n6V x-ai Apex^pai ndnpudv lpvix6v xal Ijtxix6v t6v Koii'voi dl Md- Y^^£

v[a6]' tow 6erC6x6at tpu; Ax^lpCc &ftoM£tta{)[ai] tt% tdv te SyffEav xal x&ir ^ySvii crrc^avlTax Loo* irtWuOw 6v tWi^ci d n6X&c tcov Ma-p^Ttsv tit A[pJ» t^i&l t 5 l Aeuxo^pu^vSt, xal t&v ihSXlv xal tdv xtJpav aOa«^ et^ev kpiv Seal ScjyXof^] t ga xaGtoc TiapcxdXft S’cALoxo; S drcwixsXek jc[pjea- fkuxiic Xfll 0£(i>fxk r -tove; 6fc tafJlOpYubt t A|ittptou 1 Sitt^ Jjx xal xoft; XeHHok ^BXXaaiv 8iAu ^wl 2: TQiMAr lapis. 45: Holleaux suggested t<*c «^xo]^ i&dpet citing 132.16ff.; [KoiUapo]^, [^o*«« rp«}t*llM«rek x^l De Decker ("parait impossible," Robert ap. Holleaux). The theoroi in the Peloponnesus divided their task; the three were together at Megalopolis, Messene, Argos, Sicyon (these two after the Achaean League had been addressed), and another city (122); but only one of them approached the League and another city (124), and a different one Corinth. This must reflect geographical convenience and is not (as Kern thought) evidence of some diminution of the importance of the Achaean League. The provision (43-46) that "the nomographoi are to place this into the laws, the next... to put matters before the Achaeans," suggests that we have here Page 222 a decree of the federal council, which met with some frequency, whereas the full assembly met only when called .71 Lines 23-24 seem poorly formulated, as we expect a noun parallel to (cf. 93.15; M™, 96.9). Arguing for the Magnesians' interpretation of the oracle, the ambassador told the Achaeans that "by acceding to the request and joining in increasing the honors of Artemis, they would be acting in accord with the oracle of the god and the benefactions already rendered to them." They respond with an observation of their own (si*}... xtx.) / apparently not part of the genitive absolute that begins in line 1 and summarizes the ambassador's speech (cf. 93.22, 96.25, 98.13, etc.): "It is ancestral to Achaeans to join in increasing honors among those who do so for the Achaeans." Compare 18.7-8 about the Achaeans, which I take as a general sentiment. 27: At Syll.3 519.13 we find 'a*™* our worc }j n g in its ambiguity may reflect that this is a decree of the Achaean council rather than the full assembly. 33: For the damiourgoi as executives of the League (e.g., Staatsvertr. Ill 452.3; Syll.3 519) see Larsen 221-223. 37: The temple of Zeus Amarios was a federal temple; the cult is also attested in Achaean colonies. This is the first god by whom the Achaeans swear in Staatsvertr. Ill 499.8 (a generation earlier). See Aymard, Assemblies 277-293; Melanges Navarre (Toulouse 1935) 453-470; H. Schwabl, "Zeus," RE 10a (1972) 270-271. 45: Aymard (Assemblies 187 n. 2) and Lehmann (248 n. 28) took the phrase to be "into the first laws," which makes no sense. Holleaux saw that the adjective means "next," a prescription for the future, and modifies wp»rp*pwc; for example: "the next [elected and empowered] to put business before the Achaeans ..." This would mean that entering decrees of the council into permanent law required approval by the full assembly. 48-49: Elis, appended by the Magnesian redactors in this subscription, was an enemy of the Achaean League. 90. Argos Kern, I.Magnesia 40. -- tai |3ouX[«ij (xal tfii E&tfCftr ol rc-sp* u]mo-v upEofteuial xal pkopoi ievov $]iXUiwc nu&otyApoVi KAutaw 4 (AittvuaLttU:, Adijiiteitijs flu&aY^pGU t 6 le 4»&epit3|ia 71. On the problems raised by Achaean political bodes see A. Aymard, Les assemblies de la confederation achaienne (Bordeaux 1938), esp. 80 n. 1 (rightly observing that the use of 'A >A x^ does not establish which body passed this decree); G. A. Lehmann, ZPE 51 (1983) 237-261; in general, J. A. O. Larsen, Greek Federal States (Oxford 1968) 227-233. Page 223 [Ckik; reft; h ttfii] >csrrawxwpKi|jfvcH(; mc- ]p\ tou 4y6Jvo]i; [t]wv &tc&y e YP^P , ^ e £ o&v a Ti AvxCyfHi'cpKjv tw ^wfloiunw; tou 5o)t8i™c xm 5dpm. lppt&a&£ m fLpecFpevta’u lujpoyfvfl^wv racpd: xqu E^ou xwn MotYV^Ttijrv tAv irp6^ xfii MaL&v£pui C^Icjxo’j tw ■■ sr flLt6^Y6poui Kiwvot toD AiovuaEou ? A«tj:rc£tou xou IIuSaY^pO'j Kdl (kofi^vt^n to xal TWV AxoXotiGuC TOLC tfit M- (JjftL fflJVtfito tiv O'joLa.'v xatvaL. jitTa wv ‘A^ctiuv 16 Stv iruvxeXel 6 h t«v MaYvtfrxtev tcS^a tSi Mai- dv^ML tit 'Apt^jj-L^L xSl A e 1 j x irKppurjva%■ ^g$fptv mtp4 tuv TOfiidv xal £vex£x^P« xcsft; ■Stfov Kal roT^- t 4 N^fiea terrr£W^cr[«v xocl sxav&YXjpev xal frcexecpEocu xcil dr& Vi * tTx^oeviT.av [i]no[7i]u6ipv jjqw^v xe *nl yu^vtxdv xal tfmx^Vg &E&dxOai x&[i Rdtf|uLwi dreoSKaoSai x&v 6v- oi-av xa[l x]iv na[vdYU]piv xol [xdjv IxcxeLplav 4v c^vr£- Xouvxi ol [MdYly*]T!^ id tiavreeov xa& Apxk^u&i ia xai Aewxo^py[^vi]t p tfl^ev 6| xdv iyurva cFteqttyEtw* lotnu0ko[vj fdv [tej ^[mjoixdjy [x]al yu^vixd» xal Limxdv, xert x& WX[a jtcd drcdpxew rak] vuewai tw; drwva;^ &c?a xal (ek xodc) Tt5v {n)u[0E]-wv YdfYpaJrau] T x[«]fWbc xocl cl A^* 10 ^ dtaoSe- j 6 ftey^voi lvt[ij- S[6}fi[cv it xajl ivEX^-eipa %ok (kapok xdv YfHJtpf] Tok fJwX[Sq] x[i i]x, x«v mvaxLfrtdv, ttgpttqrStjai,. [M ftc]apoSdxov- & feapo[&JdxtK FdpY°<; McvrwXrl[o)m;" [xfflTft t 4] a[djx(5t 5i ^^iplcrecvtO" m {---- —-KajXXioxaierg 14 Holleaux: «®:3 Kern. 15 (etcadd. Holleaux. The only decree of Sicyon extant. It was a member of the Achaean League. In summer 208 its territory was raided by Roman forces and defended by Philip V (Livy 27.31.1-2, 27.32.2; Broughton, MRRI 287). Like the Argives, the Sicyonians evoke the League decree but do not mention asylia; but they are more detailed in dealing with the games. 17: Instead of ** toG which reveals Sicyon published its laws on tablets (so Wilhelm, Beitrage 244, 287). 20: Another city may have been subscribed to the left, and the list may have continued on a block below. The coins of Callistae give the ethnic as Kaxw^av (cf. von Geisau, RE 10 [1919] 1673); but the Magnesians, in composing these subscriptions, several times got the ethnic wrong. 92. Corinth Kern, I.Magnesia 42. itpeojjeyxl napatevqi^vfau xal GetjpoC Jtap4 xofi fci- JuLgij Mayv^xwv ini Mai&vGpou Aapnixou tqnj UuftatdpGU xnL $nofcdvto<; td xod diaXoro- 4 yi¥oy xok £v im x^aY^TOTt- |jiivot<; xat avavEoujiivou olxedmta xocl fiJ,axoc i6v x% -xn\ ^&j Page 226 [tirruxi^ itm&vti al Mdtyvtfra^ xaft£x; 6 0 c&; l#pT|ot[y"} [*«■£ SI Sejapoi; ic% ImTYeXXdvxoiq xav fruaF-iv rat txe- [xstfrtn^] tn^ jApxtptixosi tS«; AeuxoA6vtol^ l 10: singular participle for plural. 11, 16: the participles should be nominative, as Kern noted. 21-22 Holleaux: eTp£v + xai Si ndXet ] :ai A^nlpflu Kem. Messene was an Aetolian ally in 208, and around this time Messenian troops are found helping to defend Delphi (FD III.421-24 = Syll .3 555-556). The request for asylia is mentioned twice in the preliminaries (by virtue of quoting both the oracle and the speech); unless the decree had an omission the reverse of that of Corinth and Corcyra, the grant must have come in the damaged lines 23-25. 16: For xo« 6 v as "government" see Robert, Monnaies antiques en Troade (Geneva 1966) 89-90. 94. Corcyra Kern, I.Magnesia 44. Cf. Wilhelm, Jahresh. 4 (1901) Beibl. 26 (Kl. Schr. II.l 153); Holleaux, Etudes I 317. From line 43, on a lower block. 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T141A?] fi? xat toC; tA n^ 8 ta vilxwjcn^ A[reoot£XXeiv] g,l §4 tmp4 tf£ itiXLo? kaI 0 £q>pd[u< tt? Marvi)tl[f- [a]v in\ ©yolav xod [tJ 6 v 4y[wva xol xAjv [Typtjy, to4; #[* ****.*-•*, (..-. 3 76. SEG 23.474; J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1971, 382; bibliography at Cabanes, L'Epire 315. Page 230 36 liielou -] tal [ - ----I [n]pvravelan mhI &chts& 3 xul [toic n09ta i]- kol to}"c ydjiOL^ te dyuva kbA t&c xqj&c t&c &{>a 3 . , w lav [koMgjv] M.- - — -I 44 [ ’ " --- --- - Tipo^iJvduC t£<; SiTCoX- [Xwnocrav n6&u?c, S6prv £ p -aOrdk] x«l £dvta [jiiyiirrei tn] TtSv [v6^whv xajl |xA]ijfrij|jev atix&[h;l [tic xfr Ttp]uTCcv£u>[v ini] t4v jxjoiviv fcortsv 4 & [&eapoA6x]ov Efysv MfayvJ^t^v "Iimav&ov 4[ - - -^] [tqvc] hi T^[o(4 fid^IXctav ri[oL^jx^oc P ApiloJxfdS^ijDV AioxX[i]^x; 5 Ai^tl^qv op xotekfldv- tec itotl x&vpouXiv xal (t^y] &b|j[ov <|^]f Aflt&axatv w&l aiJTjol |irc& w&- 8 aac gf[L]XoTifiiot{^ ^qKjvEffavxe? t^csjJ iac £ju*p&yjeiau xal tiv YeYcrv?lji£v[ttJv pai&etav 6it& t[£j]v k[p]o[y4vutu n]tJTWv [{[ji; xh IqpAv t 6 tv AeX^[qT^J 1 v\xj- Ji&Xai, PaplPlApOL^ TO [ij]v tutor[paltU] xsj . vr 4 fcl EvnpTurrat iS>[v tqJv [ 0 ]eou XPTT" ( s idi(^v 1 xal t&y ClJG[pY]edla.v &¥ [mjJvmrXicrttvtO etc; xh H0tvii[vJ tSv Kp^TaLffcjv] fii[a.]XiJ- (jcivie^ t6v ^96X1- ia ov Ti4Xe^v s ive^ivi^av M xal t&c etc tg£j< iXkouc .^EJJXavac Y£YCvT)|j£vac; cuEjjpJycatnc El4 tt tljv toG &eqo xal Lot to[v ^]oli]t5v xal fiti tuv tH- TOp(i]aY^^P*^ tw-v wrftYpa^T[«fvJ ia? 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Kfimj |4]S[o^ i£k fell 5p^ovro^J*]ocXa>spjxou KuWijfwvxqi; [)0 DGCkGT. 16 liv^TOvraj Rigsby: iv^vra Kern. 39 Dg DGckGr: [x™^x*oS“] Holteaux. 40 Hofeaux: to ? p Kern. 41 init. Holleaux: ratoM^ieat) a[o™kJ Dg Decker. 43-46: Dg Decker as modifiGd by Hilter. Page 233 Our only decree of Epidamnus, this text provides unique details about the Magnesians' speech; lines 8-12 identify the services of Magnesia to the Greek people, so often cited in the abstract, as aid to Delphi against the Gauls in 279 and arbitrating civil war on Crete. 2-3: For Heliotropios see on 95.1-2. In Apollonia on the third of the month, the envoys had passed through Epidamnus before its end, as we should expect. 5: For this description of the ambassadors see on 86.4-5. 16: This sentence suggests, if only by its silence about the games and inviolability, that these decrees, cited elsewhere in more general terms, concerned past honors and are not the new recognitions. A unique verb (so LSJ 4 >u w ) is then followed by an emendation and a lacuna. I suggest therefore that further emendation is warranted here; for the common expression with MH see the index, and on 102.65. 24-25: For expressions of one's own piety see on 94.25. 37-39: Apparently the prytanis, who was eponymous (cf. Robert, Hellenica X 289), is to pray to the Magnesian goddess and to the goddess of the Epidamnians' public hearth "that the things voted with the goodwill of the gods be fulfilled now and forever for the good of the Magnesians and Epidamnians." Such public prayer is a common enough stipulation in honorific decrees (in the asylia texts: 111.53, 125.b.13), but elsewhere it is done by priests rather than magistrates. In what follows the sentiments are clear but not the structure or details: the prytanis is to invite the theoroi to sacrifice at the hearth in the prytaneum, giving them a sheep, from which they get the legs and fleece, and some money as the sacrificial allowance, and in addition a half-mina of silver. This last is the amount of the enekecheron at 85.31, but some second item seems to be intended here. 97. Chalcis Kern, I.Magnesia 47 [Dittenberger, Syll .2 260; Ziebarth, IG XII.9 pp. 166-167; Hiller, Syll.3 561]. Cf. Wilhelm, Jahresh. 3 (1900) 58 (Kl. Schr. II.1 74); 0. Picard, Chalcis et la confederation eubeenne (Paris 1979) 275. (cA J&ietfif'i & pJaoLXe'k; MllJtsJiich; EyP«[^e]v rfj|L pou&fjt x[al ™] EVjfj [ut] nepi fMjctyWj- law x&v ltd MaL&v&pciH, ol tfvxcc Mocxk- 4 &dvurv 4ywv[ci 6]v 'A[pi]£- |uLl£l OTEtpavfrqv, iolh; f.oXIxa^ npocr[£■ ]c£*41[front] ftvEp&c xg-uk; drceo'caXfiivout xoux [w] E£ xcd o\ Ttepl toy vaq ’AittiXXfrpACo^uXou, Ava-Ja^ pou, AuxopL^ijs: X[a] ptotou KpSoobov ■noM}[o]dqj£vW™c ouvsti- 16 Jew T3?g tijlsl^ 'Apt^uSi ttJl Aeuxo- xo. 1 Picard: & a H Kern. 6 Wilhelm: M«ah*] at Kern; the stone and the squeeze are too faint to decide. Chalcis was the largest city on Euboea, and subject to the Antigonids, as is explicit here. The decree is brief and without verbal flourishes. It does not even provide for the inscribing of the actand it makes no mention of asylia. Lines 1-8 summarize the letter of Philip V to Chalcis (hence Maxesdvuv, reflecting the Magnesians' argument to Philip, not to the Chalcidians); in direct speech, "I have myself acceded, and you too would do well to accept the men sent concerning this"that is, accept them favorably, as kpoosmsw® a t 88.26. For the expression cf. Royal Corres. 13.13: xais c a> Sv vdjrKttBfyrtmtysm. The deference to the king implied by this opening is striking and contrasts with the decrees of Macedonian cities for Cos, which mention the wishes of the king in brief and in the body of the decree. It contrasts too with the decree of Eretria (98), which does not mention Philip at all. The Chalcidians speak of two prompting events, the royal letter and the Magnesians' visit. It would seem that the king's letter arrived before the theoroi, who are not said to have brought it. These are the men who canvassed central Greece, and unless they were traveling from north to south, they did not approach Philip; already others had done that, and early enough for his letter (of the sort promised in some extant royal letters) to reach Euboea before the theoroi. 1: The dating by hegemon that commonly precedes Chalcidian decrees has been omitted at Magnesia. A board of strategoi we see otherwise at IG XII.9 900.c.8. Strategoi commonly propose decrees at Eretria (whose Hellenistic epigraphy is more abundant than that of Chalcis). Page 235 3: Macedon and Magnes were brothers (Hes. frag. 7 M.-W.), whence this kinship. By contrast, neither the Chalcidians nor the Eretrians claim kinship with Magnesia. 98. Eretria To the right of 97. Kern, I.Magnesia 48 [Ziebarth, IG XII.9 p. 162]. Cf. Robert, Op. min. sel. I 28. {6]tc[ 1] otpaiTyyou [ ----- - -.iratS^jj M4Y(v]qte5 cA ini Msio£v-Ei[pDu Avatafyipoy,, Auxfi]- EJjjSijv XapLv [qi|Xo]^ tttJwc 4iwSI£«cXonkJtlac xal ffrrauSf^ f vexev Sic ra?iol- i}vtat rapt T-C itiv 9[e]fiv xal tGv raXit&v^ xal tlvai aj&TdCw; te xal ixyA- vqwz aiwu np^i[vjpv5 xal EoepT-itai; tw S4 igu toy ^Epttpiiwv. tki 14 Sfe aiJTQ«; xal [xal] otxta^ lyxTi^fLV xal npdaoSov np4; rSjfv fiouX^v xal tSv [tvjvch; Si^vrat, xptJtaLi; |irci t& kpd xal npo^Sptav 4* rcdut tow; 4yiScjt[vJ otc ^ 116X15 tCSi^lv xal dtiXeiav xal Efedycwiv xal i54foya^ 1 XLT;6ij[n-E(p x]al TDw; 4XXpt^ ^^pprpLfv^L^, £[vai mitO^C xal 4y- i0 xal 4ffuXt[flv] xal xoXi^tou xal tlpJjvT)5 napaYwopivcx^ eI< t^v itAXiV xal tijv [avj, inLLisrXELO^aL Si auT^M tout; ip^ovrat; t-Qv£ i- eI iv &px % 1 ^vtat h finwc tv6< dSixwrat ? xaXiaai Si aOtoCs xal ini tic; tS |tpu[ta]v$iflv r iXiaflai 6i xal £x Ttivttiv *Epe- 31 tptfiwv’ dvaypdijjafir ti\ t6Sc xb et; ot^Xnv X^lvrjV xal otfjoai iv tcj l Icpcjl; tDu 'An6[XXtj]vD5 tou Aacpw^cpdpG“j. [ijLpiSr] BtCiipoSdxaq Aplotinnoc Apx^[ ■ ■ -----— J 6^joLe^ Si |4n]e5££avta 36 'Eaiiaietc 19 Robert: ^ Kern. Page 236 This decree of Antigonid Eretria, to which that of Histiaea is subscribed (36), makes no mention of the wishes of Philip V. Possibly we should deduce some more privileged condition than that of Chalcis; but perhaps an easier explanation is that the king's letter had not yet reached Eretria when the theoroi arrived. The tone seems a good deal friendlier to the Magnesians than that of the Chalcidians (cf. 12-13, and the elaborate honors for the theoroi). At any rate, Eretria grants asylia as well as the crowned games. For the theoroi they add a distinction (27-28) which enlarges upon the more familiar phraseology in the granting of personal inviolability: "They are to have inviolability and security in war and peace whenever coming into the city and country." 1: In the fourth century a board of strategoi commonly authored proposals (IG XII.9 205, 206, 208, 212), but here alone we see one as eponymous. 12-13: Cf. on 94.25 for parallels. Eretrian honor of Artemis is richly illustrated in the inscriptions of the fourth century, all probably pertaining to the cult of Artemis Amarynthia east of the city; cf. W. Wallace, Hesperia 17 (1947) 134; D. Knoepfler, CRAI 1988, 382- 421. 33: The temple of Apollo Daphnephoros was in the middle of the city; see IG p. 162 and P. Auberson, Eretria I (Bern 1968). A number of public acts were inscribed there, and the oath of IG 191 was sworn there. 99. Delos Kern, I.Magnesia 49. Cf. Wilhelm, Jahresh. 4 (1901) Beibl. 26-27 (Kl. Schr. II. 1 153-154); Holleaux, Etudes I 325, with Robert in n. 4. [lSo]& zfy |p] ouXfji xa\ [M«Yvnjrr)uv olxclttv xai Aityi^rcpu>*i 4 KoXXtXp£ti^ [yi]XXovtt< t&v lytw [va} T{i0£ja,o\ MAvvijTtf?) t f\i Aruxo [l]cPoi£iS6io{v]p T ^i l xotl t^Si [dfeno®^cs?6fl]i i&v Ay^Jva A TCj«paye:[yo]v6Tec napk [MaYj v ^[ T£J J v Si xol tni xal] ti[wtccv to'I n; ek tJ 6 Tnpyr[ajvc^v h xb Si So Gym x6 bt tou vfipjoui tqChs is E?tc ■ . . + .- - - ~ ] 2 Wilhelm: [n^i]v^c*j Kern. 10 Robert: ta Holleaux. 11 Holleaux. Page 237 The attribution to Delos was established by Wilhelm (confirming Kern's suggestion), who recognized Aristeides as the proposer of other Delian decrees (IG XI.4 704ff.). Delos is not in the list of Cycladic cities subscribed to the decree of Paros (100). The decree is of the utmost brevity and does not grant asylia. Here as elsewhere, I suggest that the Delians were not motivated by military designs upon the Maeander Valley but rather had recognized asylia in 221. 100. Paros Beginning below 99, a second column from line 18, a third from 60. Kern, I.Magnesia 50 [Dittenberger, Syll .2 261; IG XII.5 1341 (excerpts); Hiller, Syll.3 562]. Cf. Holleaux, Etudes I 326; Wilhelm, Jahresh. 3 (1900) 58-59, 4 (1901) Beibl. 27 (Kl. Schr. II. 1 74-75, 154); GGA 165 (1903) 792; A. Oguse, BCH 53 (1929) 140; Fraser/Matthews, Lexicon of Greek Personal Names I (Oxford 1987) 326. fxtpb Kapkov E&qEev fJouWji nod T-wt [L , K]oXXi0e[- [h]ifc c|[k]ev 6*4p o\ 4 [Tjpd+qtvro (racfcp to [01 ^Tt^latJcocTfoJc to0 [Ik] M[ocyv]i^rt- [ot]i; [BjeB6[x]fka to6c ini t&v ev tod[c 0]EtjpoiM; jn[c]cn[i^i(v[ov; inb [yjvrpiac; Onip Tfft EnaYycXbd; toD KoWjlG^IJ- 0 [H]^ cEtcsv' ti 5 i>n t{^}v pouXIJc tet- t$[ (54) MAyvf^Ei; ot ^lJXol] Bvee[^ t]dO [|j]ou [t]ou IlapEwv ^ne[(Tod]?i.Kao{t ^Jcpujya xcd [M]oX*ao&v [Alr^T;pL(jv 1} [t]oW p K«XXp]^ oOv mL [b ITaptJ- tov 9 «tv[^TlttL -rij[v itp6s mbz\ Gtofr^ t|fa4f}et]- av taapuXi-nztfAi ^ni t^v lt\ p6c t^v *6X]w su1t[£1v rcpoj- 28 4*V tcXeiqv y-ctl Imxg(Xou0lI>v tow; iEioupi)- Ytns Or?' «0 t?k sal toO^ dYwv[a]^ o[0^] tIG^oh Jiftt Ap]- Page 238 Tf|i Aeu-^o[(p]p|uJ^v[^J mjY»a[ta]™fii^E;[ 64 v t]<> oijv dveriHjfi Tift ic kAX[cmc Tift ^en^]pa[c xcdj 32 xtft Mayv^xwv t^v tf dtmXluv Tift r6Xe 6^ seal Tift x[fft MaJ- yviftuiv xffll xf>v xaSiip&Knv xcd tit (tadtac [seal t6vj 4yww fiv tL0^[a]ih]QU T [arc^wwau SI x]al hta cfzo’m faunSv] l--* .l.1 t.... 6q [ * . . fieSi[v - - - - - - - --- - 1 l . „ * Tpjcey^S^v xj«t dr^ 1 * *-* *-J [.,...] Mai JtpD^ivou^ seal Euepyt™; [eTvai -rift] Itc6Xeu]< riapi^M xal ^Oto^c scat wl) £4 [uTt£p£CL]v a'jioTi; tvivO h [ 5 cr]a m[«1 toCc] 4 <[X]- (Xchc i^potivIciE^ (ntdpj(cr xaiidni [Si Matf tdCft 0e^po6q l[nl ^i]vLa xoA^ dpxovrafcj [ck tS TCptJxa-vJfflbvj [tA] Si iivdX&s|ja [ck tsO]- 6fl [xa elvair} d:nd Tift itjoepajmdacw^ tuv S^[j i kkiWv] f^uXiaq]ELv S| Xal tA (|i[^top 3 t& bf XliY^r^ittsj bt Tilt Si^iookp [ic^] Spx ovTQl ^ eic[to toO] [Ypljtr^ Otv[«toL 15 'lxdpou] E4 [?MV)Aa-g]i [ - « - ~ | Mvx[6]v[iot] 3 Wilhelm, from line 48: *<*&- Kern; the stone and squeeze are indeterminate. 8 Wilhelm: TQN laps. 9: i**} add. Dittenberger. 14 Holleaux: Kern. 27 Holleaux. 31: Kern, °&6' ■«>* Dittenberger (the stone confirms N). 33 Holleaux: ■'1*^ Kern. 67-68 Dittenberger. 75 Fraser/Matthews: Neo[wjja«> Kern. 84 [m^xk>]i Hiller. For this long decree of Paros parallels are supplied by the decree found on Pharos: see Robert, Hellenica XI-XII (1960) 520-526. The names of a number of the Cyclades are subscribed, excluding, however, the Delians, whose decree was inscribed separatelyand who did not vote asylia (99). 3-5: This procedure is seen at the start of other Parian decrees (Robert 520-524; L. Migeotte, L'emprunt public [Paris 1984] no. 62): "Concerning the matters which the archons proposed about the decree from Magnesia, it is decided that the archons are to introduce the theoroi to the assembly ..." In 8 the phrase resembles that by which a rider is added to a decree; Dittenberger deduced that the council had refused the Magnesian request but was overridden by the assembly (Wilhelm was skeptical of this). But this phrase occurs also in the Pharos decree; and there as here probouleuma and decree were proposed by the same man. The council, without dealing with the substance of the request, simply put this item on the agenda of the assembly and named the sponsors of the Magnesians' appearance there. Compare (in the realm of religious policy) IG Il 2 337, in which the council's role is confined to urging the assembly to discuss a request to establish a cult of Astarte. 14-17: The preliminaries as we have them do not mention asylia, so probably the oracle was quoted in these damaged lines and that was felt sufficient, as in 95. Oguse suggested Xt&iOV eWe KhL I SfLELOV T0t£ 0(^0^WL£ "AptqjW AfUX0i vltauj{i] £rf[i yvAv]t&C XP^ H4 £d^ttiLcp[L Mov] -ffry |v ARqrttoi xa\ 8 vat Ae uxo-rpui'va[v] xert vo|ii; toT? iv t£h YGYW^i£vo[wjtJ -tfii; [ipt]XoTiflla<; (XXetmqvrEC 5nuc o5v |d 6s]^o; falviyrai lyt mdvit xaEp^ti idv tc Jtpj^] [xo]k S^qu; ttafftaiAv aO^cijv xal xdv rcpfr; M[cp&tit &i Xal ^ to? ayytXX6vreerai ie^powt nap Mayyfyj]- tg>v tc ivdpxav xal £^£cttlov 5t[al] ££vta (£a]aa xal to(!q Td ntiOia [£v| (v]d|jcij Kal £nd be xafrijiKTii d £t«I v ] 3 & (x]al InayY^^t ol O^wpot o[ napd Msyvs^- [tJiCiJV, xtLpoxav^™ & hypos Tfij pjjwu^] tS [1V]pq)dtd{i} td AxtwxaLSoedta fetjpw &[Go £E] (d]i&dv™¥ tov mXlTav, Edficvai 61 xal 4 a |via] t£Tc KpEop-^JiaLot t 6 iv v 6 ^rciJi 6 r.ax 6 [(TL(i?]. [xjatd t« a 5 ra &£ ^j^k?av[To] {MjJSu^vflfoi; , Avnwaloi [ ^ J vacat See Fick on the dialectical forms and the mason's errors (28, for fo«[«u-; 36, for ®&p; 39, for ™v). 1-2 Robert, ET.0EI confirmed by Klaffenbach from the stone, ETI0E by R'gsby from the squeeze: Kern. 3: e.g., t*q4e vel sim. 4 Rigsby: «l?E]ii Kern. 5 & Rigsby. 11 the mason wrote ENTI (t™). 17 I'ENHA lap's. 38 Wilhelm: Kern. 39-40 Rigsby: Kern. The author is either Mytilene or Eresus, as the other two cities of Lesbos are named in the subscription. The stone has been beveled off immediately to the right of 'Avx^^ (42); if a third ethnic was inscribed here, there is room for 'fyiom r but not for MintVfwi. 3: Some verb for sending the theoroi is to be assumed. 17: As to kinship, Magnes had a brother Macar, who was founder of Mytilene (Horn. Hymn. Ap. 37; Paus. 6.21.11). Page 242 33: for seems to be attested only here; perhaps a mason's error, as at 102.12. 38: The season of Terpheios is unknown; there might be a parallel for specifying the day on which future theoroi are to be elected at 111.69. 39-40:1 cannot confirm on stone or squeeze Kern's s*EH, a hapax for and incompatible with the plural ** that follows; Klaffenbach (in sched. IG) glosses this as an error. I have assumed the familiar 102. Clazomenae A second column begins at 44. Kern, I.Magnesia 53 [Engelmann/Merkelbach, I.Erythrai/Klazomenai II 507]. Cf. Wilhelm, Neue Beitr. 4 (1915) 36-37 (Kl. Schr. 1.1 210-211); B. Haussoullier, Etudes sur I'histoire de Milet (Paris 1902) 143-147. | 1 &oEev x&i t«v wtA\zy,£px[ui\v wx\ t«v a[Tpalx[Ti]- [ym - - —- ----- ] [ .. .. & . , . * * 4 ^pilJaavxcK; toO a An6XXu*j|vfo;] Atoiov elvai xfulj [Sfjteiw^ tqvz ‘Afp-cejnv Ae]i^[ip]pqijv^v xnl tf)¥ [wA tI^v gripasi Icp^cv [xjftl [ialuXcw 3 3ip[o1g [cnat cnjiVTtXEwJ -nj[i tM Aewp- 5 (j 3 pu[^J^ 7 i[ 4 ]v[tJs Buolav Kal *fl^]^yup[t}v xnl ifxeJ^i-Lplav [xal] dy-wva < 7 ifcpav[TT|V [ffQTP$J*Qv |^wctpc 6 v tg xsl [Yultivucbv {x)«l SixetEav duo&Jksfr; x^P 4V x#ji {kstiXEtr&ai 34 XJdt TOIK^ obtE [wr (x)al TqG M*W*X[^ V t[£jv] aim?- u Xoup^wv duatwv Yevopivi^ aGrrofe iljK^QrY’YeXtot^ n(®pll xoti~ T4iVp xa( d^Lotkrtv te xal cfUva. 6 ^.ct i [vJ xm; i 1 ^- qHopf ^as xejj&c t?|i dear xcnaxc^pud^ffa[v)TO^ y&p ^ d^wso |j£vdl< ,qtJOiv \w fcfc Xn\ xift [^]xo( 6 cn^:] da^tXjela^] ■cuYX^Wii[oJi[v] l dmo&ci^at Gtv tt^Xeuv Itli&e5lj- x 6 r«t fccLyxQuc Tspofltituac ml icoXXotic rad jAtyd- Xouc dy&vttc ^YttvuJvtfYo(u}<; &[id] td HtjctXiq[^£jvsu xmkhv rfyai, rad tE^ic™ t4c irapi xmi tcoXXqTc dreo- xet(j|[vacj atitofo; gOepys^ La;, xe[[]vou; yc d^[[]ti*; Tlippq£r[[f^pE:]TP iv txddTPLE; YWV ratLpwv p rad vOv fe&i- p&v M4[YjvT]Tac xal atixoti<; dxdXouBa itfdoopvxai; T^t TQjy [ftp]&Y^™v atp^crcL Seal etiaeP&k lyovxa^ xfflV ^uJifoMjCjw]^ npdc xd Gcfryv, Iv it xfit napdvYL dttjofi£[^c]x[aLj td tl^tLa pcmXd^ieva^ ^(ttLl^avek m- [&il«rc 4 vat xdc [t^ {tedq xt^idc, rad &RztL\tZ Mdtvi^ 5 o xa^ xciXyyv xml itp^Tcayoav 6p*>v adxovq drcdSii- (w iwtm^iivGu*; xf^ xd (jiIyw't* anou£ik h xal tE^ t& Xq [i]tt&JvJ d 6iJ|ip5 ^e^jvruAfvo<; t t^v Jtpounapx6vriav a[ 4 ]xui npbq, MdYvigxa^ obctEi^v Xa\ ^LXci^p^nyV duopdxXrftOi; tauY^v ^rtfiiioEL xal oO0ev 6^ duoaxf^txai x^iv dvip<6vT*iv xfjt nd- Xei Y^t tL^^jv lj J(dpnr&; dridSoa-Lv it£^ 4 ^i ^ Kal Elvm ipxpd xou 5 ^jw Aiq*i£&qvu 68 xal Nea^OcjL xot[L Mje[v]ixp 4 Ttii p 5 fc dmooToX^ tyv ^LfiEXi^vli Tftut; cnpaxrjY*u< xal xo^ iwjXqAdp^a^ xal xdv xaplav T xd dvd- Xu^ia RoOvat tdv na^tav lx 'rik Kiqix^rebx;- xi 7 a ^^fio']iAa dvaypaijwixucjav eft -iEtiaaxai. feespo- £6xp[^ 'Efi]^it^lXqx^ 'Ep^tjcnXdxdu. dfjcrft^ d[£ KoXo^uviq[i ot r^vj Tfloi 76 dpXaLflv r6X[w otj- Xvol [xJpuvxr + Eipu 6 pfflioi. KqXq^^vidl d[n 6 | Page 244 rh«X«pikteTc ct xako ti- AcpiStoL [EfiJ^pvciKrt npwjveu; JTi^LLOL 11 [AI, 12 ENArr (or WvornrrXfc.?; cf. 30 a-mreM-c), 51 MENOIX lapis. <><><><><><><><><><><><> (47-66) our people, acting in keeping with the example of our ancestors, who for the sake of good reputation and honor devoted themselves to everything that was advantageous to cities in need and who undertook many great struggles because of their understanding that their good deeds stored up among many were a fine and honorable thing, have always imitated them worthily on every occasbn, and now, seeing that the Magnesians for their part are acting in keeping with the policy of their ancestors and are piously and honorably disposed toward the divine, on this occasbn approve the honors and praise the Magnesians, seeing that they are making a fine and distinguished display of their zeal for the most serious things; and for the future our people, mindful of our traditbnal friendly and beneficial attitude toward the Magnesians, will devote ourselves without being asked and will stint in nothing of what befits the city of the Magnesians as regards honor and the rendering of thanks. That the author is Clazomenae was suggested by Kern and supported by Wilhelm and Haussoullier. Of Ionian cities, only Miletus and Clazomenae are missing in the subscription. The name Hermesilochus (73) occurs on coins of Clazomenae, and exetastai (72) are known there but not at Miletus. Of decrees of Clazomenae we have also I.Erythrai/Klazomenai 503, of the early third century BC These theoroi are not again attested, perhaps because they visited only Ionian cities, all of whose decrees have been reduced to the subscription. Different men, however, were sent to the Dionysiac Artists at Teos (103). Probably the Ionians, near neighbors of Magnesia but in opposite directions, were visited by several sets of theoroi. The text is especially detailed and ornate and might fairly be reckoned an example of what would later be called the Asiatic style. The unusual passage at 47ff., a long account of the Clazomenians' motives, in effect explicates philotimia as a civic policy. 2: Kern's restoration is dubious, as Engelmann and Merkelbach note; this is not yet the moment to mention the approach of the theoroi to the assembly, which first occurs at 16. 14-16: The reasoning of the Magnesian decree is summarized: "for by acting in accord with these requests they will be acting in accord with the oracles of the god and will gratify our people." On the future see on 10.3. 19: On vxvavT see Holleaux, Etudes III 142-143. Page 245 29: The crowning of the city, and with a golden crown, is a substantial honor, and in the Magnesian archive a rare oneotherwise done by the Artists (103), and in gold at 107.23 and perhaps 109.b.27. 33-35: The decree carefully distinguishes that the games were requested by the Magnesians, the inviolability by the god. 65: For M** see Robert, Villes 32 n. 2. 73: The name recurs of a mint magistrate on a Hellenistic bronze issue, BMC Ionia 27 no. 87, Copenhagen Ionia no. 101. 74ff.: With the author Clazomenae, these are the original thirteen Ionian cities, if we restore Miletus at the end. On Old and New Colophon (the latter is Notium) see Wilhelm, Beitrage 173; Robert, Villes 62. 103. The Artists of Dionysus From line 45, on a lower block. Kern, I.Magnesia 54. [----- [ * * *-- * * * --ditEPtdXxBjpw npe- 4 fop curie ITu&6&qtgv XopujLou, ^Eubcoupov [npOravLM 0 w£- e[v tc xal t^v x]al r&v dfy^v[a] fiv Ti&laotv x[ajl seal !]n- a 7 il>: 6 v xf|i dpxbrfrih tfjc TtdXcto*; Xpr]£ti [l&i] AetlXQCppijTjVTjL > ixOpjdti 0 ttX;] ££ [xO .1 QtTJTol 5keX£]- T*DC iv tEl [Ycypa]^^^[vDcc; &]no- Xoyuj&fJtewi rftv rfe feijc foiifg} 4 jvEui[¥ x]ol is t&s bn[h Majyv^fxuv inlxpijajtpa.; sjlc toiiS * F £Xki|vci^ 1 iy' (6 0${< 0 iv AeX(jhju; SwXqv} £0ia- itwv otir&v thm rjj(v ji6Aiv xsl x#jv g&pjav xal Xul&V wl ^iE(VQV t|w; PcJ 5 cH 4 ^VOU; 16 tc n^iov xsl *Apre|ii[v AiuKoqHJpJ^v^v [fim**;] o 5 v x«l ol trxvftnt (pflUiwatj [xb100ti ipfcp}[i>u] avrw-i; fapxv y tali; toft Geou jiavte[[«u; dxoXdu&ayvrec xed) Tftv j^fipav v otvwXo 0 vJ- -rfs tc w&c Ay&vaq [xal {v TEjfvi]rwv [x]al toO ®^ ou ,0 ^ eIvcil U iiu[tgjv tVjv tt] wfihxv xai Tfjv j(ti- aB pav Icpiv xal £ouXo(v xot 4 ] t6v tqu Geo 5 ^tp\i 6 v m ixavtioai ^ xal t0v ti>v Mayv^wv xal me- otcfdwi iA[t foe} toD v0pioy e[0]^e]p€l«^ ivtxev Page 246 x 6 ‘Belov T [M] t£v miqwvov £v |j,£v 33 Tf|i imviTyypei, twv T[er)fvnr]Sv ’rijv ■iva’nxXCttv jUMS]- M|i^vou t&O &y4*v[q]B[£t!ou, £v ££ [M]&Yvna{ai £v ™t dYWVt WI yT4ivgw[i/ ijctKrrJ&ieqBai Kai Be^pC^ vuv tt xal els; i&v [Eflavta] xpAvov £x ntfvtwv ™v 36 Te^vtielv fpet^ [Souvat B&J tqCh; |jfip((v}T&[c] Suatav ifiocjv [&v to^vji #j] d^vc^CK; t o! Si ^eifotovr^ Mvtcc ^tx6$iev[ot M«Yv]i^rfocv tierexiTCHrotu T?fc ^BVTjYOfpe^s w*l cFL^]opi*u^™mi [tl*; Tt] 40 f&ffiivffic xod Gufll]«v £[nap*£lpu^yai yp^ijHiirT^ eEo^cp6vrtiJV £$, tAv (kju[Xfltv] xnl t&v ^ai^vI “TaxiJvJOkiHp ?4 XaWtL & Slkj^s. iufKTi^rpti inti* tqG £>i- IJtou x*t& vopuCdiievn ^ owTTipIat xaL dtupancp&v ttaXtav- ■cofr; B£ SvSpas tq$s Ttap& MayviJ™M sS xaXidti l tab ££vl& eU; xi lepofluteSov. 11 Robert: t1 W?Ip]t 4v Kern. These theoroi went to Cos (?: 106) and elsewhere (107), and one of them to Cnidus (105). The Rhodians' decree is brief and unspecific; the preliminaries do not even mention the topic of the Magnesian embassy, and the substance accepts the Page 248 festival "and the other things as they ask" but does not explicitly mention asylia. The decree serves to date to 208/7 or 207/6 the eponymous priest of Helios Aristonidas (line 18), who is also attested by amphora stamps.so The few details are bureaucratic in tone. Where the theoroi would normally be said to have presented the Magnesian decree, here they "made their deposition" (5). The Rhodians, rather than electing a theorodochos and providing for the future honors for Artemis, establish the lines of authority for doing so and leave all specifics to the future (17ff.): "The prytanies who hold office in the first semester of the year of Aristonidas, and those who do so in future at such times as the Magnesians celebrate the sacrifice and games for Artemis, are to draft (a proposal) and bring it before the council and people in the month Hyacinthios so that the sacrifice may be sent" (a similar procedure at Cnidus, 105-31ff.). It seems a conservative response, committing Rhodes to as few specifics as possible. I take it from 18 that we are near the end of a year and the next eponymous priest of Helios, Aristonidas, is already known. The Rhodian year began in spring or summer (its two semesters were first summer and then winter). In Roman times Hyacinthios (line 23) was the ninth month, so perhaps early spring; but there are grounds for thinking that the calendar was reformed in the second century BC See Samuel, Chronology 108-110; C. Borker, ZPE 31 (1978) 193-218. 105. Cnidus Kern, I.Magnesia 56 [Bliimel, I.Knidos I 219]. Cf. Wilhelm, Jahresh. 4 (1901) Beibl. 28-29 (Kl. Schr. II. 1 154-155); Holleaux, Etudes I 318; De Decker, RPhil n.s. 29 (1905) 162-163 (collation). MJiYVijfec [euvoi Bvtee tSi Si]- (jjuir fod tcJoXAu'v obcf ttev 4 [tnu; it6X]c[o]LV no#' *frtduc s ieocrtetXiiv- [teJc ^[dwjn]ep§i xal t&v fciprpfvov in I ictv LtK] 50 [nap’ «B]wv titrd OTOu[Sa^' fktiM; oCvJ [(^VGp^ A] ftp021 p[ElJ^I^VQr £ Likj nonn^c noil t£i &eio[vJ eix^Epe l] y [seal MdyvrJ- C Syra*; n[t]v£g«i n [dy*]- »4 Bit ScS6^0ac t&l &d[jjut Siuttv^}- ■ppi Miyvi]Tac dptxiik Ivexcfv Kal eOvoE]- a^ >tu\ df»M£aujQai 5 &£tc>ij[vTi ixoXou]- Bw tol toO SeoE xpiyipwr tx[ep 1 St t&v &]- 28 BXuv xal Tiv tL|i&v ftauq &^[a>vtat ir mivta] t6v xpivQv xok vuKWffi, t^v dfy^va 6v iiB£-a]- m Mdyvqn^ KaSdnep Tck t[& IIuBta ^Lx-tror) xal rapl fte&apEa^ Sk$k AitjolcrxJtXX^iat, oJ] 32 Jttpl TQUTtdfv] £[oa[y£tcdcrcivJ £\ wc jfpdvoti; Tok Ik x[£j]v y[6fiuv j Adqjmi)}- va St xoXiom tnfL ytvjija t[L]^ fiS (otiupp]- Yctov h fc£pifr H1 St afr&ft] j£«s[l i^i^etpa Toik;] -enpirmyiiuC tcav top 1 TIJ^Ewv S] fniT^cSeta ctficv [£ox]c[T.] 1, 2-3 De Decker. 11 De Decker: M- Kern. 12: APXArATIA lapis. 22 Wilhelm, Holleaux: ^[^1? I^drvij- Kern. 23 (confirmed by De Decker): *P]( 5 =M Wilhelm. 26 Bliimel: Kern. 28 M«™i De Decker: Wilhelm, Holleaux. 35 ***x^p« Holleaux. 36-37 De Decker: ^ ntewnarfrffaa &o>*q 1 1 . e Kern. As Kern saw, a Dorian city that entertains foreigners in the damiourgeion (34-35) is almost certainly Cnidus; cf. I.Knidos 59.7, 606.7; the damiourgos was eponymous at Cnidus. The preliminaries of the decree convey the Magnesian request in full, but the substance does not repeat this, merely providing "to accept the things they ask, in accordance with the oracle" (26-27), and then addressing what was entailed by the enlarged games. 2-3: On this restoration a verb is apparently lost, on which (11) depends. Perhaps instead [^cneaav , T ^] f "the Magnesians have written [cf. 104.10, 106.23], mindful of the many close connections our cities have with each other [cf. 102.62],... that it has been decided by them ..." But this seems clumsy and abrupt. 28-30: Cf. 106.34ff. for the phrase and the structure. 106. Cos Kern, I.Magnesia 57. Cf. Wilhelm, Jahresh. 4 (1901) Beibl. 29-30 (Kl. Schr. II.l 155); Robert, REA 38 (1936) 17 (Op. min. sel. II 780). f - ----- M 4 y]v||t[^] Page 250 f-- ---cp&oi] xaL oix[eiot elj- <4]y t.— *-1 4 pdi|i{$voi &fi5.£iv id^ to;] Apt£p.L- toc xd[c Acuxmppuavw; ij^dtpi^a] dfTeojffiei- Xavtec [mo.& 6 “l ^^arjiup^.v-DL ttoJLv £ta niv- tc £t£w[v OL[;' ouv xal d tcwi MjioU n[pJoa[ | JpE)o«; £/ei navrl [nojri tc [-cd] Gcioy Kfll itoxt Mdirv^xac ao [ipa]v*:pl Yt v TO^i, t]tjx*w. t[&i] dyafjai [x’Oafi d[n]oxp&[va<5S]Mt ctjdpofi; Sti A S-apoc lv te TUL Kpiltpov tav TEEaaV oTEaufidv pal Ti^j#u|y((av tpcxeln) tiiwp Sv 24 (X*y Xjd4 vvv to;v rfp&frp] dJn(o5ix ET ) at 116 dwuXLav xocl t6v Py^&va xal tdv IkxrLpv- taut Ifife Mai &?ti>pLx xdl | 6 vota AnJoffrfpXj^Eii: tai ScSl t<>u MJjji]qu p - 2 d d [£x]xX[?jala tf[i]pci[a]1k> foupafr; lx ndvtuv t^eTc ot {Sir lafilqi) [£[* [Si xg* xJpdvw. ayvrcXuvu Mdr^ec t&y [ChxjEav] teXt6vxii>v xoCg alpE0Efm £rd [ih ad[v 0ix?]pv xpwxooiat xal 32 Gdv [xdv e]tt no[|M:£Jcrtr d^iepdv tpsixavra ^pl M T«v d&Xw-y xal 1&V xi^iav taut [-SoJtHji tcrt^ vtMtJadiv tdv dy&- va + 6l 5v?p^ Hi cctp[eun]evm ircl idv dmtfscjJ- j6 pwj t«c ndXi[o; nlpovo^krEkiiS 1 -] M (A £x Tcl[v] 110^1 - y]pnii}HiVT tl ; [toui; vdtAom; r xoC^ Bt tccxpa y e v o] ! ^vom; nocpd Mayv^ 1 u[v| x[aX^gai] |xt. [JSvjm [tjt^ ^4 xppj- 40 T:awto[v.] 18: aiateie lapis. 28 add. Wilhelm: *& I PI* Kern. 30 Wilhelm: miv]x G XE6vxwv Kern. 31 Robert: e^>],t«v Kern. 32 Robert. 33 Pom tow in sched. IG: [. m ] Kern. As Kern saw, a Dorian city visited by these theoroi may well be Cos, and Wilhelm adduced some parallel phrasing in Coan decrees. This decree, while Page 251 not mentioning asylia in the preliminaries (except perhaps in "the things asked," 12; cf. 105.26, 107.30), in fact grants it, though in the briefest possible terms (25: "the inviolability and the contest and sacrifice"). 28: Wilhelm saw that a new clause, concerned with funds for the sacrifice, begins here and that its subject (™pi«i if this is Cos; cf. S. Sherwin-White, Ancient Cos [Gottingen 1978] 210-211; or, for example, oix^ot) has been omitted by the mason. 32: Kern considered but lacked a parallel; for wp**™ = "travel money" cf. Delphinion 152.65, 104; I.Cret. II 111 3.18. A trip of thirty days is envisaged; contrast the period of five days before and after a festival in 3 and 4. 36: A verb has been omitted by the mason. 107. Unknown city I.Magn. 58 was in situ on the wall, while 73 was found detached; Oguse showed 73 to be the right side of 58. Kern, I.Magnesia 58 and 73a; joined by Oguse, RPhil n.s. 54 (1928) 313-319 [Robert, SEG 4.502]. Cf. Holleaux, Etudes I 326; Robert, RPhil 11.53 (1927) 115-116 (Op. min. sel. II 1070- 1071). (ineL&f) M^yv^tec MacdvBpou f xod oEkcuk-J £vte£ [toft fefpou Bpcspeut&t An.osteiketvjh Adymtova [^svfcou - - -—- 4 Xtv xVjv tc kgI t^v fouXEav te m&kt:]- yxA ttOrufv xa\ Tf]v Gyoioiv xa\ tt)v xal] T^jv lKExetp[[flv xal t&v d^va tne^pavhijv krontffriov youoix&v] xal- |5v Tfjk ApxiiaiJ&i] 0 Tf]t Aeu>fOi^[uTj]v[f|i: xat mapBxaXQ&stv t6v Sfj|Jov ouvj- CrtJEetV tA<: [^]i^T|qf[Lay^va^ ttxfji fecfci" qI Ajiq)- orotoi? {«} rcsp p [ocik&v iicc^06vxE^ ini t^v pks^XfjvJ xal t&v Sfj^jov 3cat !fr)jX[f^fc¥t££ fcii 7i^ci6vLrM tAc Yt]- 12 Tcvrnj,£va^ fotA xwv Ttpofofavfv «tfxwv ?!*; iq&c "EXX^vac pj]- XpiptCa<; ksI [n]£pt xGW [noXXt&v xpoQnapx^*™^ ot]- (x)cjta}v A^^otiptiiE; twEc oi^iv iXXftnavTtc] qjiXoriyle«; wipe(x^dXi[E)< 7 [av -- - Saov] i-6 ioxkv iip 1, %jcv Rpom[ -*-**-* ] T^L tl6KE r . fl&T&V tJ)V -.- - ■-i™,]- xoXou&iljtfBvtss y^P t[(x^ d£tou|i£YOLc} dx6[XGU0]a Sew tbTc xgv feou yavx[elau; xol xeJp^k^M 1 %«i r so Se&6x0a[t rffit T^ai^ ini] vav; dplartti^ (rxe^a- wadi yiv (t% tc np]£w> tquc ©rafrq: cAacpda[(] Ivsxtv xaL xffc fifjyov] eMai; cn;e^dvcj{i] dm6 xp^w^v ixai^v G[™v npjwxov AcuKtxp[p]u^vd u{uv]tC' 24 [X]£h?lv + jial d]tQ3i^ s .vaaO[aL aftrtfc 6 tl &] afrit ffijp6x€fQ[v *]ij[Efe]- v£>k] dniai?| w XPTJ®y^ wv whjofc vuvt tc xat j&]id t& Page 252 Gefcv 6crti>; xal c3oc|3[4fc 3 ijowetc&ti jwrt 3 c[ 4 ] t 6 rcp« Tt*uT£ii[c] 2& rniouSi^ seal x^v te xtsBi&ptoaw xi^ re n6>^tiw; *nk[£s]v x(x[l TTfc **l T^v (jtfjijXItrv TCpw8£Ee> xxm xa 06 xL i^lduv, xaL [t£]y crYtiva inofi^SeKTai ercespa- mItijv tuoirffliav, xal £v T«t xa^xovrt xaipcii n^^[ct] 3? Stjaittv xtd Sfi&ipft'Lk; [tdCj<] auv&tiafolvxeh; xal x£XX[a] {t)ii v{d)- fjtCd^Evii wvTEJ,[oJu[vTja(<;] &E([w]c i^vfinfyafv t] m&V&VQW XOtlJacplYoU^" sk [56] ^ain&¥^[raocn£XXetv xe xai Ihxriav xod 36 t^i feai xapf Ixasna? Aruxo(pp|uij^a ^xexpots fcxox&v ix&uixoxe" tvaj hi xocl x 4 ^£of^Jxa kust^] x% xikv &e£v etivobs? vuv[lj xe xal rff; t 4[v ]<[f}6v^v cnjvjTtX^Taij tq£h; vpoftpOK Pro]&(<;) 1M] 0s[o]xE|io[u i 5 px &v ] TO % T^oaayiiytSv @u[alavj +o [-*%** -Jtoi t^x 0 ^ 11 ! 4 ! (.. - --.] «nl n[. . . J Text of Oguse. I omit here restorations attempted before the two fragments were joined (the join largely confirmed those of Holleaux and Robert); see Oguse for details. At 9-13 an ancient fault in the stone has caused the mason to skip several spaces, which I have not marked (e.g., 10 ETAAEN TEE). 7: or awrexosmv, better for the space. 13-14 Rigsby: — ]|p* . v Kern. 14 end: ^eiTtovre.?!™*^ x*i] Oguse, which seems too bng 15: nAPEAAA lapis. 18 end: Kern. 23 end: Kern. 31 Robert's correction ^(t> is confirmed by the squeeze: Oguse. 32 Robert: tS>x[«] mivx[« t Oguse (nothing visible on the squeeze). 34-35 Robert: I xmh&v >]■«* Kern. Evidently the city was in the direction of southwestern Asia Minor; Lampon (3) was alone at Cnidus, and the full team was at Rhodes and Cos. The city spoke Koine and had proedroi (38); Oguse restored an archon as the eponym (39). It is odd that the decision to crown Magnesia (a rarity in the archive in any case) is put before the response to the request. 108.14 similarly declares a holiday before answering the Magnesians' request. 25: Parallels for at Holleaux, Etudes I 301. 39: Here as occasionally elsewhere, specifying the eponym under whom money is to be provided for the sacrifice implies that the city was near the end of its current year. 108. Unknown city Inscribed to the right of 107. Kern, I.Magnesia 73b. Page 253 Cf. Boesch, 55 n. 3; Robert, RPhil III.10 (1936) 124 (Op. min. sel. II 1203). I.Ml...1 (t]d[v )c&{ euvOfew flu^Efv m\ wvoniEcwI ti|i£c tfjt [ 6 eSl p Im:X 66 vte? $£} 4 (A [ltJptOpELnal tnX t£]v i[x]5tXtjptd[v tijv TCpDuinip^oi>aav] %icv Gtfc£t6tifjm (K}aH ijiXtav upd^ M£[yvr|Tac dneXayi|- pavno 1 iiikiy&Tjpsxy bt x*it nepl tov yJeyQWi&v? rf]- [cpJytauSv [(j]to 6 Mpcyvfjwu e^ toOc dtKoXotSj- fl [floi]* Toft; iv ifit ^rfliUrftiJaTL Korcetxfij(u^[L^iJ^vot^ B &&&;] [q]{ 1 v X€l\ b (patv^ipu xfyt tc Tiph^ Tofik; 8 ew>£ twfj- Jfkjtffiv Slcittjp&v Kotl ifjv Mdryvijra*; [olHcidrTfrai] (^ajl fiHav W fXtlbv iytf&ijL M flw]- ia {x]i)pifti xfjt po^Xijt rad t£3i( Aid toi^j yrfo[vld(ffL}v 4yaSo^ Mdyvi^nv ra«& t[ 4] X6[yia toC] 6spG xe&S {fttyv aort xi^ leptla^ dcvo^Jti'w xofr;] vaou^ teal Xtpkfyux[&v] £n#t 4 JiSv ^nn)[)(]o|ii[v^ix; ytj- tB ^(t)a{ 6 )^t y4 d[ya&4 xwt te] ^jiwv xal toi Mayv^wv] . . p. t . 4^[i£vai io4;] taificH; ibc t%l -- - ] * , . «t [+.* + + . x]hI t4c ^k{e{x]e^^c [kk] 1 xiky [-----} l.J'T'P?! -.*-] 2 Rigsby: ™Auu.v ixt^— ] Kern. 3 Boesch: «ape* 9 &roe{& - 0 °e<; 14 corr. Robert: NyN lapis. 15-16 Robert: — h™? x«i 7*5 [ — Kern. The substance of the decree begins with a declaration of a public holiday, of a sort found in some other honorific decrees but extravagant and rare in the asylia inscriptions (otherwise only 125). It is strange too that this is the first item (cf. 107); in 125, as one would expect, these honors come after the Magnesians' request has been granted. The text then seems to proceed rather abruptly to the games (if is right in 18); in the context of the holiday one expects at least a statement of the occasion or date, for which there is scarcely room in lines 17-18. 109. Laodicea on the Lycus Two columns (a, b), with some loss between. Kern, I.Magnesia 59. Cf. Holleaux, Etudes I 326-327; Robert, RPhil n.s. 53 (1927) 98, 116; III. 10 (1936) 123- 126 (Op. min. sel. II 1053, 1071, 1202-1205). a. [..** - - ■-l9¥Y * * [ - * - -- .......... 4n61X?]tyyi Kai i.....] n«p* Page 254 4 3 I? c6 ■20 14 ?8 - - -...- * * * ~ ] xifc 9ual«c (FUVltJXcpV ...... Ij]jt£p Oldt Jjjv[- flq-- --- T &i&6v]ai xal dz [Atc] cepjrt'v ^ $eSt •-*-•+- 5ao]~v fiv b SffUo^ id^ij mmeX . . _ - — --- 70i*ctJL®? xaAtgai dz tb TCpyTav]$[Ta]v [tv]il Quv^rSajtJVw xml aUvokri tv - --] tnflVijdfoa ^ xosl tqu[s] upcapjeu- x&z TWZ &Jrcwx«|X]£v[-i]fli; TCa^?" Oiirw^ £id }te ttjlJ t£ 0 cEd]v £Utf£j3ela[t] xal tt|[l} ne{p4| tT] 1 / Mtrp(- 5ifl iptXffxijjflat' [0-]^apx[e]i^ Ei tx&ioE; xai |^[&a]v np&c t&v &%tov ^itrcja |t4 I]ep& s [xajl $yo\ ajOjicuf^ jTp]o££[vQud ttiG fyisttpau] mtMt £1 ayvr[e]- XcHJjuLEv] tv [twt tllpt) T&[t yt]^fTWJx] E ^ VL XP9°^ 1 k i..-.-j [. . . xJceI vuv [h Sfj^ot; dbcjdtooc^? Ttixp& ttSv ^psopeur^v] [t]« ouv^vtt^^vcc M&yvtkcp™ Aym&i 4-ni tehj fcrou] 4 fjjrrcd tt xat y[ ~-- - - --- ~ ] xmt KpO01^6J£ [---- --- - ft&ov] Jji &uvot&£ b Xeirc^jicvo^] t&v Ttp4? &65a^ xal -4[per^v dwoxtpa&c tbi"?] B n6jXcam ^pfio^vro^ i^etacrtA^f [t]oiX i^cfiivoLn; ini xf\z II6Xe«c a I«]- TpcsfxXEtwc 4varfpA4 ra yr t1 ^^ t6&e xal xb napct cfe arsfiXiiv Xpjxo^] ii (Xt]0[oy] p arfiaai Tiy. [iyo-pdi tv tut Ant<(ra]- vtax&xtin tdnwr 6wW[«i - - -- --'-----] xt [if4]vx« t& , * . AiSL[t!^6va - - —*»,--***-] . . ib ta|itcDcw dfi-■ [nfflpfflxaXttrat bi 5^J- Page 255 iG \xw xt\Ji [xocl nap' aurolc Avotvp&l*" 1 ! zb ^[^Lu^La TOUT* ill; [<3T^l]V Xlfruj]^ flvj crc^oaL tv twi tep&L Tij[? Apxipt&G^ Aeu-ks]- ?pfl)y^p 4vaYp[iijmi - -- -- -- -- - xo^ npea]~ 2Q p«iJt4c rtc [ — ^ t£k dtpj- ^eUoi irdyr^cfy 6|- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- dpyuj- ptas* £C5w[&(sli it[- ®£t^o&6xm [-------*,. 34 *ATKX^Ex[w*]xOCr Kdttfr tk [atJta St ^^rfi^teravro - ] Avtlox^ [■ - ----j EtipfidOteffc - - - ---***•-*«**»-] aS ’AhvSds [.- - -.- - --- - ] Fit oXe^i [ a l ] t itpSw; —-j Kct « * * h * . ui [- - - --- -J Klaffenbach confirmed on the stone Robert's emendations, except for a.8. a.8: Robert (Kern's IAE confirmed by Klaffenbach). 9 Robert: ikvbjbMv Kern. 11-13 Robert: t[^v] ^xxXTiiigtflcv 5 l 4 t?Jv e^i(3eicc(v x]?ci xf)[vj x?[pi] T?jVE«Tpt|[Sa dcpETtjv x]ai Kern. 17 Robert: 3T{ocv]s[^]'UiL t&fi Ajyxiojf^iwv Kern. 19 "ApTipiv w Rigsby, b.2-3 Robert. 6-10 Robert: 6 ® [AaoSixfu*—, 8 *f4«>W'v-w>[s —,9 n«?]-, 10 [Kern. 11- 12 Holleaux: xi]8[[v]uv, ori^at Kern. 16-17 Holleaux: — *wtp*<|k« 1 and [on^ Xi9tvnv*»i] Kern. Kern saw from the subscription that this Laodicea must be in the vicinity of Caria, thus the city on the Lycus. Useful parallels are supplied by the decrees I.Priene 59 and MAMA VI 5. This Seleucid foundation makes no reference to the king, so far as we have the decree (contrast 110 and 111). This was, however, a long text, and much is lost: we have the provisions for the sacrifice sent to Artemis and for honors for the Magnesians, which followed the recognition of the games (by a.5-6) and asylia (the latter is included in the announcement prescribed at a.29). All of the second column is taken up with provisions and requests for inscribing the text. a.16: Annual crowning of individuals also in I.Priene 59 (foreign judges); the festival, not named here but implied by the month, was the Antiocheia (cf. Robert, Laodicee du Lycos pp. 251ff.). a.27: Kern's restoration is uncertain; only the theoroi (a.15), not the Magnesian people, are voted a crown in what survives (the provision may have come in a.22-24). What follows concerns the Laodiceans' proclamation, whether at their own Antiocheia or by an ambassador elected (a.24) to travel to Magnesia for the purpose. Page 256 b.9: For the eponymous priest of the City see Robert, Laodicee p. 325. Here as occasionally elsewhere, we seem to be near the end of the civic yearthe next eponymous magistrate is known. b.20-21: Perhaps what were "assigned" were rewards for future theoroi, the verb used as at 84.20 and Robert, Op. min. sel. V 354 (cf. 357 n. 2); a new sentence may begin with this finite verb. b.30: K«[X6*5]«i or Kct[iivj W i; c f. Robert, Hellenica VII 189-193. 110. Unknown city Kern, I.Magnesia 60. (lour lijici Iwt) [ - - -----x|cd f i- pvOTtfjlcw; , - „ * * ] ot [......- - - I ]l* T* 8 j--*-*»**-*«-- [£®---- - .... . - [ Arndgou.—- — - - - - citi]xol Bte- TOL£ tv TCJl is - -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -— - -- ----] xfrv iy&va -~ - - - * --Mijyv^tun Mp t - - ------] ouvxeXcTv Su- [ofcav xttl nav^fuprv xglL iyova tirt£!pa]\dtt]v Iejoh'j- i£ |Stnv Bv xtSletai T^t AprftuAi xt\% Acukch^v]t|v^i [xi3t n^eci^ - --- - xa]l touc twXt- |xau; ... f[ jd ■djt cOvot- [ai - - - 7tp6(; t&v J3ao*X£a 'AJvtEo^dv xal lo -----| xrI Wjv n 6\w --- - 2itTjmyr]frai ftk xal x©v [.*-- - - * * -t * - - - - | cr^xSv [quo- - - - ---— - -- - ’BcEKj- I....- - ap«xMs &«*- [x<£v p tqu£ fit Stupoi^. xaXtaai file; t 4 xJpUravtt- M The author was a subject of the Seleucids, making deferential references to Antiochus III (9, 19). If is right in 23 and the king or a subordinate is the subject (as in 97.2), then the city has received instruction from him and this decree must date later than 69perhaps then later than 205 BC But too much is lost to be confident of this. What little we have preserves mention of the games but not of asylia. Page 257 111. Antioch in Persis Inscribed to the right of 110. A second column begins with line 57; on a second stone from lines 44 and 100. Kern, I.Magnesia 61 [Dittenberger, OGIS 233]. Cf. Holleaux, Etudes I 318-319; Haussoullier in Anatolian Studies Ramsay (London 1923) 188; Oguse, BCH 53 (1929) 144; Robert, Hellenica VII (1948) 20 n. 2; Laodicee 330-331; Fouilles d'Amyzon 168 n. 40; F. Piejko, Epigraphica 50 (1988) 45. [n]apd i£>v n[epx£tfY Sf|i&Vj Ssa"ir^oGv- T&5 Tt xV *EWkT}Vtl^ tOwotM xal favfp&v S^Xpvte^ xoteb «fru jimiv noli; npocr%[ciu]- Ad- ha vceXoOyre^ r^e, dp^finlk ntihraK 0uot- xal 7 iaW r yuptv xal £x£](EEf lav Xal esytjv* dte^ivE- Tryv &t& ^jtoyoix6v te xsc\ TuqjLvocifv xal limixdv N & lx 3 lav gdptv tfjt eyepy^- Ti^-L h xal np£>^ t6v B%lov dnecnd&xapi upeoPEvri^ Aipt^{y)v;? ^tXLpij, ^^prjta 32 ot xal AjK^Bdvw? £hE te ifjv ^oy^tjv xal fxxXy^av tE 4i^6«xix^ Mat^rV T&jv xal A'vtHvt dptva l t^|v CTUYYiwiav xal t^v « rat £v$ta6 F lAtav fcx[i£erccji xjil xQiufji n£- mv H^TCoSclEciat T^y qnou^v §[v fcx]wv &aTeXef [e!c t£ mj]p[l £reoei]y!oGn M< 4 - Y^r|Tac xe ji^k; t 6 fetov ctioePctac Ivexav xat tfj£ TCp6^ PacnXia AvrEo^ov (piAEac rat eOyoCoc xal tAv &%iov t6v Avtuix^^i wit toT^ (Mate 4 t^ 0 [^c] 53 ral cJipEptat [tJ^; TtiXeedc raXwc ^ifa^Jo h&wauaiv t%i n&Tpiov noXneE&y, £ 5 £mPJ*u £& tawc; ttpew; Osotq TiSfJLv rat icAquu; M^yJvW* 1 et(; t6[vJ Sreavra xpdvov h :1 T^ip xf^v] icoXe[tTtL]- 56 av K Ax[o]&iE«a#ai 5 fc xffv GHjqtacv xal xijv fjavi^Yup^vl Mat T^jv fx^xf-eipEav rat tdv dytjva. orfigravEiri'Y tpaiEuflMJv) xdv te |Mn>[qcxdv xat yu^Yixdv rat Ixiuxdv 5 v] oh>vteXoO[ctl M^y^ec xfji "Afxipiifti t^i Aeuxcwppoiqvfji] 60 B*i xd TC^Tpipv * * *-— --. - ] sptXwv XI4JL10C f......] rat tA XotiiA -- - - --- - - = J xal Tijt MaYv^x[c«>v ndXei - - - ---] <14 rafT tsoSfftt}Y - (tnomeEX-n dfr ral 6t&?pou^j il* Mayyi^afv to-Os Ouoovia^ A ptf in&i Acuxo}- rpputlv?ji bit okiTfjp[o.[t xchj t£ p^idtX^M^ rat AjJ^dnlpMv tuv| nAXfiwvp AEdooQai H afdrok xat lx tw 6fl &aov 5tv b ®%ic< i[n^[ttTfiai bcavdv eEvat xat Jipl?JT&v] (t^i irdk[ti- alpcLO'SxL &k TO^ fetiipnik; tt^ - - - TQV r Hpa]- xXeioy |jt]y 6 i; [3iav rat at SAXai dp^al at xoXtiixal] crT(r&t>CTLV 11 T&t^ &fe [alptS^vrai- infxrr^XXcaOai] 7a dbd xf)& torta^ ti^ {xwvij^ toO &%tou- lot? fiA napaj- YLvq^dvpLt 0 e&)£h^L£ ^jc MaTn^ta^ itpbz %4,6u; d^oaj- 0ai OjiA ™v ^cqi^v £[x xot> dr^ocrfou ^vta Soa SE5o]- tai rat tctl^ rtapa Ap[i£iM&o^. xffc S?iaplai^?'] j6 ejuvOyiTOaaw ot Sfwpot-- - --iiji Apt^tJ- [di t^l AeiuxjD^[py]f|Y%t tA [---- j tou; bt v^xwow xwv [iwjXitw t 6 v dywva t«v Acuxo]- rTvcti t&c afuTat iijiic rat tA ■ipiX4v0^*jra ncepaj 80 ra9A xlal tw; xA HdSia vixt^j-mw fat xCiv] druipxiti,,, iaa{-...] MO y i^L^iCVOL^ ItClf <&[jiEVQt -- A]- yecF&ai toC^ Ayw^ac [ - ------ - - - - * j Page 259 fl* t, (re . . xwl iwv nopa[-- ----] td Ti^ml T&L vtSe^eKtyff L **^ ■-*--] xsl xoCk; [------ !t&]- ttv b inl T^f'v xJolvfJv [Swtxi^acv ^ipvgi^voi; --***-**] &B xoh; itpwSvcu; ieV [ —...xcrriie t& wQ Si^ov i[^iTHPHip[£:¥a ---ot ■dt^v) add. Holleaux. 55-56 Dittenberger: ^Ifcl **sM®c!. I <*vflm[o],a4$«a9si Kern. 59, 64, 65 middle, 67-74 middle Dittenberger. 66: or $■ ] n-3p|_LEVtfcj[vO^ --J [-- t] 6 v 0 c&v tSv iv xP^ oai + 4 fsfvafc xart Sp:]en^ uuftuv xal x[ffcv x^pav lep&v xat fiou]- Xoy [vojAtjoJuocv xal xaGx[[i ocyTOLc; ovmj* Xt"Jv x^i dep])fijY^tSi [ic^ew? AAuyotyplrflvfJv] 3 Siis n[lvxE ijtiiv Suokv [xal iHv^ytjpiv xal ^xs^Eiptav xal] iySy[a axJ^pDtvftijv [[ooTCyOiov itouacxfrv xaL yujivimIiv xaLJ Irnuxl^ x]al o\ Ti[otp]aryev 6 iji[evoL npe]a[pEy™l xf\v] |3ouX?|{v xa\\ t[&Jv [ov] AjieXfoytoJavxo [xiiv tiitqpdcvctav] a Tift [tteou x]a[l) ™[* elf [xpik; # EX]Xijva[o] e^xpf^erxbic xal i^v [-yiXtav toG SVjiou] i[£iv] Ma[tvJ^xtw flv xfjtji it 6 Xiy xat tta]> poxaX[oftff]iv xml [A£]io[G]ani y&v Sfppo’J jip[o]oSi[^Qfiff&fli l^itj- iG L(J]^ii t6£$ dtvjayfiaspfjj £v tf|l grtoai mrcS-v ['----- -- - --6eu]po^ xaGdhctp xal t^v fiX- (Xijjv ----Ms]v^ac i|udL|n^au Mtrto- 11, 13 init. Boesch. 10-14: Oguse suggested {seal t£ji BVjpui' |X£a|Gai npca^vr&c TpeiT*;? lofrq] Si qfljro&c xal 0e<->poj^ n ftefc^xScu - - -d^i pouX^tdEltiv®; ts] Aho54 Or xcrta-thi*; 4, and ™v Icp^v seal xoO I Aywvo^ ™v Aem»jppuT|v^Jc^:]^owirV tuv SXjXcav | ■‘EXXtfjvwv - - - OgUSe 17 R'gsby. 20-21 Oguse: 20 end np°s Kern; *>«« ^“rpa^ Boesch. 22: [fetjuMoton. ™u<; eeufcob; Boesch. The city was kin to the Magnesians (8) and perhaps had common gods (14), unless the lal refers to the Seleucid kings (cf. Herrmann, "Antiochus," no. 1.51). 10-14: In keeping with the future *»**»«[«*, Oguse took the substance of the decree to bee with the election of future theoroi to the Leucophryeneia (cf. 115.4-5; 130.15). 11: On this formula for the theoroi cf. on 86.4-5. 17: For this phrase in a cult law cf. I.Magn. 99.8 [Sokolowski, LSAM 34]. 115. Unknown city Inscribed to the right of a decree of Cnossus.84 Kern, I.Magnesia 66. [ - * --]osv [-- * ----- - J [ - - - tOjhl] ^y-aS^i xal iml [cMJTjijpEcit to[u tc5v Moy]« 4 vij[™]v irj [jji] rju seal t&O 4i^iou 1 tX£o@m Sewp^ to 6^ ouv^eXitHmo^ t&m [flu]- d-Eav xat tSv fcpSv xal toG &y&vg$ iieGl^ovta^] ]4ni &XXt>v djv £| iiiojii- 15 vi^v San^vi]v etg xo&s xal t&v *ji«v S^woav q\ ttfptai Anp p &v XtLpUloU- mf jrp(Xj6B*iv Getopol [Iu06ulxoc AwXXuv[[iu k Atmjumj\pLar£ou. 84. I.Magn. 65b [I.Cret. I vm 9], honoring Magnesian arbiters of Cretan hostilities; nearby were found 65a+75 [IV 176], Gortyn similarly, and 67 [I vm 10], Cnossus honoring two Magnesians (cf. II 111 7.c) for unspecified favors. These decrees probably were carried by the theoroi in illustration of Magnesian services to the Greeks. Page 265 If 3-4 are the transitional phrase that introduces the substance of the decree, then this city responded only to the request for games and did so rather offnandedly, merely providing for the future representatives. Alternatively, 3-4 refer to a prayer appended to the preceding action (acceptance of the games and asylia); but then we should expect 116. Unknown city Inscribed to the right of the Cnossian honorific decree I.Magn. 67. Kern, I.Magnesia 68. [t^v 61*7Lorv kql\ tSXXci [-*]& vopiC^ 4 ek TocGtat Sanavi^iocta E6 twgjsv toTl; (A tii^ite[drcv?] tuv thews’ [ - - - EKX]£«^q<; MCkmou. The theoroi appear to be father and son; compare the pair of brothers who canvassed western Greece for Magnesia, those sent to Tralles, and those who traveled through central Greece for Alabanda. 117. Unknown city Inscribed to the right of 116. Kern, I.Magnesia 69. KVX TOdg GEw[pot)c - ) elfttyn Tapi ----- J Part of a covering letter to a decree; cf. 90. 118. Unknown Cretan city Kern, I.Magnesia 70 [Blass, SGDI 5156]. MjdrfvfiJ'ces.. . .— ] E ♦ -.] ouTYfcvtlc - - - -. [ . T . . b TiJo3kX6c I... *-*«** ) 4 [ r -Iployi^ E.-..1 a}-- - - - --- --rJhStpta]- ti xa\ .^ - -.- - ] Tisiv ©e6^or[o^ Kd - -— ------ oS tc ft - * - - --- - - - oi]- i$ cr*£ iitaSe)(6ji[tl0[ct]| st[al - - - - - - -- ----] DVtl [-----------] xoi ta &v0ptm[ ■*■ - -*---- [x]«&t t^v xai n6k[i - - - - - ----J to Tt t(ok) 5[^J(£H -- -*-*■“*-*! pov x«l x[o]iv&v icfriecv -] ov a^ijtal [ - * ** * ^ — ^ * * * * — ..J ■cave |elj ®fe pf| [-- - - - - "gch^ Teem’d xiv IM«v?J 24 iwrcpESa OTparcE[uaa|Jtivoy; - - ----- \ 7 : ©td5c.T[oc Af.icrcd^or^ fwrx.) Kern. 11: HTAN lapis, but see p. 162. 7: A Theodotus and Aristomachus obtained from Hierapytna in Crete a decree to inscribe various ancestral privileges enjoyed there by Magnesians (I.Cret. Ill 111 3.c). Although the Hierapytna decree is probably later than 208 BC ., the privileges listed do not include territorial inviolability, which apparently was not a concern. Guarducci, who assigned the script of the Hierapytna decree to the early second century BC „ rightly remarked that nothing guarantees the name of Aristomachus at 118.7. Note, however, the second visit to the Artists at Teos by the three theoroi of 208 (cf. on 103). 23-24: Here seems to have been a provision for the military defense of Magnesia, parallel to those in Cretan recognitions of other cities but not in the other decrees for Magnesia. 119. Unknown city Kern, I.Magnesia 71. 4 8 32 I* .-. **_ + *_»*„ 4jc6Xgu]fl l a - -. ------ -fr ■( i[ic}ttTT[riJa; ■ ^ I -- -- + „ P . , - * *..h* *{*} - - -..fotl&jtixav pql oavro - - - - i^v - - , *,***.*.,*** <^*1 ~ * + + * * ) - - -.---------- ]u Gc . e * , f|i . . _*-. *-*■*.***_*. + . orxj^fcpa] vtxrjv ?Goiru$Ejpv --- - --AntfXjtattVQs; tq£ tf - ~ --- - - - i[TttIp*v tcpa]v waV [&jo[u]Xov vc^i^apey ixoXouBQUvces x^v tiavrcljav tou iv AeX^ouj Page 267 [Scow--] &’ ^ . |i . -- - — --] b sto f - - - --- - - - - -|ar. . a . . K 17 Rigsby: [*“*& ’■V Kern. Line 15 shows that this was a letter in form. 120. Syracuse Kern, I.Magnesia 72 [Dubois, IG dial. Sicil. 97]. Cf. Holleaux, Etudes I 327-328 (squeeze); Wilhelm, Beitrage 181-183. ini Ho^u£ev[{5]a toG ^iXoEivo[u p --- - - « ) VOU<£ “fv[05d^£l[a 'Apripm Actibod]- (ppurjvdi' £&[o]5e ™ V TT^OOypa-qj^ VCtiJV f Tjtfp[ -■**■* * * - * - * - ] o-c&y^vou 1 ®tXatep6xE&$ i So^fy , &i , cp[du 1 - - --- - - ] AAfiuvo^ Eup^]i’UF J £a i [*apavtvt^vuv rapea]- {kunrShf xai Stapkiv rrapA tou B^lqu Mayv^Ttjy A*t&] is Moudcv^pm? xou MT^wpCKo[y Apunto^ Ktd x 6 xe ^9«S|ia dfnJo&Svt'Kuv - - xal dcnoXoytJ- te Seas f jw[Joy6(vIwm («]0toI l&ei£av [6 Aixaia - - --S. - - -... . oy xi ilia . , , c xa . * , , , e --- irapaxffi>jeAvt£j[y &u>&£]^ao6ai tAv [Bu^Lay xat t&v Ayii}- ic w 6v iltevu to Ap^^Lti tat A^UKCHTpuTf™ cn^pavEj- xav toofdBiov ifafu; Ttjjiak, AicoXoyi5[o^ji^wdy M EinApx 0 ^]" [x]a<; (ptXou^ [m]a[ 1] tiu[TT{;v£n](; [6|4 fqpdyArafr Ta^ JtAXtp< 4]- IjiJ^ MiyHia? - ------] *4 j£]upaxooua[y - - * - *- **-*--*~ IF Tia 6s[ ----- --BE^6^0]a|t xai auYxXfj]- [t]«i w* SypaxoflUiv Kal t[&i (SouWti? * - * » * - - £xaw£]- mi jiiy tAv Sa^eoy T«y tMayv^rt^ M- 36 [khI] stan-petai v[ * * * - --- - * * - AitoWJ- ^aoSai ht Kal tAv [Ay&va Bv auvtcMovu Apr^rei] AeuHo^puijvair aTOp[avt]xay too(wj0vo* 7 xa&dTiJ fccayy^XXavn (A irp[e]aptijtal [xal fespoi, vc^^clv bt xal] 32 -civ tc hB^jiv xal tAv l[f pAv 5opt]- [CoumVj . ..- tqi] ^TjT^Ttti [ *Aprc£|iijGi AtUxOq^bTrwjl fra jnfvrc truyv pyatav xajl iwsv^jyupLv wx$\ ^x«x ei P^ [«v xal dySva Loonffihov pouratAv xJaL yu^[vJlx^jv seal titficistd^J 3 [duealav x“P lv W riSepryfrit^ Xffl] 7Upb% npEap£[u\a^ Auxo]- Jpi^qv Auxofil^oUp A?)psfcpw>v AT|jjo]^vTo^ t Aiovid-aplxov 1-Ws]- * * * - * - - - tnfc Yerevriplvas TCHC (M<&]yv[tiJ~ [sly wspk tqu @eo 0 pavrria*; - - - dJnQXDyLowvTaJij xctl xhw is [5f;pov - --rtapoxnXimMrjL irjvnu^fLV TCt-C 4[i^T?T7]fpiai T4>V t]c [Mjayv^ ?4 ttuv -ntiXty ^ Ttiv May- Page 271 [vflwy --- - - - t&Jv jr6Xcav .... xctl t^v [k]G- |Xnr--.- tt^ AJpi^u&ot [Atw]o[v]pxn]|vi^ - - - - - io|&< Etefo]foc IgiM £ PI.] «*_,.**-*]£ T&V c , , h . op , t + - , , . 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J j&ictije [i,v]^vrjt>v? 1 ] t[o]i>c 6£ [a]Tpffii]^Y^^C [j-trr]4 %f«v Y$vii\A#xt*w £ni^£XEtcrv not]- ^Ms]0ai &[vii]Ypaqpft t& toOt[A tfij scat [t& imp4 Metyv^t^v tk a ^ap^af[tvT ( vJ xal cn[aftfjL fj tt£ (v [toil ^TEr^avtmiittJi tdnjwVt d^uS-aa^ 4fc x[a]l xiu May Hflwv |Sjfj|Jov tiva[Y]pd^fu xa[k nctp 1 aihcrTc ifr tJi^jLa^ia] tgE- to ejljc ot^X|tJv [ji)qipjiGip[Lv]qv xw& orfjosE tv ™[l l]ep£[i t% Aprijutac t% AcuxiHfpu]- T l v [^J?i tyfccj ^pav(e]p6fv naojiv] Gtl [6 Bfj]|io< #itiu{v] edoepik x(«t f t)X{oS]6- [&K. toia;] is 0feoO]i; llx^ 6Jtai[iip]er t|S[v xeJ miyY^lvetav xotl o6<|e]i[6]TTjTa [xw]l ipjtkLav ntyv iLijTOdpx 01 ^ x]^t>v (n]pd^ (-c^vHdXi^ Tfiv [M]«Yvijra[v] to|C< Ejr Upct] £ Xafc. lA< UpE[(]«q dvo[tj€«L xod^ vafou]-; xcd eStwo^ir xat Mdcyv{iyaLV . * , P ]a^nvTMt " t—] i&lv dejl [xp^vov ytveJeF9[«]t xoiv[^]i ndvrci zk dY«0[d] ^ xal Mdyvi^- Page 272 i 6 v £Jv xfjii* xfjd ^i£|p]at p JtoiGLV M |x]aL |t]& c*&s^i^i£0a.] rntpi Moryv^[w]v t[5jv 6ciijp^[v] iiv a[6r^]- ttuX [St] aTpa[t^]o&(; Mil pq^X[tuii( jieni] te tuw Ypa{|i)^a- t^ojv [fcjfll t-Crtl £^£[Ta]or[oij] Xirza |ucrrio[6]-ai 0t[qr]jji[£Kp6]po[C xal so St EkjiElpjai x]al Ap-dfiftfci Atjucn[o^]p[tJT)v]iii r xaX£[a]cn, S| [xal eIc T^V xql]v[^v] iffrlotv xouc & McfYv[^Tjwv [ftrupojt^] h S^[tu^ rt]p£ja [oi,j l&uoisfq ^ieth] tTono*s? Holleaux; fin. Robert: — ™*«« Kern. 5 Holleaux: Kern. 6 init. Holleaux. 7 fin. Robert: *«t [AwnpnvSit Holleaux. 9 Wilhelm, Holleaux: [ — *ai] Kern. 16: TOyl. 17 &iMjSe^«i»tieeti Holleaux. 21 Holleaux: tc*>-kjv Kern. 22 biniMMptfs Holleaux, which the squeeze confirms: .... VT t- e sta . Kern. 22-23 Holleaux: — BowatTo^j | *. k*vl«] 8. Kern. The text is in two columns, with only one line lost at the top of b; Kern envisioned that his 80 might continue 79 rather than begin below 79, and Robert urged that the two columns are in fact one decree. This seems quite probable, because there can have been little space below a to start a new decree that completes its grants before turning (by the top of b) to the attendant celebrations. The theoroi are the same as in 126, inscribed below b. Their leader might be the same Lycomedes who went to Attalus, but need not be (cf. on 68.3). Both cities were named Antioch; Kern urged Pisidian Antioch (cf. Robert, Laodicee 330). Our city gave special honor to the Thesmophoroi and Artemis Savior (b.l9-20)widespread usages. Robert's restoration of a.23 makes this a decree of the council alone (cf. 25). What is most striking in this decree is its effusive honors for Magnesia, including public prayers and a public holiday on the occasion of the future visits of the theoroi (b.l2ff.). That may point to Antioch in Pisidia, which Magnesia had helped colonize (Strab. 12.8.14 [577]); in what survives, the Leucophryeneia are accepted, but asylia is not mentioned, which is consistent with the betterpreserved response of the colony Antioch in Persis. Both were very long decrees, as might befit colonists for a mother city. Page 273 126. Antioch in ? Inscribed below the second column of 125. Kern, I.Magnesia 81. £\n]\ crcpfllT|^fY[cpO.] Auxofi^Bou xdD [ . ... Jov Kjffli Ajr-fp ckjhb} yt [o] , Afiojytiaap^ofc] A[vJa^[a]Y^poy Eewpot fA |iri]ap 3 c Mayv^ [t]4*[vj xii[v Avb MaiAv]ftplou] ^iua[YYiXX]ouotv xifl[v] xs Ouatav xal xfjv i[x)e- [jftilpbv 4 xat [iota; &y&^£ &xtv]a au[v]xt(XjoIj]oitv] Mdv[vrjx«^ 'Apfx^Jitii xat A[eju- sc[aT 4 itevtciT)pt&a s Ay 1 ?-] [Yti]x*) t -p BfWx8[(M xfj^J poufXfji] x&l tt&i f-]eve . P . 141.fti[ - —-- JrtvciH , a[ . . . , Ojeupo^J | - - --- --- MffYv]^Twfv ----]xsw „ 5 [----J xdxvtav Kftl Y(uva6X«]y |[--]ou< [-j f-■ --] tf&Jv n^euv yob* 6 . ?[ * - - - * ]m ToZq. ©[c-opoqjJAjpafc;?] [ - - - --]oai . . to^- x6v $p[x]t{6&ap)ov [xat) xoC*; i[Et>]po6c f-] - Jytf + foeatj&y 6p[axl^ G I v ■ - k * ■ * ^ . * . cv . . v CXtJL - Tf[ - - - J l J [-*-***-* fcrc[ * ^ - ]of * * * I 6 A Avtud^^xdijv Aimks[ — J I.--M- —-.*.) Inscribed immediately after 125, this decree was obtained by the same theoroi. The decree was evidently short, and in what survives there is evidence of games but not asylia. The city dated its acts by a strategos. The month Smision (7) is attested otherwise only at Magnesia itself, so this passage may state a synchronism (for the sending of future Magnesian theoroi?) rather than a month of the author. 127. Unknown city Found near 110-111; inscribed by a different hand from that of the rest of the archive. Kern, I.Magnesia 82. Photograph: Kern pi. v (lines 7-16). t.-..-. 1 [, « J 8[w](«v xat l - * * *vA tV iuiv]^Yijfiv [wall xfjv £ [xjt^eipiav fxat xfiv Active. oxc^]«vh^v] 4 {[JaojiuGjijov y*)wix[Bv xal yjuyivcx&v x[w}l tfx]- jny]6v tiv 50vt(Xo[ii4iJ5vJo^{t^oy} 'Apt^uiSi (Atluxoqppui^vjH Si [A ncvr]txT|pCS[cK , . . . ] Bv [ire)aYY^ou [fed]iau h IlfuxffVifc IlupcjvISfov (Sou) [vat Sji xal tqu; Page 274 tewjpofi; [Tja^iajv t]I^ n6X[e«k tk ,x]^fv] t% T Ap{itfcu[&i T^tJ ApjwtppyqviJt Bpa- u ^XejJaJv&ljp-eCai;] cbfotJi, v]ai M eahr[oL]<; Kui \££v\\n r [xa]Masi 54 'xjofrt ini t[&v 5]6pm[ov i6]v too5t5cqni4w^ u]n.6 tou [5]i^icrtJ r TO^k; [&]4 arpaxijYofr^ £nt|ue- i-S {Xjr-/5?[va[i Trapano|i.T5% Prytanis was one of the theoroi to the Artists at Teos (103), a relatively short trip, so that he was perhaps available at once for another mission. As the fragment begins the city is accepting the games; mention of inviolability does not survive. The invitation to "dinner" (Mpnov) is the most individual item (14); as occasionally elsewhere, an escort is provided for the departing theoroi (16). 128. Attalid city Inscribed to the right of 127, but in the script of the majority of the archive. Kern, I.Magnesia 83. Photograph: Kern pi. v (lines 5-14). Cf. Holleaux, Etudes I 321-322. H . , t + *u[ *******-- - - — - np&c ifc. [jiqi],]- xat tk [-M IG ywq, Kpg(VGfiJqaL [rr}£ (HjTuv?] tk Mayviicx[«lv ------- J 8 Holleaux (or M*™*^^*^**)- 9 Holleaux: THE lapis. 9-10 Holleaux from the photograph: yyvau ^ «^]tog pmQjmn jk ETp«tovbKern. 16 Rjgsby, from 127.16. Although this decree appears to have been inscribed by the same mason who did the rest of the archive, Kern assigned it to the reign of Eumenes (197-159 BC ), noting its placement to the right of 127; and if Holleaux was right Page 275 in seeing the queen mother rather than Stratonice, the date is before Eumenes married Stratonice. In 208 Attalus had promised that his subjects would respond favorably (68); this decree, like those that certainly are under Eumenes, may derive from a city acquired by the Attalid dynasty only in 188 BC But in general I do not see why the Magnesians would have failed to canvass these cities in 208 (especially their neighbor Tralles), no matter who the cities' ruler had been at that time. Two ambassadors made up this team (14). Line 6 shows that the games were accepted; no trace survives about asylia. 5: "by the moon"; the season of the Leucophryeneia is here defined in terms of the local calendar, as "in the second month" at the Attalid city of 130.9. 8-10: It seems the formula was like that found in the decrees of Attalid cities that certainly are later than 208 B . c . (130.16, 131.15), hence Holleaux's emendation of Ths. 129. Tralles Inscribed by a different mason, who also carved 130 and 131. Kern, I.Magnesia 85 [Poljakov, I.Tralleis 21]. Photograph: Kern pi. v (lines 1-10). Cf. Wilhelm, Jahresh. 4 (1901) Beibl. 30 (Kl. Schr. II. 1 155); Holleaux, Etudes I 322-323, 330; De Decker, RPhil n.s. 29 (1905) 164-166 (collation); Robert, RPhil III.3 (1929) 122 n. 1 (Op. min. sel. II 1088). imlpit lE&o5e orpHT^YWv yvjio^T] Aiox&etau^ Apmiou* OtiXii&nj. HI - — ] [-** jplvgy (Y]pa&4i[et]*£*>[<;] £^f|j]oy i ittriGiJ MdcyvijTifc] $otu[ye1- tows Gwe^ tql> Gsfejou toft] 4 (TpaXAlavaiv ir]oXAA^ iTcoSiE^eru; i[i tesoi owuttft Xftl IxTCvettf [s wsl fv m TSjJl loD nudEoy JJ.3VTE Eo.l ircvunnjpl&i Tf\ jAe'jMCKppy^Jvi^l {SvdLoiv Tt XftiL Ttav^yijpiv Mai liytjva crrfc^viTqv LdohuSuw YT^iv[ix6v Kal trqux&w xn\ hswlx^vJ xal seat itpecspeuT^jv Klx6Gt|^iFo]v Miv- GpgoskfeEws Irt G£ Nlx4]- 8 MavGpoxXetou*; ve^tcpov xal 3 kjfty&pav At-s yGfXrti T<|!uq TTUfKiykvtr^^vQiK; guv auTtJL, [oi upol £it]- [eX,]0^VTE£ &7tl xfrv G%iav BiEMyrpu'v Tfft te jAipt.£|ii&ec Acuxa^ppuTj- vrj< jcal toO ft in&v xal [xoO £j- ftijix£pou Gfyiou nda-av xntl ctoevcryx^ie^pi xal rfjv Page 276 ia [e*3iXo]a|i[ac L ofiv xgd ilj tou jqp 6$ it x[i|Jv GeAv it xal —< n^t AyaSijL E-cE^xBai lnjivij^cd ie i&[¥ 5f^ov t£w Mayv^iwfv] [l ]Jil ifJiL x&XflxdnraCtoai xal ify [npfr^] ifjv 'Apiqjiv t$J(v Atuxo^uTjv^v seal io^t AXXo[y£ feoy£ tAocpcEai] j5 tt Mai ffitou&Jji xal rfy sp£^ i^v t?^e ciipav icAkiv xal tolu; "E-XXijwei; ctivota xal Afitotiftarftai t^v it] 0uaEav xal i^v notv^fypiv xal toC< deytava^ Ioojtij0[q*x; xo&6tl lin^iXxiiq™ [qI Getiipol xal] xfjw AovXta* x«l t^jv xafiilpwortf iffc tcAX£ejc xal ti^ ^[p]cn; a-titCr* xdmi Tijfv [toO 0toC pavretav], (ijTt][ipxeiv 5| tciu; vsDtScj'.v “fiv TioXacjv AGXA it xal CTLtTjp^ata xal tiXha "E^ita 5[cranep xal toE? vsxtkn] so totx; krcmuSloLx; AyMva^ fircApx El ‘ In||(vi^i9ai 51 xal NtxASi$iov xal *Iaay6px[v xal Nix65tkiov tovC fjpujvrat] nafp'J atinwv AvGpsu; Ini ic xt^l xaXox^YaOftJai xal np5^ i^v naipEBa cmouSijL xa[L Ikjr&iJvaK. faf. t Sv ftApcjv] tmb iwv ia|JEiwv el^ dnap3rt v W Eteai 5paxH&£ IxatA^ Fq^Oijvai 51 to"c GecjP^l^ xa[l ££vta ta lx taiv [xXv^Jfjvai 5i adiuto; xal IkI x^v kqlvtJv tcrrEav toE 54^' xaraaxeixwffiivcrt 51 xal {ppdXiyv Ak 6 kpst^wv]. - Jaxoaluv Fy xal AvaGltdiXjav d. AttrarcoXtjtfvot ftitA iflflc iecipol Jelc i& bpfr ftp]- if^ Atuxixppy^v^]^ IrnypA^viE? Gu 6 5%lo^ b TpaHeawi? Apilptfit Aeuxixppy[ii|yfit Avl&rixrv] [-'--■----'---■--f|l tl]^ -r^v e^f* e^| Kern. 20 Kern: 'i**y6p*^}Q&fc K^ r ^y^^jivox^\ D e Decker (the mason omitting the third name). 24-25 Holleaux. 27 init. Merkelbach. In 208 b.c. Tralles would still have been called "Seleuceia"; it reverted to its original name after the defeat of Antiochus III in 190 and the end of Seleucid power in western Anatolia. This confirms the implication of the common hand that wrote 131 in the time of Attalus II, that the Trallian decree was obtained later than the rest of the archive. Page 277 These ambassadors do not recur in Magnesian inscriptions; but Diagoras son of Isagoras, evidently the ambassador's son, moved the decree for a new statue of Artemis in the second half of the second century BC . (I.Magn. 100). The games but not inviolability are mentioned in the preliminaries (although the oracle is); but both are granted in the decree proper. The letter of Attalus I (68) does not include asylia. 1: The proposal is by the college of executive magistrates; strategoi were frequent in Attalid cities, often numbering five, as at Pergamum (cf. 131; see Allen, Attalid Kingdom 104-109). 3: Magnesia and Tralles shared a border, Tralles being the next city up the Maeander Valley. 18: For the order "inviolable and sacred" see p. 33. 20: In 208 BC there would have been few "isopythian" games that could have been invoked; the comfortable analogy used here reflects the later date, for Panhellenic festivals proliferated in the late third and early second centuries. 23ff.: Such a specification of a dedicatory object to be presented to Artemis by the first Trallian theoroi is unique in the asylia inscriptions. 130. Attalid city Same mason as 129 and 131. Kern, I.Magnesia 86. Cf. Holleaux, Etudes I 323; Wilhelm, Jahresh. 4 (1901) Beibl. 30 (Kl. Schr. II. 1 155); Klaffenbach, Asylieurkunden aus Kos p. 17; Robert, BCH 59 (1935) 494 n. 7 (Op. min. sel. I 307). .... EEk>£c [----- ----] ******** KpOy cl; vac; cucpryedtac; njapocAXauv fyia; AitoSilxeoGttL xfll T^fv [iEeXq^v Toy] P[qoi|M«? Xdl ^ qaCXwv xal wu frjwry [x]«l [wjy [aluiJLjdti^mv [xal tou] ^(ou] l^iuiv x]al tOu- M[try)v^[™]-hr ZVouvhl Rfe xql xou; feagnytyesy[6 Kern. 9 Klaffenbach: Bsurfpai Kern. 15 e^u* Holleaux. 17 [xal too] j^jou Robert: [«>&] Kern. Inscribed by the same mason as the other two late decrees of Attalid cities, this dates explicitly under Eumenes II Soter (197-159). Inviolability is not mentionedbut the epiphany is (6), and in fact little of the text survives; 129 omitted asylia in the preliminaries but recognized it in the decree proper, which here is mostly lost. The roster of the royal house is quite full, like that of 131 under Attalus II (cf. 128), more than in 129. In line 9, the phrase for "for security and inviolability" seems to apply to "those who come" to the games (cf. 9.10) rather than to territorial inviolability. In 9, the date of the Magnesians' festival appears to be reckoned by the moon. 131. Attalid city Same mason as 129 and 130. Kern, I.Magnesia 87 [Dittenberger, OGIS 319]. [E&gEfxwi friiw arpaJxijYwv yv^ii Ayx&ppow; toO ApxqjL^upou . . . - ] [■ *-Iit i ' ou + toG f titXfoiQU toG Aiovjo to [u . € 4 . j [ ► , T - * , xpq|]5pw xbI YpBfcipqriEw^ tqu IKXp-tjBoc "oG AnoXXo^d- 4 vmr [M)dty^[jQic]c^ ol MjaniySpou cuv 6 ^ Amxrf^evCH tpi wA 6v- tcc obtclut xal flp 6 rcp&v te ^pi\av£^iitfc^ itpouinp^povTo xf;i xal vuv arpcOTQ[t]V TE XtfL F-peOpEbTCI^ XIL Afo-vxfoxov X«L A- tiaXA4yi0v p napaxaXsuvte^ t[^Jv t z SutfLav xat Tuav^yupiy 8 xal x&]\ Ay&ya smqpcmTtp tiBcnttf[ 0 L]ov iaou^ix^v « xal yojiVLX&v Page 279 xat lnncxb[v] Gv ffuvxtXoOotv iip£r)Y£ti&i T[ifc] n(£X]cu< Aeuta> W y- iqvfjt &i& vstv re (^tcjfv xqti t&< toG fequ Toy £v AsXi^nk nuvrttat, Mul ol iqpeofku- tal tel (fcwpjot &Wtotc; £id ixx>,Tp{t]sv ^tciiyi^oiav dxf^oGGfcw; i? to+> £v (t«l (^[rplo^«L drrcou£fj{; tail (&u&]fcv iXXetitovte^Jj xaL rip kdt?iity[5]XCwv i^toAvtqc, tOx^ &e£6x0ai. ^itQkphHid&iL MiYVTjdw A ^ot; w JtnjyYfV^" vh £:d ™TT}p[t]a [l] tqu te fk*s&£tix; 'AttAXou ^LXaMXfoy »al 'ABrjvutou too i& iSckfpaC w[C ml j55q\X{fl(7T)c ETf^rccrobci^ xdt Att^ou tou ulpS Toy p«oiX[iw]^ EGji^vou xa\ toft fyircfpou tifrioij hqeI tqG Mayv^Mtfv N (5]t Mai t£w «a& T txdcnyj 7Kvr«ETi^i5« Gcm^qCjc io^x; owreXia [wi]ffl£ [tSJv Buolflv xal tA] 5 XXa t& >0£r.t6p:eva fbSvca s ftAAvai Si xol xetfc injav- so [t]£XXouol [Aruxov^y]Tp3t *k AmapjriT* W Grtf i t[x]arf6v T IMdJm hk xal taajM&dx&fvJ xoKkoij {tok} [n]apaTfroii£vmt [GEtaJpou* [iui]ipb Mery- Ylfj[tU>Y h 6n&px[e w xok vocjwenv t[&] AcuxoLa vi- x^®dtsL L lis^vijjofei Si Mai to£k; ^TtctfraX^iivoy^ [Git 1 aGJtSv uptdpro- £4 waft {kw]p[oi>s ini T^t] lnot[^o]afv]TO £v xf]t x6XJe]i r&* UTfc f [liMo-Joijtafc m\ IxilarpcKp^Ii] 70k jBa^iXeCkyii fxfp] te itepl to[G) S%iou xal [toG ^jrtipoju Mai tt]*[G tSv M*rvifrtiuv irt^itXelai j toOvnL Sfe] txwTdv ‘depTup^ov [£x to]0 AqfciMrloy - - - ]eou 25-27 Dittenberger. The city was ruled by Attalus II (159-138). Its executive magistrates were five strategoi, as was common in the Attalid kingdom (see on 129.1). The personal names are mostly too widespread to point to a region for this city. For the rare "Galestes," Dittenberger cited an Alexandrian (Pros. Ptol. VI 14904); cf. the Galestes prominent at Stratoniceia in the first century AD (I.Straton. I p. 141); at Pergamum, AM 27 (1902) 122. There is no mention of asylia; but, as in 129, the oracle is mentioned, here for the games but not inviolability. The Magnesian theoroi are not otherwise known. Dittenberger and others have suggested that the decree was not obtained in 208 because the city had then not yet been founded; but that theory cannot account for the lateness of Tralles' decree. Kern (ad I.Magn. 83) considered that the Magnesians originally sent theoroi to Attalus I alone and relied upon his letters to obtain the civic recognitions, but then sent out theoroi to cities after the new king came to power. Page 280 Teos The patron god of the Teans, their archegetes, was Dionysus.i Local legend held that the god was born here, and a miraculous fountain of wine was shown in evidence; Dionysiac motifs dominate the coins of Teos from the fourth century B . c . on .2 Doubtless the prominence of the cult had a part in attracting the Ionian-Hellespontine Artists of Dionysus to choose Teos as their residence in the third century .3 The god's epithet at Teos, about which the inviolability texts are silent, is uncertain;4 the frequency of the cithara on Tean coins suggests that he was especially honored in his musical aspect, and certainly music was the focus of the Artists .5 His temple was in the midst of the city, 400 meters south of the acropolis and theater.6 For the new building the Teans recruited Hermogenes, the most famous architect of the time. 1. References at W. Ruge, "Teos," RE 5a (1934) 560; Robert, Etudes anat. 20-37 (24: ifj[s] nl6Aeujc fy&v 9e6v Ai6vucgv); Magie II 899 n. 113. 2. Dbd. 3.66.1-2. BMC Ionia 313-322; SNG Copenhagen Ionia 1444-1533; non Aubck 6.2264-2273. 3. By the 220s; see Herrmann, "Antbchos" 102 n. 105, on the date of SEG 2.580. 4. EfpSveu* js usually cited: C. Pbard, Ephese et Claras (Par's 1922) 406, Ruge 560, from Le Bas-Waddington 106: ot ™o Eijrovdou Getro Aiovuouu (i«ma, But this epithet is doubtful in text (only Hamilton's copy preserves the whole word) and meaning (Farnell, Cults V 123; Zwbker, RE 2a [1923] 1895-1896; W. Kroll, AJP 60 [1939] 105-107). Deriving from a rhetorbal utterance of imperial date on the part of a private thiasos, this need not be the title of the civic cult. 5. Dithyrambb competitions at Teos: Le Bas-Waddington 93; BCH 4 (1880) 176-177 (II b.c). The Tean ambassadors of the second asylia series, who surely were also Artists, sang poems of Timotheus with cithara (I.Cret. I vm 11.7-11, xxiv 1.6-9). 6. On the sporadb excavations (from 1775 on) see Y. Bequ'ynon and A. Laumonier, BCH 49 (1925) 282-283; Y. Boy sal, TurkArkDerg 14 (1965) 231-233. Page 281 Teos was declared inviolable by Antiochus III and the Greek world toward 203/2 BC 7 The major festival of Teos was the Dionysia; the games may well have been Panhellenic by imperial times,8 but certainly no such increase accompanied the recognition of Tean inviolability ,9 for the decrees make no mention of games and nowhere call the Tean envoys theoroi. Neither do the grants expressly envisage the building of a new temple (cf. 53), although Hermogenes' work may have followed soon after.io In their decree thanking Antiochus III (quoted below) the Teans allude to grave fiscal problems before his arrival; we may conclude that whatever the dates of Hermogenes and of the enlarged Dionysia they are subsequent to the declaration of inviolability. Probably one of their arguments for Panhellenic honors for Tean Dionysus was the presence of the Artists, whose personal inviolability, already granted by the powers at Delphi, was evoked there as the analogy for the inviolability of Teos (132.15,133.18, 134.11). Teos had gone over to the Attalid house in 218 BC , abandoning Achaeus.n The occasion of the recognition of inviolability was the reassertion of Seleucid power in western Anatolia during 204-202 BC , as was revealed by the inscriptions discovered in 1963.12 The Teans now voted Antiochus III and Laodice elaborate cultic honors in gratitude for his benefactions, and their description of these is the fullest external account of a grant of asylia after that of the Magnesians (66):i3 KOEV&; [cuj- yivtafkti tSv te [n6]- a [>CUY Kttl tjfjv TUjXtteZ kftl HpiStfprjV Tf ufldp- [xwvj rji -coy Tsupw mUwv dryaD^v nnpaf- iio 5 x«l KapaY£vm*[( 1 xol |jiTE6c>; Sv ouviifeuv xd pw^d|Kvo( id is np6c xtj-v Efciw StaxcloSm ul xafli^puaev t^y itjdXjcv jcal t^v ^Ejpav {xcti) SfcXtjv ^«3Cp[^eo8sa 'm tc Ss^im xocl iwt KotwtjL tp Iva ^tvo^ivrj^ i- iwcu&fa[e]ttK xuv xaxd xf|Y jttfXiv ijwJ tfcpYtotcK; Xdfjj] x^v ^rtLYpaq>[iyv xffc tdG ft^jjQu, £XX& xat insB^iipt: Sfc xal tv Ijj IW&Xei |JtExd X 5 T^l jpLX^V Kal Xtw dxoXflLdjDUlT^V QI^TUL S-uYd- *4 Eieoiv dn&&L?ev JiCHLotitievo^ pt£YCcprF|v Tift “repcrunapxoOffTjq atfrwt nta- TEtj>^ np&£ &Fiavrd£ d!v5fXartOiL< s xsi jiEtd ^aClffl jioXXtd-v dYtttov JtH- (pjafctux; &[irJaicXet yev6|jievck tyO* Kapd^eiYP* nSmv fixxi^Ek xok ' f EXX^[bi)y $Y Tp6jtov npoa^^pExat npb% xok dkpytio^ xal e*Wws &ndpx ovm 5 w[l ■;3 plv crijjf’jJxEicL xtjv iyuiOtljM Sl p Hit v ft< E^j&itjj&vLav jua^aY^ 6 ® 7 ^ ti^Xu; fjyfwjv,, t 4 S + i[ni]TEXi<><><><><><><><><><><> he proclaims himself to be the common benefactor of other Greek cities and of ours; previously, while on the far side of the Taurus, he was responsible for many good things for us, and on coming into our regbn he restored his kingdom to a favorable condition; and visiting our cityl4 and seeing us weakened in public and private on account of the continual wars and the burden of contributbns we were paying, and wishing to act pbusly toward the god to whom he has dedicated our city and country, 15 and wanting to gratify the people and the guild of Artists of Dbnysus, he came in person into the assembly and declared our city and country sacred and invblable and exempt from tribute, and he promised that through him we would be relieved of the other contributbns that we had been paying to King Attalus, so that, with the affairs of the city improved, he would have the credit not merely for benefiting the people but for saving them. He stayed in the city with his friends and the troops that were with him, making the greatest demonstration of his goodwill toward all mankind. Thereafter he has been responsible for many good things for us, setting an example to all the Greeks of how he conducts himself toward his benefactors and those well disposed toward him; he is accomplishing the good things through which our city is coming to a happy state, and he will go on accomplishing them ... Antiochus now invited a Tean embassy to be sent to him and announced to them that the relief from the tribute they had paid the Attalids would be permanent (rather than for a stated period of recuperation, as was common). Statues are therefore voted of the king and queen, whose action (now a joint action) is again described (47-49): 14. Compare his personal appearance at Thebes, App. Syr. 13. 15. Not some separate act prior to the declaratbn described next, but a generic reference to it. iffvrti; iw 4 J.iv igjt xupav Itpdv xsl ftou&ov xd [fEjopaXtaavrci; fyufo; t£S;ji tpSpuv xd x*p«j[i]|Jtvot xaO- ta ttSt it seal xCt xtn.vttL xu[i mpl xdv Aidwiroov tt^vctSv (jciJ.) Page 283 <><><><><><><><><><><><> who declared the city and country sacred and inviolable and released us from tributel6 and thus benefited both the people and the Artists ... A second decree, inscribed in the same hand and probably voted soon after the first, summed up the royal benefactions yet again (Herrmann, "Antiochos" no. 2.50-53): at) jiAva^ etp^Yf]v ^ 6 paaiJjtLH; tm^o)(Ev xal [twv] xal mcXi^pwv zl$ xb ±iz\k xaura TiapaM- [on^ TtSv XlkjiteXeli; tic ^ tjj ±ltrt' ib^kXet- [n^ n]enoiipcev ip yoeatac xal T&; xapmsift^ (xtX,) <><><><><><><><><><><><> the king furnished not only peacel7 but also a lightening for the future of the heavy and harsh taxes, by releasing us from the contributions, 18 and he has made work and agriculture in the countryside profitable by virtue of security ... Our documents on inviolability at Teos say nothing about the genesis of Antiochus' declaration. No initial Tean embassy to him is mentioned. Yet it seems unlikely that the new honor for Dionysus was an unprompted whim of the king; and the Teans do not claim, as others sometimes did, that the king acted "unasked," The ambassadors of the second series of requests, at least at one city, supported the inviolability of Teos by citing oracles from Delphi and Didyma (157.9): perhaps the initial quest did likewise, and these have been passed over in silence, as happened at Cos. But it is possible too that, as at Alabanda, the oracles were acquired only once the quest had begun and Tean envoys passed through Delphi and Didyma. Antiochus' recognition clearly preceded all others; for those powers that could in principle subject cities to tributeother monarchs and Romefollow Antiochus in adding to their grants of asylia .19 16. The phrase is synonymous with fyopoXdwos and replaces it; the element, tax relief, clearly was a separate item from the grant of inviolability. 17. Cf. the prase of Antiochus at I.Iasos 4-43, ^ etpuivtjvand in connection with Alabanda (163). 18. Cf. I.Iasos 3.12: ouvia&v s (135); for further reasons see C. P.Jones, GRBS 34 (1993) 80-88. The attempt by H. R. Rawlings, AJAH 1 (1976) 17-19, to date the first series of Cretan decrees to the 190s is rightly rejected by S. Kreuter, Aussenbeziehungen kretischer Gemeinden (Munich 1992) 60; cf. E. S. Gruen, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome I (Berkeley 1984) 182 n. 150. 21. Holleaux, Etudes I 219-227;! A. O. Larsen, TAPA 83 (1952) 7, 30; Pomtow (SylB 563 n. 2) thought precisely at the vernal equinox, in parallel with the autumn Thermba (Polyb. 4.37.2). The Amphbtyony met around March/April; cf. F. Lefevre, BCH 115 (1991) 579-594. 22. Fouilles d'Amyzon nos. 9, 14, 15; see bebw, p. 336. Page 285 finally to Philip's personal intervention in 201). Alabanda was the immediate eastern neighbor of Amyzon, and we might have expected Antiochus to make his grant to Alabanda at about the same date (spring 203: in fact it is two years later) and then move on to Teos. A close grouping of events, therefore, does not seem required. At any rate, it seems hard to envision the king in Teos already in the latter half of 204; but this cannot be excluded. A crucial fact is that the inviolability of Alabanda and that of Teos were voted at Delphi under different Delphian archonsMegartas for Teos (season unrecorded), Philaetolus for Alabanda (autumn meeting). The latter, following upon a celebration of the Soteria, is probably the autumn of 201, so Philaetolus' year was 201/0. Hence Antiochus' grant to Alabanda must have been made earlier in 201and in absentia, for he was by then in Palestine. The king's personal appearance at Teos cannot be later, so Megartas' year at Delphi was 202/1 or earlier. We have also the uncertain chronology of the Fifth Syrian War. The thesis, argued by Holleaux and widely held, that the war began in 202 rests in the main on the impression given by Polybius (15.25.13ff.) that the war began soon after the accession of Ptolemy V (apparently summer 204; see Herrmann, "Antiochos" 96). The Scythopolis archive (Bull, epigr. 1970, p. 471) shows the Holy Land already reconquered from Ptolemy before October 201; the successful siege of Gaza at the southern extreme of Palestine was completed in 201. It seems we must follow Edouard Will (Histoire II102) in leaving open the choice between 202 and 201 for the first hostilities in Syria. Hence it is in theory possible that Antiochus was at Teos as late as the last months of 202. But that seems the less likely date, for no one will be comfortable with having to fit into roughly one year the conquest of all Palestine down through Gaza, where the siege reportedly was long. This leaves 203 as the most likely for Antiochus' visit. If then Antiochus was in Teos late in 203, the Tean ambassadors were at Naupactus and obtained the Aetolian decree toward March of 202 (this makes Alexander the Aetolian strategos in 203/2; cf. 132.2); if they went on at once to Delphi for the spring sitting, as has long been assumed ,23 then Megartas' year was 203/2. But it is possible that they now made their tour of the northwest, including Athamania, and came back by way of Delphi in autumn, so that Megartas' year was 202/1; but this seems less likely. If, on the other hand, Antiochus was in Teos late in 204, all these dates are earlier by a year and the Teans' quest was in 203. My guess, however, is that Antiochus' appearance in Teos is better placed in late 203, and that the Tean envoys canvassed the Greek world during 202. By contrast, the Roman recognition of Tean inviolability (153), obtained by Antiochus' envoy Menippus from the praetor M. Valerius, dates to 193 B . c , for 23. Pomtow, RE 4 (1901) 2631; Holleaux IV 179 n. 2. Page 286 we know independently that Menippus was in Rome at the start of 19324 and that M. Valerius Messalla was then praetor peregrinus .25 This delay of about ten years after the initial series of grants is in principle disquietingthough the leans' use of a royal envoy rather than one of their own underscores the separation of this Roman act from the others. Holleaux's explanation (IV 200-203) was that Teos, while subject (as he thought) to Philip, would not have approached Philip's enemy Rome ca. 203; but that in 193 relations between Antiochus (in control of Teos since 197) and Rome were nominally friendly, hence an appropriate time to make good the omission. We know now, however, that Teos became Seleucid in 204/3; while in 193 relations between Antiochus and Rome were by no means cordial, with both actively preparing for war after several years of negotiations .26 Here as elsewhere, the attempt to see political motives in the recognition of inviolability, reflecting relations between sovereigns, is dubious: even mortal enemies are found joining in the recognition of the asylia of places. Asylia was created by common consent of the Greek people (here see 154.51-52). In 228 BC the Romans were in effect declared Greek and allowed to participate in the Isthmian games (Polyb. 2.12.8); but that declaration by Corinth evidently was not widely taken seriously, at least in Asia, before Roman intervention in Asia in the 190s. At any rate, separate and subsequent recognition of asylia by Rome is certain at Magnesia and possible at Claros; evidently it did not occur to these cities to include Rome in a Panhellenic quest until Rome's presence in Greek affairs made this inclusion a polite necessity. In 190 Teos was storing supplies for Antiochus; a Roman army ravaged its territory in order to extort the supplies (Livy 37.27-28). We might conclude that the Romans reckoned that Teos had given up its neutrality by helping Antiochus. But no such fine calculation is likely, and in Livy's brief account of the praetor's demands and the Teans' deliberations there is no mention of asylia. The tenor of the Tean decree of request can be seen from the responses. The envoys invoked the good relations of Teos with the grantor, and, where possible, kinship. 27 They described the sanctification and inviolability of Teos to 24. With Hegesianax and Lysias: Livy 34.37; Dbd. 28.15; cf. E. Olshausen, Prosopographie der hellenistischen Konigsgesandten, Stud. Helen. 19 (Louvain 1974) 190-193. 25. Livy 34.55.6. Explicitness is needed here because the M. Valerius who authored 153 might well have been M. Valerius Falto, one of the praetors of 201 and so nearer to the original declaration. 26. The paradox is noted by E. Badian, Studies in Greek and Roman History (New York 1964) 138; R. M. Errington, ZPE 39 (1980) 279-284, deduces from the Roman recognition in 193 elaborate and self-interested designs on the part of both Rome and Antiochus. 27. So the Athamanians and Cretans but not the Aetolians, Amphictyons, and Delphians. Little should be trusted to silence, however: if we are to judge from silence, we would conclude that the Teans never mentioned Antbchus' declaratbn (even when in the presence of his (Footnote continued on next page) Page 287 the archegetes Dionysus, and the other distinctions and honors: "By voting these for the god you will yourselves join in increasing them and become responsible for some benefit to the people; and in so doing you will be acting piously toward the divine and will be doing the greatest favor for our people" (139, 148, 150, more briefly 149, 151). Eventually the Teans could cite oracles from Delphi and Didyma, although no decree of the first series mentions them. No extant decree expressly identifies Antiochus as having made the recognition first (contrast the first Seleucid case, Smyrna). Yet the Athamanians and Romans include the king and one Cretan city uses his authoritative and the Athamanians use (cf. at 142.22 ).28 These terms doubtless reflect the Tean decree of request, which in turn will have reflected the king's language. Antiochus is said by the Teans to have "granted" the privileges (*vfp«, i^t^ f Herrmann, "Antiochos" no. 1.18, 47, quoted above). The verb is there used in the context of a liberation from taxes as well, where it is more appropriate than i**e**x°tH and the like. It seems evident that the envoys invoked the presence of the Artists of Dionysus and their personal inviolability in asking for the recognition. The first Tean decree for Antiochus couples Teans and Artists as joint beneficiaries of his action (Herrmann, "Antiochos" no. 1.17). The states of the Aetolian orbit (132-134) make explicit the analogy of the personal asylia of the Artists for Teos, and several Cretan decrees assimilate the grant for Teos to one of personal inviolability by adding penalty clauses against harming Teans. The civic grantors respond, often in letter form, with greater legal precision than is usual, and in greater detail. Agreeing to join in honoring the god ("we too worship Dionysus," the Cretans often say), 29 they make the security of Teos and the Teans an explicit matter of law. Those in the Aetolian group, who had already recognized the Artists' personal asylia, could invoke this as an analogy (and this was sufficient for the Delphians and Amphictyons; the Aetolians, like the Cretans, add provisions against the seizure of persons and property). This analogy is lacking in the Cretan decrees, but details are of the same sort: property stolen from Teos or a Tean may be seized by any citizen or Tean and claimed in the local courts by the rightful Tean owner (139, 141, 151). The privilege of access to the courts and the right of seizure on foreign soil were substantial matters, should the need have arisen. But their inclusion is peculiar to the (Footnote continued from previous page) envoy Hagesander). Note the disparity of the responses to Alabanda concerning Antbchus: prase and honors from Delphi (163); silence, apparently, from Athens (162). 28. Welles (p. 155) urged the difference between "granting" and "accepting" the status and suggested it reflected Teos' lesser importance than Cos or Magnesia. occurs at Teos, Alabanda, and Pergamum, where royal initiative was important; but also 111.25. 29. Perhaps thinking of the several traditions that connected the god specially with Crete (Farnell, Cults V 117). Oenopbn, father of Athamas (see on 135.9-11), was a son of Dbnysus. Page 288 Aetolian and Cretan acts, where such strictures had become a traditional tool of foreign policy. Two embassies, each consisting of two men, are known to usone in northern Greece (two brothers) and the other in Crete. The Teans organized the inscribing in accordance with the embassies that obtained the decrees, as at Cos, for the texts are otherwise inscribed in no geographical order. It is possible therefore that the later envoys to Crete brought back a decree of Cnidus (158), where they will have passed on their voyage. But the attested range of grantors does not seem to reflect the mere accident of the survival of stones (those decrees that happen to derive from the Cretan and northwest Greek embassies), for the second series has exclusively Cretan decrees, though inscribed later by a different mason; and the grants for Claros show much the same distributionthe Aetolian orbit, the Athamanians, and Crete. Scholars have accordingly drawn the inference that the Tean quest was selective, addressed to pirates. 30 This is cast in doubt by the apparent exceptionsCnidus for Teos, as Thessaly for Claros; and the piracy of Athamania is especially hard to prove. It is possible instead that we have before us a set of military allies, though this was not so at Alabanda. If I am right that the Tean recognitions span the year 202, this was a period of alliance between Macedonia and Syria against Egypt, dating from 203.31 The ambassadors to Crete were seconded by two royal agents; for a parallel among the recognitions of inviolability, we have the case of Pergamum .32 At one city, in fact, a royal agent alone and not the Teans addressed the assembly (141). The Rhodian Hagesander, a friend of Antiochus "sent to resolve the war, "33 accompanied the Tean envoys to two cities; the Macedonian Perdiccas, "an ambassador sent by" Philip V who has also been granted citizenship in Teos, accompanied them to seven; in two decrees neither is mentioned, and at one city both men appeared (149); the other decrees are too fragmentary to reveal whether either agent was present. Five cities accede to the Teans' request "wishing to please Perdiccas." Because the political allegiance of Teos is no longer in doubt, 34 the question to be asked is why an Antigonid agent has any 30. E.g., Welles p. 154; P. Brule, La piraterie cretoise hellenistique (Paris 1978) 94; Kreuter 58; Errington (282) adds that in 193 Rome was feared, like pirates. 31. See the cautbus assessment by Holleaux IV 198-199. 32. Cf. IG 112 844.15-17, the Cretan Eumaridas who aided Athenian envoys to Crete by serving as their felbw ambassador to some cities and writing fetters to others. 33. So only 149.15. On the Cretan War see Brule 29-56; on Hagesander, 3. L. Ager, Historia 40 (1991) 19. A decade or so later he and his brother dedicated a statue of their father as priest of Athena Lindia: I.Undos 158, with Robert at Holleaux, Etudes 191 n. 1. 34. Holleaux offered reasons (rejected by Bbkerman, Hermes 67 [1932] 68 n. 4 [Rel'gbns 60]) for thinking that Teos was Antigonid (and the Cretan decrees therefore from 201 b.c., upon Philip's Asian expeditbn and somewhat later than the Tean missbn to the Greek mainland); the finds of 1963 confirmed the view of Ruge. Page 289 role here. The answer is probably the political influence that Philip V achieved in Crete after 218.35 At this moment in 203/2, to judge from the joint appearance at Eleutherna (and indeed from the appearance of the Seleucid agent anywhere), we may guess that relations were good between Antiochus and Philip. No doubt, as Holleaux argued, Hagesander was in Crete primarily on other business for Antiochus (resolving the Cretan War) and not for the sole purpose of helping the Teans. But that does not explain Perdiccas, or in general the unusual behavior of these Tean envoys. The state of war in Crete may itself lie behind the use of royal escorts by the ambassadors. Again, their self- effacement is perhaps paralleled by the absence of any Tean from the request to Rome in 193. At some later date the Teans sent a new pair of envoys to at least Crete. These canvassed the cities and obtained a number of "renewals" of asyliathat is, reminders: for the granting cities had not let the status lapse,36 and the substance of what they now voted was to inscribe the former decrees granting asylia, as the Teans expressly requested (154.13). These decrees commonly add to the earlier substance the provision that if anyone harm the Teans or their land, the grantor will come with such military aid as is possiblea formula from defensive alliances, although here not backed up by any oath. What the Teans now asked was that the old decrees be inscribed; and indeed most of those extant from the first series have no provision for publication. Two do (Arcades and Biannus), however, though the request of the second series was put to them as well. The burden of the Tean embassy seems therefore to have been a reminder. And two cities apparently felt nothing new was necessary, and simply praised the Tean envoys for their culture without mentioning asylia; the envoys, obviously Dionysiac Artists, had given recitals about the traditional relations of Crete and Teos .37 Tenos may also have approached cities, and apparently not only Cretan ones, to "renew" its inviolability; and Athens had occasion to remind various Cretan cities of the existing philanthropa, in order to assure the safety of Athenians (IG II 2 844). What occasioned this reminder? On its date, guesses have ranged down to 131 BC ;38 the only internal marker is that the Cretans' "ancestors" had first recognized Tean asylia, which since Waddington has usually been taken to 35. Polyb. 4.55, 7.11.9, 7.14.4; cf. Holleaux 187; Kreuter 55-61. 36. Contra Gauthier, Symbola 280 (the privileges "etaient peu a peu devenus lettre morte"); Kreuter (58) postulates "continual violations" of inviolability in the interim. S. Sahin, Ep'gr. Anat. 23 (1994) 1-36, a pirate attack on Teos in the third century, may be relevant. 37. Cnossus (I.Cret. I vm 11) and Priansus (I xxiv 1), not included here, though in the second case this is probable evidence that Priansus was among the grantors on the first occasion. 38. Listed at Ruge 550. The only published photographs are of 160 and 161; I agree with Guarducci (I.Cret. I p. 28) in thinking the script to be of the first rather than the second half of the second century (note especially the unbroken bar of A). Page 290 require a date after about 170 B . c . Several decrees state plainly that the status had not lapsed. Several add more pointed promises about the defense of Teos. There is no hint that the Cretans themselves had violated the territory of Teos, and this would be a very roundabout way of addressing such an act (cf. 154.41). Some other royal letters to Teos (Herrmann, "Antiochos" 157-159) may be relevant to this later mission. In one a king has received a Tean embassy offering him a crown; he mentions honors and his ancestors, then turns to his present benefactions (7-13): [-- * - ™l t&v [--- --- ] alpeaiv xorl hd tsS; + -- -rfjv] Bj^ox^cltEhv Ijjlfv [ - - - x«l ml] xijv m\ [fiouXov ----- mMjiwp ml ot turcdpe*; ml -- - ]y eivoEac AeL xcvtw; ldfY4&oD - - - ]l. ippiiws&c. A second letter on this stone, from a king and his sister, similarly confirms existing privileges in response to an embassy (16-19): x«l ml ft- ------ xdi s A £tcn- fytac " " fcvfrt - - xfflv ml T^Y [ -ml xSXXo. t% rc6Xei Another letter on a different stone makes reference to the author's "brother"; apparently the author is the sister mentioned in the second letter. These letters have quite reasonably been taken to derive from Antiochus and Laodice, hence within ten or twelve years of the grant of inviolability and alluding to the benefactions of ca. 203. But Antiochus was first to grant asylia to Teos and was the last of his dynasty to control the city; it is hard to see how any Seleucid's "fathers" can be invoked on the topic of the asylia of Teos. Herrmann reports that the script of these texts is far different from those of ca. 203.1 have wondered whether these letters are Attalid: perhaps after their reversion to Attalid rule in 188 the Teans felt it expedient to seek confirmation of a title they owed to the usurpation by Antiochus, and on the same occasion sent out envoys to Greek cities with their reminder. But again the "fathers" of an Attalid king did not initiate asylia at Teos. Hence, for either dynasty, these ancestors must be invoked here in allusion to a policy of past good relations, not specifically the granting of asylia; the letters likely are from Antiochus and Laodice, adding further benefactions to the asylia of ca. 203. Similar gestures spanned several years at Amyzon. The Romans' attitude has left no direct trace. The worship of the emperor Tiberius came to be associated in some way with the temple of Dionysus, as Page 291 happened also at Claros .39 This may reflect Roman confirmation of the privilege of asylum in a.d. 22, despite the silence of Tacitus about both places. So far as we know, Teos issued gold money only once in its history, of which a single specimen has survived. It shows a running griffon on the obverse and a lyre and the magistrate on the reverse .40 A Polythrous was one of the two Tean ambassadors to Antiochus, and Herrmann (86) did not fail to note the several bronze issues that also give this name as a magistrate. Surely the occasion of this rare and commemorative gold is the liberation from Attalid rule, asylia, and the "lightening of burdens," and on this coin at least it is the same man as the ambassador; as Herrmann remarked, he is also very likely the founder of a school known in a famous inscription from Teos. The asylia decrees for Teos were inscribed on blocks of the blue-grey marble quarried east of the city4i and used to build Hermogenes' temple of Dionysus; the "renewals" of the status voted in the second century specify only that the decree would be inscribed "in the temple." Most of the stones, like other Tean inscriptions, were early scattered, used to build the monuments, walls, and tombs of the surrounding Turkish villagesSegacik, the port town on the north side of the Tean peninsula four miles from the city, Tepecik and Araka some miles to the east, and Gesusler to the northeast. Waddington reported that the Roman edict and the Cretan decrees of the first series were inscribed in "exactly similar letters";42 if this means the same hand, then possibly the Teans waited at least a decade to inscribe their archive, perhaps on the new temple of Hermocrates. But such a vague assessment of style is dubious, and such a delay seems improbable. The general order of the Tean archive cannot be reconstructed, although the relative positions of texts on the same stone have been respected here (in this I follow Waddington); I divert from this only in following the Delphian rather than Tean order of the decrees known also in a Delphian copy (at Delphi, the Aetolians preceded the Amphictyony, the actual chronology; at Teos the reverse). 39. Robert, Etudes anat. 34-35 (LSAM 28.12); Op. min. sel. VI 540. 40. G. K. Jenkins, BMQ 29 (1965) 91-92, who thought that style placed the coin in the third century b.c. Publishing simultaneously,Jenkins could not know the Antiochus inscriptions nor Herrmann the gold coin. 41. So Richard Chandler recognized in 1764: Travels in Asia Minor and Greece I (Oxford 1825) 122. 42. From Ch'ishull (p. 102) until Wilhelm it was therefore assumed that the grants were all contemporary with the dated Roman recognition, 193 b.c.; but note that the ep'graphic copy printed by Le Bas shows a different sigma in the Roman text, with straight rather than flaring arms. The flaring letters (especially pi) portrayed by Le Bas are those we see in the Antiochus inscriptions published by Herrmann. Page 292 A number of the texts were copied by Sherard in 1709,43 with some known to us from other early sources .44 Le Bas added to this substantially, and the archive was put in order and discussed by Waddington, who had Le Bas's copies and squeezes .45 The French excavation after World War I contributed two more decrees. 46 Finally, it was the spectacular discoveries of the Turkish excavators in 1963 that showed the occasion of the grants. From Delphi come copies of the Aetolian and Delphian decrees, and of an Amphictyonic decree not extant at Teos. The texts printed here are Waddington's (and the majuscules Le Bas's) except as indicated. 132. Aetolian League Two copies, at Delphi and Teos. I give the text and line divisions of the Tean copy, which was virtually undamaged. Teos: block found by Sherard reused at Segacik. E. Chishull, Antiquitates Asiaticae (London 1728: copies of Sherard) 104-107; F. Hessel, preface to Antiquae inscriptiones by M. Gude (Leeuwarden 1731) no. 72 (copy of H. van der Horst) [Boeckh, CIG 3046];47 Le Bas-Waddington 85 [Cauer 96; Cauer 2 238; Dittenberger, Syll .2 280; Fick, SGDI1411; Michel, Rec. 68; F. Bleckmann, Gr.Inschr.z.gr.Staatenk. (1913) 6; Pomtow, Syll.3 563; Schwyzer 387; Klaffenbach, IG IX. 12 192]. Delphi: found in 1893 on the inward face of the north anta of the Athenian Treasury (on which are a number of non-Athenian texts), containing 132-134 43. The botanist William Sherard, resident in Smyrna from 1703 to 1716, whence Chishull's edition. It is for the sake of simplicity that I bracket CIG as merely derivative from Chishull; in fact Boeckh, through the agency of C. O. Muller, consulted Sherard's manuscript, from which he often corrected Chishull's printed texts. 44. Chandler, during his tour of 1764/5, examined a number of the inscriptbns with Chishull's edition in mind but printed none; of two readings he offered corrections, both wrong (139.1 ktaonian, 140.1 nahkin) : R. Chandler, Inscriptiones antiquae (Oxford 1774) p. iii. Pococke in 1739 saw the bbck with 158 and folbwing and recorded a few letters: Inscriptbnum ant'quarum liber (London 1752) 17 no. 8, here 158 (KATA4T and TIOtiqt) and 159.1. 45. The early copes occasbnally show a more convincing text than Le Bas's, whbh makes one suspect that Waddington did not or could not always control the text from Le Bas's squeezes. 46. Bequignon and Laumonier, BCH 49 (1925) ??08, mentbn finding fragments of other asylia decrees, whbh have not been published. 47. The Tean inscriptbns in the Gude volume were copied at Segacik in February 1??19 by two members of the Belgian consulate in Smyrnamost by the consul himself J. de Hochepied, the Aetolian decree by his aide H. van der Horst; they passed on their copes to C. A. Duker, who sent them to Hessel (I note this because of the frequent confusbn in subsequent editbns about the genesis of these copes; Hess?? "addenda to the preface" of Gude's book is unpaginated; his explanatbn of his sources is placed after his no. 73 of this seres of texts). Page 293 and a Delphian proxeny decree for the ambassadors.48 Three blocks associated by Homolle (inv. 439: h. 0.44, w. 0.90; 471: h. 0.377, w. 0.97; 493: h. 0.365, w. 0.53) and a small piece (436: h. 0.042) of the block that lay between the upper two, added by Pomtow; letters 0.008, intersp. 0.007. Copied by Bourguet (439, 436), Couve (471), and Homolle (the three large blocks). Jarde, BCH 26 (1902) 281-286 no. 23; G. Colin, FD III.2 134a. Cf. Wilhelm, GGA 160 (1898) 216-220. I give the Tean copy; the Delphian preserves diminishing amounts of lines 1-7. AlnyXftv ffxpaxsY^vx&s niAaydpav xaL KXeT rav tiv tf oLkeuS- 4 wil t4v rp lXLctv AvevljoQvtfl Xal itapExiXcDv tolh; AlmXei^ tav tc llA&iv «&™v xal xiv x'^P®’ 1 ' dmx«pfrJW™TL trpiv dftev xal iwXov tou &tovikjotr fidkfiX&st tolc AforaXotSs noxl tou; Tfjlou^ tdv qnXtav xal obcsidxaia xdv foipXOuoov fiiffl(puXiMSLV 1 xal xi ^£p[ir|iax« xd Rptaepov ytY&v6xa auxotq rxpl rdvwv xwv v 16 ALW^uv tfeXfuCr Btc&k; l&l xal et<; XOJj^ v6^fcQU£ xata^CkJpirr&rjL A xal A da u^la xataq-fa0dvTftc v^arYpdipoM^ xaxttx&apU;aL + dxd xa al vopaypa^Cat y(vo)vxac K tv Ww; vd^iqu^. 48. This text (FD 134d [Syll.3 564]) does not survive at Teos and may not have been inscribed there, although noninviolability decrees were at Teos (see n. 37) and in the Magnesian archive. Page 294 1: fleof instead at Delphi. 2: Delphi omits n«vai™xi«i5;. 3: Delphi adds the patronymic kxeItw after at least the second name, possibly also after the first. 4: Delphi. 2: Alexander was Aetolian strategos for the second time in 196/5, for the third in 185/4; here, without number, is his first tenure, and 203/2 if my reasoning is correct. See Klaffenbach, IG IX. 12 pp. xxxiii and 51 (who assigned Alexander to 204/3 on the basis of Pomtow's date for Megartas at Delphi). The season of the Panaetolica was early spring, ca. March. 7-8: These philanthropa already granted Teos by the Aetolians are unknown to us; possibly personal inviolability, as in the case of Miletus (p. 173). The analogy is weaker with Magnesia, with its close ties to Aetolia and a seat on the Amphictyonic Council. 9-16: The Aetolians give a clear exposition of their understanding of the Teans' objective: personal asylia, against seizure of movable goods, including persons: no Aetolian or resident of Aetolia operating from anywhere is to seize Teans or residents of Teos; rather they shall have security and inviolability with respect to Aetolians and Aetolian residents; if anyone seize either them or their property from city or country, the general and synedroi in office are to confiscate the visible goods, while for those not visible49 those who committed the seizure are subject to trial, right to prosecute50 and other procedures being available to the Teans, as Aetolian law stipulates also for the Artists of Dionysus. Their analogy with the Artists, who had no territorial state, underscores the assimilation of this act to a grant of personal inviolability, which is what the Artists enjoyed. Thus the Aetolians choose to focus on the Teans rather than on the place Teos, and they say next to nothing of Dionysus. What they grant the Teans, in effect, is access to Aetolian courts. 14: The unaspirated at 181.5. 133. Delphian Amphictyony At Delphi, inscribed below 132; no Tean copy extant. Lines 3-9: L. Couve, BCH 18 (1894) 240-241 [Baunack, SGDI 2530]. Entire: Jarde no. 23; Colin, FD III.2 134b; Pomtow, Syll.3 564. t o] i [iid MeY'^jpTOL ip)(QVTo<; + IluXat-a.^ ttpo^ivdiiovic^^vj- [ijuv AItcjX&v ApKJT&pxGU Ajjf loutot, NfauraxrtJ- 4 gu* jVofjfrnj Ol{xn}XrL^cH; t Erponfau, AeovtfoJ- Ayopatou T Tms- 49. I.e., already disposed of; cf. on 67.16-17. 50. Cf. FD III.2 205.10, 0 f someone who "filed charges" before the Amphictyons. Page 295 xal&u, HuppLa Sijpalou, e Apji6otqu Aoqiiio^,, A&|JDXpd[xco^] Eheatpu, Aupkxou ApYttou, KxrpnXAAviuiv Surdbcfoo ® ou K AcXrjjcjv UpaA^ou., ncrtp£a, Xbiv nXctcrcEa, . . , . ] Y^wech;, AOijvaEwv AjjtixXs’ £wd jiapaYe^^f^volL rcpeoPeu]' -cal Rapa tOu AAjiaU 1 tuu T*|t&av roxI t£ kdlv6v t(Av Atitii]- Xwv KXeItou xai KXetiOs KXefroUj [seal vO^ £X0$v]- ih tiotI xotis £v£[pd^p:v t[i &E&qfjtv$] nap& xftv AtxuX&v ^eXdvOpwrea xal lEt^a [twi &d|JtoL] XWi Ti]tci>v- i&e>*£ teEc + Ali“ TfltcH.^ Kll TOL^ ^ T^(j[l X3 TDlJ- [x]e6vxoci; nap 1 A|j^ocrL6vwv xA ^iMvSpwna, hhI xijjuJfl] [jniv] tci £kjiz jtnl tckj£ Aloyu-cflcixoT*; B£&om[t] [rcapA] t£W Aji^txTL6vti)v. Text of Colin. 3 fin. Pomtow (who had first thought lew]™). 4 Couve: oikta lapis. 7 end Pomtow. 11: [xal inc>. i 94v] _ Jarde. 10: The theoroi evidently were traveling from west to east, Naupactus to Delphi. The Council makes explicit that the Teans have already obtained the vote of the Aetolian League, and indeed this decree reads like a precis of the Aetolians' decision, including even the citation of earlier Aetolian, not Amphictyonic, philanthropa. In the preliminaries the Council does not even say what the Teans wanted, not mentioning friendship or asylia, as do the Aetolians and Delphians. 134. Delphi Copies at Teos and Delphi, the Delphian inscribed below 133, the Tean (h. 0.40, w. 1.175) seen by Le Bas built into the fort at Segacik, by Wilhelm in 1891 in Izmir. Delphi: Jarde no. 123; Colin, FD III.2 134c. Teos: Le Bas-Waddington 84 [Michel, Rec. 67; Cauer 2 208]; Wilhelm, GGA 160 (1898) 216-220 [Baunack, SGDI 2675; Pomtow, Syll.3 565; Schwyzer 331]. I give the Tean copy, more complete, underlining what survives only at Delphi. AcX({p£i}v TEEq£ e TgL ti^Xei dyo pt&i xcXeLat fffyj |d{pd(L){ {0} tdel; irx M TVfl - ji<3L KflM@ cu)rfr^ duMTcEXaviG^ KXeExou x|«l KXelrov] 4 lK]X[tlT]oy Tdv XE crfsctuSxBTa wri tiv guXtav ivevEAi7av[Tp Kftt n nptK &| - Xjtov xiev k6Xlv & te nxal d cnhfrv ii»y [6>pj}fflE Up d el]- ^.iev xffl SayXcw; xoy AiowIoqu' -mi itdXri xiv x[e ifliXiav Xql X&v oLJ- Ktv&m ora xiv hridpxaufluv itoil toC*; TqttHx; xal ditl tcXcE]- 0 ov bO^elv, xal eT^eev oahwv xdv xe tcAXiv xat xd[v £4p«sv] Icpdv xsd ScruXa-v toC AtijvOtJou Hal oi JipEc^c[uxaIl itapcxdj- Xftov K xaL eT^ei? adxoli; tAv du^dXeLttv [m]l dofuXEav xot\] Page 296 tott tv T&aL xargoteAviflxtd tou; [Amjvwmh«4 is Entix; M iiopdvrji t65c t& tv xdjjj} n&vm rdv xpdwwp duoypd^ai to [C< ^^pyquc] pOuXEtiT^t tffil tfptt*. -SpX OVTe ^ McyAptftt, ]3oiA)CljAv*flwl MvamMciu, OpwxdpxWp 'Af^i^ou, t^l [vou, NtxQpff&Xo^ ,] 1: moi instead at Delphi. 2: init. Jaheiaitea, then ^AOOEO at Teos. 15: Delphi reverses the order of ixp^c^x^ and AM^ipCrU. 135. Athamanian kings Inscribed below 134 (Tean copy); broken below line 14, with one or two lines lost before the second column begins. Le Bas-Waddington 83; Wilhelm, GGA 160 (1898) 216-220 [Welles, Royal Corres. 35]. SSajjp]wv BJeA5«Lipa< [xa]l A^uvavfc[pd-](; T[Tjto™ tt]i pkiruM)i [x]a\ l{&|t h’ffrXtM. XalpEw tlu8aif6pfl( Met Kkelte^ o\ inDo-taX£vttc w[p]£[o]- 4 ftevral t6 ic isi&wjwsv [nnl ocO}t{oI ^iJeXir^Ectv jzp^K njejjpl] TOO CFUYX * * * 4 * 6 ^^^^ 1 nffl p h felMV Ttjv TC k 6 XcV XOtl Tf|V lepav tLJE. AtOvlkrtiji Xdl fiouX&v XdL (ispopoX^YJjtffy civ (Bijaxduoavrc^ ltpoSii- |jwc Enaw* id iSux^icvo: frnax7]x6a)4CY xal ^[u]yXW°u 1^ etvai xa\ ifjv 6 TidXiv tifiAv wart X^F CV SouXov xal ^popoX^Y^ 01 ^ xal taOt& npdwq^i£¥ xcd 6i4 t 4 [btcrmrq: |ifcv tqu^ ^EXXTjva^ otxcU^ i^ovie^ suyjc^viiv, ^mapX 0 ^ 07 ^ OTJYY CfeC ^ rcpiK aftrfrv t&v t^px^T^ v ^ 5c£wviJ< tejv '^XX^vuv,, d^x ^clma -Bi xacll it- in & t& np&^ i^v n6Xtv tifj&u f iMctiqpy^ SwStXTyJnv Cxcicv, £u i£ xal Sfin *aL ^ tb«; ^Luxdoiv GtidvaL hoI napd \ou few eO§jiivet«v 4? ^noXcq^Pdvofjiev TwpinoieKFEat [---* * * * *--***.-* - ]5tv IKIV j-*------ ]v t«v n oX [ - * * ----Joptcj^fvCl rtx t + . [■------ --] -rtjv — - ----* - - - eife ti jiffcd taGta Gttc- 1 - ----------- -.- }JAEl[ -------] Ippw^tr, Text of Wilhelm, who recognized this as a royal letter. 1 lfa*4W|? \u^]^6^pc^ r 3-4 [na^x^v 1 t ^v] f 4-5 [xal dxaXotffe*; Ttk 4^[al^«)Tt tr. WaddhgtOn.51 51. 15ff.: a continuous and complete text has been composed by F. Piejko, Epigraphica 50 (1988) 41-46 [SEG 32.1227]. Page 297 The Athamanian pair 52 also recognized the inviolability of Apollo of Claros; they may appear too in the tantalizing fragment Staatsvertr. Ill 550.12texts all close in date. An Amynander son of Machaus made a donation to Melitea (where Hellenus was buried); there too he is not called king .53 But Polybius calls the king of the Athamanians in 220 B . c . "Amynas" (4.16.9). Theodorus is known otherwise only in the Delian temple inventories: his daughter Phila made dedications there before 225 B .c.: 6^5^0054 other literary sources know only Amynander as king of the Athamanians: if he is rightly identified with the donor at Melitea, then Theodorus cannot be his father. Perhaps Theodorus was now in effective retirement, being old enough to have begotten a daughter well before 225. The Athamanians, having been independent of Epirus for a generation by now, were at various times allied with the Aetolians and may well have been in 203/2. 9-11: The Athamanians' uneasy insistence on their Greek descent may reflect the view of others that they were barbarians (Strab. 7.7.1 [321]). They cite their kinship with all Greeks, as Athamas was a descendant of Hellenus (a tale otherwise unrecorded, as Waddington remarked). According to a legend as early as the fifth century (Pherecydes FGrHist 3 F 102), Teos itself was founded by Minyans led by Athamas, grandson of Athamas. An account at least as old (Ion, 392 F 1; cf. Jacoby's note 44) held that Oenopion and his son Athamas came from Crete to Chios, and the son may then have been taken to be the founder of Teos ( F 3). Moderns have distinguished the Minyan and the Cretan Athamas, but the Tea ns seem to have found it convenient to merge them, at least when they dealt with the Cretans. 55 136-143 on two once adjacent blocks (above and below), found reused at Segac??k. 136. Cnossus J. Kennedy Bailie, Fasciculus inscriptionum (Dublin 1846) 127-130 no. 154; Le Bas- Waddington 61 [Blass, SGDI 5165; Guarducci, I.Cret. I vm 8]. Cf. W. Aly, Der kretische Apollonkult (Leipzig 1908) 13. [tAv « kbI t&v fjjjev l]cp&v x«l fimAov 52. On them see Moretti, I.stor.ellen. II pp. 5758; on Amynander, S. I. Oost, CP 52 (1957) 1-15; W. Welwei, Historia 14 (1965) 252-256; M.-F. Baslez in L'lllyrie meridbnale (Clermont-Ferrand 1987) 167-173. 53. IG IX.2 208; Strab. 9.5.6 (432); Oost 13 n. 9. 54. I.Debs 338Bb.29; 369A.6-7; 442B.13, 184, 213. 55. See Jacoby ad be.; Pfeiffer ad Callim. frag. 49; G. Fluxley, GRBM 10 (1984) 149-152; D. C. Braund, CQ n.s. 32 (1982) 350-353; on the Boeotian Athamas who reared the infant Dbnysus, see H. Fuhrmann, Jdl 65-66 (1950-51) 105-107. Page 298 xal xd Xomd x& {mdpxofvta 0]|J.Tv f^5o£a xal [r^ita tfuvBLa^ytXa^o^uev dttpespaa-LcFtcil^ £«p a IStJiyv x T tc^p-e* 4 [SuvctTolp xal el xtv^s; xa wv 6p|iiopivu]v Kv6mi6&£v xiU [os d&txi^tHiiVTl tiva Tujtuv fj xtS™ Knjp&btuv fj xCHv^t [fl EMai nopd xb Tpayi^v nepl to; djouhtac &rcA TtdV KvOXIUdV, TLJL Itjo^eV^l^Citl 8 [Tijfwv Jj wv irqcpopct^vx*>v IntXaPj^oSai xal tmv gw- [pdriuv Xal Ttjv Xp^drCttiV, el t«; Xa £yt|r ot B£] x6opot pi TfJX 1 del [xooplm™; xok dAoaajslMow; xabxa dJitoB-LAovrc*; [xijpiQi Eaton i^-dpiew tdvte^ xal] ivuit6tottiL + 4 yT(^- l? [^ai tA S^Tpa £? x6 UpAv xtj| xc&{t} 4eX- [•^sAki xftv rpoHH 9 ^ 9 n6X]e«cs j So0?$Jtv M xal y* [via tdw; irpELTETjrau; ta tjtS vApu' ^i$v At seal npq- [££vai; wc jitfXewc AitoXX^]6otov AoTudvoxxoc xal K&»- i6 [X^iav 'Exaxwvdfiu xal] adxd^ xal £ty6vog. 13 Aly: ^exffoLvtw Waddington. The envoys of the second Tean mission visited Cnossus and sang of Tean-Cretan relations but obtained only honors for themselves, without mention of asylia (I.Cret. I vm 11; so too at Priansus, of which no decree survives from the first mission: I xxiv 1). Unless this was a polite refusal, the Cnossians may be thought to have kept their earlier grant inscribed, although no provision for inscription occurs in 136. 5, 8: ^powoi js merely what others would call ™™«>uvtb;, the other inhabitants of Teos besides citizens; the same term recurs in the decree of Sybrita (141.20). 137. Polyrrhenia Inscribed below 136. Lines 1-5: Chishull pp. 121-122 [Boeckh, CIG 3054; Kennedy Bailie has line 1 (his no. 154.17)]. Complete: Le Bas-Waddington 62 [Cauer 49; Cauer 2 126; Blass, SGDI 5166; Michel, Rec. 52; Guarducci, I.Cret. II xxm 3]. rioXuppiyvIiuu rTflkyppqvUdv moB6~ t4j{t} xal Ki(jk4tn{l} SLaXOijaapfiv itapaxaXotivtuv pETT'i xal rfuXmplw; dxc&qOSwc xw; tv i&l ^KZi|ilO|iarCI X3.T-3XE^tiipLcF|l£vou; ! rapl TpOte&jv AcM- 8 ^0aL IToX^ppijfvkav iv xaXa xal rEpa x&t Tijtwv} t4v tc iu&iv xaltiv jfwpuv dvtfpev (gp whatever the WOrd order). 138. Rhaucus Second column. Chishull pp. 116-117 [Boeckh, CIG 3051]; Kennedy Bailie no. 155; Le Bas-Waddington 63 [Cauer 50; Cauer 2 127; Michel, Rec. 53; Blass, SGDI 5167; Schwyzer 188; Guarducci, I.Cret. I xxvii 1]. Cf. K. Meister, IGForsch 18 (1905/6) 200. 'PauodtiJY v6fcjevm TlftEtYtUTfll mpi xii Trftuv HOpxl ^ ’AmiXXitgipq ’AarviviixTffl;, Ktd-XcjTO.^ 4 ExaiuVu^dtJ £iuck0{i}6vtcv ini xkv 6V liv GUTtiV tGvtxav xmI l? upol^ibv, ^FauxUdv toT<; >:6ctjj.gli“ seal t5i n6- Xcl Ano^tvfloSeiL TjiJtoL(<;l Gtl S x& KaBftdpuoLfc [xwt At]&v6- otji tan; hAXcck; xotl xa^ ^&pcn; aux&v Sl xe dauXIa xed SXXffl EvSoEa xal x^h rasp 1 grifreu;] 16 yCy xe x&l x&v iXXov XP^ 0 ^ ndtvxa. 3 Chishull: dpeebett Le Bas. 10-12 Chishull: 10 iw>‘ ah&v, 11 xfcv ^[fc^Gvoiiiv -re *]«i 12 |x6o(ic«( flUVfflKtv uni ntcl Tl- vo^ tityaBiA napsirlos yervia^at tEi MfcoM 1 xbI 5tt tn^rta fjon^aavxF^ $x6&pulfe n^deEofJcv tHi xe [?okrn'cvd«t xal liij wreL t& OtLbv etiaepeLaL xnL tA ^yurta xapt^idfyltOw \«i 16 M^wr dcsnoKpbatffoat T^lot^ splXm^ khI oIx&D&l^ (Amv hi- 6xi Tbv Al6vuoov x.tt'i ftijict ac^pe&i xpl r&v T^tnv m'fftvtv &¥xb dOTQt^6|^M xod £naivo3tiiev B(i]6[nJ x[«]- XcLt; xal ivMftiac xnl iu[l} 0e£a{l} upgEar&^vi^ i-j £vcxa &v kbI TtBp’ fitpcgv xe xaXA xal tCp*h BLBo™ xc^t $hm xal Tijtiisv t iv xe n6Xtv xnl tav jf^pgiv ttpav xbL iwXoy wv xe kbI eI^ idv SXX^v xp^vov JtAvta s xa\ usifpa]- tfA|i£0B at ti iya-SS- TtapahLDC yivc^i MfitdL £4 xal KQevfflt x«t EBEar eI xd{t} Ttveq Aytiivti Trftoq #j xatotx^y- ■ta< ttap 5 ql x6a^ai xal SXXo? ft Xwv KuBw^ib- r«v T^twv iqieXd^evot xal BtBdvrei; ABixrf uivu^ xijpLOt ItnuHfCiv. IppwaftE, 2 APXONTEE Le Bas: KOEMOI Chishull (but Sherard's copy ends with KAI). 15-17: the line ends are reported by Kennedy Bailie (16-17: pfEnsr 1 aion|) but not Le Bas; 16 ®t**fl“* Cm*pxcn«cn] Blass, *£k™ »ij- Guarducci. 20: ENEKEN Kennedy Bailie. 21: xopanattonemen Kennedy Bailie. 24, 25 Cauer: »*i and ew Waddington. Cydonia in the west, modem Chania, was reckoned the third city of Crete (Strab. 10.4.7). Its decree is one of the more detailed in this series; the penalty clause (24ff.) empowers any Cydonian or Tean to "seize and restore" goods to the victim (cf. Allaria, 151). 8 ff.: If I have understood this morass, the envoys "showed the most earnest zeal and public spirit about establishing the sacredness to Dionysus and inviolability of the city and country of the Teans, and about us voting to join in increasing the other existing distinctions and honors they enjoy on account of the god and being always ready with some good for their people, and that by doing these things we would be acting in keeping with piety toward the divine and would greatly gratify their people." Cf. 148, 152, and more briefly 149.llff., 150.11ff. (this last passage is clearest for sorting out the two parties in the sentence). 14: The parallel passage in 148 has nothing of the phrase restored here. 19: Cf. on 145. 24: Cauer's correction is doubtful; we expect **ui *s«««. 140. Axus Beginning below 139 in the third column; 16ff. on another block (in Izmir: seen by Wilhelm in 1891, and again by Robert). Page 302 Chishull pp. 114-116; Hessel no. 6 (copy of J. de Hochepied: only lines 16-24) [Boeckh, CIG 3050]; Le Bas-Waddington 65 [Cauer 52; Cauer 2 122; Michel, Rec. 55; Blass, SGDI 5169; Guarducci, I.Cret. II v 17]. Cf. Wilhelm, GGA 160 (1898) 215 (autopsy); Robert, Hellenica I (1940) 118 n. 4 (autopsy, Le Bas's squeeze). E&oEev FwEfwv tcxc x&vyvm xocl ™ MTot tAv JtpQY&w^v qitXat xal mjy- $ Y^vtifc rai; 4fick n&kgwz tintoxntav epu^A« x«l jtpeiY eu ^£ 'AitoXXWorto^ xnl K«hAi«v p ot x&l iMMfivteg £jtl titv isocXi^Hiv xdl x& &lcA£y^ craouftck xai tpt- B ntpl t&{l} Ytvtatiou t5tv KaOiEpcaaiv t-qjl Aiow- ( 7 tH me; t-e qOtojv xal ia£ ^(Spci^ xal t$:cn> Xlav td T.e SkXa unAp^ovxa stWou; Ev^o^a xai xt^t* a 2kmpiiXf£®£¥ xnl oU^£thuEev ^ iiv del ^ptSvov,, nEpjlj i2 ££ xuv or6i£w StaXEyivicx; xal Ilep^ixxa x& iwtfi id (ki- <£iXlitn£iJ rtpEiyCuTa- kS6j(6aL Fnuo^twv toTt tc6o^ x«l xat TiMei £Twuviv xat tqjii4i¥ p ditGxpivaoSai h{t) 5ti 6 A Fau^Uiav fttn- ipuXd&dv Tav KopaL T& fer-qv -pioipFiav xnl xii te#Xcl t<3v T?| twv p^^uneiv (JuV^iew*; xdv *e xafttEp*mv x&4 Al¬ io uvuOtJi tSi; te JtAXctot tuv Tijtuv xat im; ^tlipa^ dvaL^Ei- xvgvxi xal TiapE^rwu lepav xal -ScruXov x*96rt isapxa- Xf l it &ipo£ h T^fctlv, uitdp^ffL hk xctl m 6X\a Ttpra TtjTok nap to* xflXct xwv FauEtwv vuv te xat sfc; *4 x6v atet xp^voy. SpptM^k. 13 Robert: ea©aeh*n Sherard, FAxsinN Le Bas. 17 Blass: aioti the copies. 23 after« Chishull, Robert, and Le Bas's squeeze: **uui Waddington. Axus was an important city, situated at the foot of Mt. Ida west of the Heraclion valley. The crucial phrase (19ff.) is unusually full: the city "declares the sanctification to Dionysus of the city and country of the Teans and accepts it as sacred and inviolable." 141. Sybrita On the second block, beginning below 140 end; second column begins with line 19. Lines 1-9 and 19-27: Chishull pp. 113-114; Hessel no. 6 (copy of de Hochepied) [Boeckh, CIG 3049]. Complete: Le Bas-Waddington 66 [Cauer 53; Blass, SGDI 5170; Guarducci, I.Cret. II xxvi 1]. Cf. Holleaux, Etudes IV 183; M. Muttelsee, Die Verfassungsgeschichte Kretas (Hamburg 1925) 12 n. 4. Page 303 EvPpixtwv & n6^cs xal tsl xdafjoi Tifttov ihe JBu^&i x*l ™t Jni^LLJt ftuEpeiV ltnpaYY^fl«v0<; flep&Ewog 6 H<3f4 JJwjl- 4 Xiug npeoJkuT&c; ^6 te ^piapss ijil^^Ev O Ikpfparv ol ItHp 1 ULiLtkV UpCOpEWal fad ftlSrpObg (ElAt- [npiuPewoev], iv 6t Iyp^^ote itEpfc iSg olxeiita.- tog fctfl yog qpiA'lcig xat Stl xmXt^ xec rcpoa- a Be^jisvci t<£v it iv«ip4H?iv t&i AiovfertiK xal tiv teu- Vtuv Tag te ti6Xich- xal Tat ^wpag [141&V - - --- J [ i ■ ■ eh ]np4aotLv j Bfc {xal IlEpBbtxac 6 fo^TEpog] [jioXi]Tttt s3bcd5u5y$tii^ tw; yjq-p^jj^votg [4ET& nifciag] i» araouBke xal (pfttmfifag' np6{0u|jm ofiv xal in& npo]- ■fAvtiw 1tp£g Jtdvra T-i [feta &LcncF(pE*gi-- - - - x4v] dvtiptiWLv 1 tk Aiav&vkH k(-- - -.] [, , ] poo^evDL 6|jFw + + _ *•*•*] *6 [x«l t]!D&« xifiia [xffll -- - --J [xal xacjv AmiHstv [tS^ rc^XL&g xnt tag ^ 4. - - ] [-M..-.] nAvro- et Bi itv£g xa xftv 6p|iin^vtiav 4|i- it* wa T^tltav ^ twv iKtpobcwv kchuml EBEcu xn- p4c td* Ypa<|p^v &&YfJa r^pt tag dmAlag utt& tag ntiha^g tuv HuPpLtEuVp Tlji 7tatfiLtyEvr^| J L^\itiit Trjtwv fj x&v itapobfitov tuv £v Tfcui ditdo^ioSai xal t&v o&> 24 mitc^v Kort ^pv^drtLav h el tig xa fry^ 4 x6q^ol g! t6x& xoOEiUnrrtg |iriiv(]rp« dmSimiv] Waddington; ■tic t’ Boeckh, T omitted by Le Bas. 9-10 : !*«* »■?■>«*■«* I «?' toCxwvI Waddington. 10 end Muttelsee: Waddington. 13 [e. *, *wi tov], 14 *l al nepBtxKai xap^co&a^ 15 Y (c t* 16 [x, I, dtitpo^aolorciv;]^ 17" 18 X. X0) ^ T ^ v dviipwjmv t£5t A)u*[vtiu£Ji BEBopev vOv te xsl Act etg i&v X&m&v)(p6vov] Waddington. 19: OPMIE Sherard, Hessel, Le Bas, OPMQ Chishull, ^1(0)^^ Boeckh; BPIETAE Hessel, BPITIAE Chehull. Sybrita, at the western foot of Mt. Ida, has left little trace in the historical record; Polybius, in a lost passage, had occasion to mention the city under the year 206/5 (I.Cret. p. 289, from Steph. Byz. sv ). Only here in the archive does a royal agent speak for the Tea ns. 19ff.: The terms of the penalty clause are unusually elaborate and somewhat redundant (cf. 142.24ff.): "If anyone operating from Sybrita wrong any Tean or resident of Teos contrary to the decree of inviolability written by the city of the Sybritans, the Tean or resident of Teos is empowered to come and take both persons and property, if anyone has seized them; the annual kosmoi are to force Page 304 restitution by those in possession, acting with impunity and immune from any prosecution." 142. Lato Below 141, with line 19 beginning the third column. Lines 1-6 init., 19-31: Chishull p. 122; Hessel no. 7 (copy of de Hochepied) [Boeckh, CIG 3058]. Complete: Le Bas-Waddington 67 [Cauer 54; Blass, SGDI 5171; Guarducci, I. Cret. I XVI 2]. AotEmv Aot[(i}v iqu; xiSop gl£ xciL TttjXef T^ioir ^pIXoL 4 -ce^ xol JtpciyeiLhratvi; dhtiataXxav 'AtioXr X 65 otov x«l KttX&tav, ot M diE£X 06 vrf c hd sd xoi- vliv ti Aafttuv ti t£ dlti&kixav x-sl a.tJfol htQb.wjftzK tok t4v B [VMtdtaV OJIOT>S&¥ Xal qHX0T1,|jEaV tEOLOt^JfVOtJ ItEpl Tt [tS Y E via6ni lav tub Aitivtiaut x5^] k 6 - [Xu>^ xal ta^ toe Tt^Cw^ xal t^u dfecru^Eav,] Ett [Si hqL tSiXfll tct CiitdpxOvta Ev&o^a xatj t L|_iL[-a Sia] i? [t&v (lefty*...- ]i 5 lilies lost ftlt Hp^TE^pav 4 Xal Vuy ft' f|l e(jx«pio"eT» xat |ic|iyatitvot [tfitv Jtp|attvrfpxovo[ctv -at) ao itAki drjyY^vfiu^ tiv t£ xalO^ptDdLV tul AlovOctul [tc] rcAXtv xal t 4 v yupav fn_j.cv tepav xal Sa’uXflv, piuXdiujwi] XapiCcaflaL I3epSExx»i^ ftESotiev, xal t& ta CiJitfpftov- t- 3 u^iTv |v&o^a xaL t(|i!(| m^&iaipoXii^l^ie^ Aitpo- 24 facrEm*^ Scp p £kjov x 5 I&>tJtev &uva^d T xal d tivE-q »a tuv 6f4±u>j^ivuv Ant6dev ^SiXl^uvtE TLvtt Tijjtuv IJ xoivai fl 151 at napa tft ypacpiv ftftyjJia be pi tic ioyXla^ ia-s « TtAXtfx; xal j£«pa< + ttfew tui flopSy^ 0 ^™ 1 28 T^tuv iniXo^doiai xmi xal ypi^Ttov, tl tE^ Xa 'SiT^t r -ci Si xAaflai Ctl t&M* id X£kr|i{&vtec; £vOyXdeC Av- tuv t 6^ ixowstp &C4 * lq i JSvrt^ xal dh*- uii&Sofijor Si xal lft S-tiyua ^ 'EXeuSola^. 9-12 Blass. 18-19 Blass: o'3> ShtokHI c 0 x*pk««{v> Waddington. Lato stood on a high saddle looking west across the Gulf of Mirabello and the harbor town Ayios Nikolaos. We learn from 152 that a distinct "Lato by Camara" existed at Ayios Nikolaos, apparently in sympolity with Lato proper. See generally E. Kirsten, RE Suppl. 7 (1940) 342-365. 5-6: For *,et]^[vto, x«i] Waddington. 14: perhaps xp]*[vov Guarducci. Lappa was in the western part of the island; as Guarducci remarks, little trace of the Cretan dialect remains in this decree. 144-146 are known from an eighteenth-century copy that included also 147; Waddington accordingly placed them here. Page 306 144. Hierapytna A. Torres y Ribera, Antiquitates Cretenses (Venice 1805) 39 no. 1 (copy of Maffei); S. A. Naber, Mnemosyne 1 (1852) 118-125 no. 4 (copy of Cobet) [Le Bas-Waddington 68a; Blass, SGDI 5172; Guarducci, I.Cret. Ill m 2]. 57 [idv te xaJSi^fttKTLv ie t5j£ [ijp.LJi’i; xnl few za Su]- vaidv oOx oCi&evl db&ixtv £v ™ LJyJ-iIL r Tliv TE JjptJXfjaV kp£J.OOXll^ ^UOHV £l- 4 «xa0E£[ofi£-u (y)uv -re xal el-t; Xolx&v xpdvov ndvia- et hi i[lv^ xa) t&v 6ffiufj£vuv EE E Ia[pa|- jrtjTva^ [dtfi Lxi'fauvi L Ttjvct Tqtuv i) xol^yai fj l&L- «i, £Ei[v dniolkW^LEV t6c dCflfc 1 ™ t6vxe[i;J R [xal ivy^idixor ^YYe»i!^{*4 5i] t6&$ t6 4dyfia ek [t& ttpuv toO A^XXqjvcm; tJoD Aexataq^p«ou tAv [Y payptaxia xofe nfitaoc l^ew-rpoq^ev M xai o4 jipecfYtutat xa 6 A< xaftemarra^ 3 TAIAII. 9 Aexa^«<|M5po« / io Blass. Guarducci urged that this is the Apollonia that was a port city west of Cnossus (Historia 7 [1933] 363-367); the other Apollonias that ancient authorities place in Crete are obscure and unlocated. 9: Apollo "who receives a tithe" is known at Hierapytna (I.Cret. Ill m 9) and at Megara (Paus. 1.42.5). 10: Hospitality for the envoys is for some reason rare in this first series of Cretan decrees for Teos. This word applied to guests (rather than mercenaries) is unusual; compare the noun &v«p6aiij^vot oCv tji ttmiv ei3j[ffipimcl^ xccl jjcjivoejjivoi irp&O^ap^ou- otc ^AXc^l ovyrcvetnct t&v tc x«0s£p«a- 2 S OLV T&L AtOViiiir^Jili td^ tc h6^lo^ xal tS< Op&v* til SI tep&v keI dovXov etv«^ PoyX6^voL XopL^eoQ&i nep£taoun, &L&apEv„ xal ti Xotira Ta frradep^avia u^tv Iv&oEa x«l xEpia auvAiwf^Aa- 31 £tqj£v iJEpGtfpaokitiLJ^ £if 1 Baov x' luptv Suvar-ok cl &£ xiv£q xa wv ftpiJtopivMV IE 'Imp^voc x^cf^vrt tlvei Ttfl ijv JJ xfiivai fj IGCcti napi ypo^v $ 4 y|i« nepl dmAEat 6n^ T«q %£hoq t«£ jG ‘IcrcpEJvEciav^ t&L TVjtalv i JtiX«p£a®ai xal xwv cuap^twv xdl ^ TiU; Ktt &YIQL* ol fit X^rrUOL ol t 6 x 4 ijtl aooapjoGvttc ^ nocvayxaC6vT«v tino^i^pcv xoi>; i^ovsi«^ t 40 d^l^ILtX flvrfi; Xfll 4vU5i6€lXft1- iv-nyp^m, &£ Xdl x 5 fk T-& kp&v ib fete lAMvac tok HoX^ 6.h>Z t&ta; YpfcWS^^ t&$ fi6kux;. 15 f tA ) ad. Cauer. 18 Blass: KAIT . . . AIO — Chishull, *«* ^o^ax^vrcKputpi pa«MLK Boeckh, KAI. Itoebae (Kt>..)| Le Bas, “i- [x«),t'>rjav|-ro<; Waddington, ^ ! to ° aiKxno^v)™; {naf«) Cauer. Istron was a small city south of Lato on the Gulf of Mirabello. The decree gives an unusually detailed representation of the leans' speech and is unusually deferential to Perdiccas (for the phrase at 30 cf. 142.22). 8ff.: The same intricate sentiment at Cydonia (139). 28ff.: This clumsy expression amounts to a gloss: "Wishing to please Perdiccas, we grant the sanctification to Dionysus of the city and country, that they be sacred and inviolable"; which is simply asylia at 35. 37: Here is a clear instance of Chishull tacitly correcting Sherard's copy: Sherard and Le Bas give (and cf. 146.7), Chishull So too at 149.5 the two give iox^fcv, and Chishull prints ix^tav. 149. Eleutherna Third column; the opening lines had deteriorated by Le Bas's day, so that Chishull's text is more complete. Chishull 108-110 [Boeckh, CIG 3047]; Le Bas-Waddington 71 [Cauer 56; Blass, SGDI 5177; Michel, Rec. 57; Guarducci, I.Cret. II xn 21]. Cf. Wilhelm, AEM 20 (1897) 88; GGA 160 (1898) 215. Tr'jtot aij jiAvav kaO^ T^tp iuv npay^vuiv napIXafk™ 51,mpuX&aavau£eiv. 1-4 derive almost entirely from Sherard's copy. 4 init.: EANTEE Sherard, EAIWOE Chishull. 7 [*«*** W. Blumel by communication, from 151.8: [eOxai] Boeckh. 9 Blass: ifarofreivaia™*? Boeckh, *noAa[T«r<4ijevtH] Wilhelm. 11 [*=<■! Wilhelm. 12-13 Wilhelm: Y t Tp a i j ]t- i ^ vot Chishull, Y[*v%evei Waddington, ™[poYev%eva Blass. This is the one city where the two royal agents appear together; it is the only text to state Hagesander's purpose, and it is relatively quiet about Perdiccas. Holleaux (IV 197- 198), who believed that every appearance of Perdiccas proved Antigonid aiiiance, concluded from his being mentioned briefly and second that Eleutherna has just now been brought to reconciliation with Rhodes and the Seleucids. 7: Boeckh considered that ty*&*°*v (or dv^ew veordtav xal ftXaiifilav jichpij^c- v yev^pflai xdv xa£h£pwpcv T«t Aiovdafiii iac te xal xa^ xdc [2 T^tmv Hat tav dayAtav, {ii ^ xaL rdXXa xi 6- ro4pX ovra ou&xoE? S-J&oEa xal xijiia Xtd xiftj 0 £&v jt»v |v te tq*l\ Cjn^pdw xp^wit Qi50ev4w; d- 24 ntfftdtDU^ t£jy oupepepdvtfidv xal vC^ xafldti napaptaXE[ 6 6 Ti^ttfv xal Iltp- fttaoca^ 6 no^Jha^ octixSv, i^oaipe^ijevo^ otiv tie a tv Cijr^apLoXeiV xa'i pcpvafitvnt rav j0 j?pouji4pxwCT{a}v ttc^Xech wyy£vsTav p r£v xc xaSiiptiXJiv t&i Awvtiom tS^ tc ilAXio; xal T-at ftripac fiL H kpdv x povXdj^Evoi xap^ Eff 9a E IIepBbcxa& 3 BL- 33 Bouev, t«ti ra Xouid xi Gndpx^vra U^llv §v£q- E« xal xC^un ditpol. Ippuff&e. 22 [,a], 35 («5> ad. Blass. Arcadia was an important city at the eastern extreme of the Messara; on the problem of the site see D. Viviers, BCH 118 (1994) 232-234. 43: The major festival was the Asclepieia; cf. Staatsvertr. Ill 512.9 of about this date. 151. Allaria After 150, continuing to a third column at line 13. Le Bas-Waddington 73 [Cauer 58; Blass, SGDI 5179; Michel, Rec. 59; Guarducci, I.Cret. II »!]■ AXtapufrav Tljlai iptXot xal Al® xpo- y6vm Ondp^ovrec Xw tt\Vj & xat £xeXG 6 vrt<; ini tiv ixxXrycriitv xdv ie xal aUpdrot- xtx tav jtot 1 Awnf B dxKtvso xat tS>Act ^leX^yi^KV xaXu*; x&l £¥S6£l*c tie ip l ™ Bleu xal t5( T&; re tc^Xi,ch; xsl i«(; tq^ Iv xui terpLaTt xert£vtK<; t xal d£L- ca &>v rdv re qnXtflv xal x&v eCvowtv Bia 50 aqv xal mkpl pfrp-djie&a xnl t&v Tti^v gapL-QV wy’ yevtj ^dvT , o£ d< 3 m£dfjse&a xal InaivfiSjiev 3*6rt xvXu^ xnl ^ h /al xBTa^lu^ tu (few Tipofff- taxtv 1 Svexev iv xal nap® dqjSv xd xaM xal t4 « atto™ r£U wt T^tuv t4v xe Ji6>av xal x&v Xc^pciv dvEqiev Upiv xsd imfXav vuv re xal etc t 6 v 5XXav xp^wv it&vra xwl &d tcvOc; iiya0u iwpfltttOL xafc Xoivdi xal I- aS 5Cat‘ xi Ttw^ dyfixiiv Tiqtw^ t&; xottcrtxdy- ti^ nap 1 £r)rt^ t at xal liXXo^ 6 puXd^ievo^ AXXapujidv ij Tij-tuv d^dki 5 |ievo 4 xnl dbo®i- Page 313 P>OV^Cs OtS VCHC KUfSl-DL llT[Uv| 4 Blass: AnEETEIAANTEE. 12 Blass: TEE. 14: error for Blass. Allaria has not been located but was probably in the west of Crete. Polybius had occasion to mention the city under the year 206/5 (book 13: Steph. Byz. sv ), no doubt the same passage that mentioned Sybrita. 152. Lato by Camara After 151, continuing to the fourth column on the stone at line 11. Le Bas-Waddington 74 [Cauer 59; Cauer 2 125; Blass, SGDI 5180 (in part); Michel, Rec. 60; Guarducci, I.Cret. I xw 15]. Aorckra i&v KafiiipciL ISq^Ev Atnbav twc rtfo|UA7 khI ™ £m- xal qrfXex npQY&wv 4 xowtc q&pjcsv* seat icpeiytvrivf^) inioTwkxaw no&A6&Jtov xal KuXdrfln, ol ££ ini f & XQro&v xA Adlhm X 6 te Ax^Atintav xal cni- f d SteXlY^v xoh; ygypow^oi^ * i&v 8 ixTevcmAxav otioehSiIy xnl ^lApTLplav noLn'j- liEvoi rapt xu ycvicrftat tEv xa0i£p&)mv f &i mjt n^Xicx; xal xE^ t E<; Tifttiv xal tiv dcruMacv, Ert G£ xal xiiXka tE oOxoCc it Iv&oEa xal lEptsa A&E i&v Gc&v i{ia9wia*iiv ™ Guarducci. 16: error for xoi i&i^runa, unless this is btacism. 18 (™> ad. Blass. 20 & 1 *M Blass: & Waddington. 30: kH ^tKi Guarducci. 31: error for fcuXapioSai (Blass). 33: &ei may have been omitted after t6*«. The distinction "Lato by Camara" is made only in the leans' heading added to this decree, not in the decree itself. Evidently the two Latos are in sympolity. No two decrees in the archive are so similar (but note Istron and Arcades). Both moreover are to be inscribed in the temple of Eleithyia; I take it this was a single temple shared by the two. One thinks of the two Colophons, obliged to ratify each other's decrees (Robert, Villes 62). The separation probably was brief; several lists of Cretan cities extant (admittedly incomplete) know only one LatoStaatsvertr. Ill 582.38 (260 BC ); I.Cret. IV 179.a.6 (183 bc). Xenion by contrast knew Camara as a city that used to be called Lato. 58 Evidently the harbor city flourished at the expense of the hill site in late Hellenistic times. On all this see E. Kirsten, RE Suppl. 7 (1940) 357-358. 153. Rome A block found in the cemetery at Araka near Segac??k. Chishull pp. 102-104; Hessel no. 1 (copy of de Hochepied) [Boeckh, CIG 3045]; Le Bas- Waddington 60 [Dittenberger, Syll. 204, Syll .2 279; Viereck, Sermo graecus 2; Michel, Rec. 51; Hiller, Syll.3 601; IGRIV 1557; Sherk, Roman Doc. 34]. Cf. S. Accame, II dominio romano (Rome 1946) 51-52; Schmitt, Untersuchungen 97. 'Pbtyjoluv OwiXiV 10 ? MnpjcatJ X^l xa\ TTfttov pouX^t xed twi 4 SrifiuL ^adpEiv M^vltdick; & T & itsp 1 XvtU&XW totj [3a- aiXtoq, dnooraXek rcpfr; wpwpeurfc, np<> Hat uiu^p tfJC x6 ic iJ^Tfeto^a dvf&wxev x«t vtCtxbs dxoXo'jQttc B t6v tf iv- Bpfl XQi\ tlk tJ]V ffijpOYCYSVTQ- JjfvTlJV auTtJL xal Ai,i ^inapxPWav xaAnxii- YaSlav nepl it &tv toiptoijoapEV Efrv6**;‘ xal Su 12 Su 6 Xou nXELOTfiv X 6 yav JiotoypEVUL pcv ifk np&<; toEk 0toik £&iepda^ t pdXuji 1 dv ii£ mo- X«Coua £x tipcvttaC Aid Tauia ttap& toy ^mpovCmr oti dXXa xal ££ fiX- 58. FGrHist 460 p 7. This speaks against Ziegler's suggestion to date Xenbn before Polybius and even in the fourth century B .c. (RE 9a [1967] 1479-1480). Page 315 i£ Xuv rcXeiAyuu m^npayf) n&m 'fC'f&viv&i xf|v ^jnripHv eI^ Gefov rcpoTi^focv, Bid xat diA ic tocu- TQL X&L Ali 3 tfjV Kpni“ UUa^ rflVDLdV XSll Bui TDV ^LU^i£v|AV wpeopeur^v xptvo^sv Etvffli ji6Xlv KOtl rfyf %&• io pav Itpiv, x30lm; xotl vuv ^tmv, xat EoxAov X'lL ^^opo- X6y^iov an toO BVpou -cou T^atCuv xal td « ch; xfrv &£&V tE^Lii y.at xtk rtr 6pL'3L; cpLXavfipuTia. KEtp-aatS- pdki e?uvEMc05cEw f ^icrn^po^vcwv ujj£>v xal eEc t6 24 per& taOxa xi\v 1 lph$ %!&£ cfjvflLnv.. ^ppfiJoSc. 4: Le Bas did not report ™. 6 <«&p Chishull, Hessel: ™pL Le Bas. 16: Le Bas did not report 17: i^e^H sugg. Sauppe ap. Viereck. 18: Chishull. <><><><><><><><><><><><> (4ff.) Menippus the ambassador sent to us by King Antbchus, and already elected by you to serve as ambassador in behalf of your city, presented your decree and himself spoke with all zeal in keeping with it. We received the man gladly because of the reputation he had established and because of his manifest excellence, and we heard his requests favorably. And that we take the greatest account of piety toward the gods one may easily guess from the favor we have consequently obtained from the divine. For many other reasons besides we are persuaded that our primacy in honoring the divine is clear to all. So for the ??eason and out of loyalty toward you and because of your worthy ambassador, we judge your city and country to be sacred, as it in fact now is, and inviolable and immune from tribute as regards the Roman people, and we shall try to join in increasing honors for the god and privileges for you, if you also hereafter preserve your loyalty to us. 1-2: The date in 193 is given by the combination of Menippus and the praetor M. Valerius (see above, p. 286). The intervention of a praetor, in the absence of the consuls, to present foreign envoys to the Senate is well attested in this period (e.g., Roman Doc. 1, 4, 7, all covering letters to senatus consulta). The list of authors here is comparable to two other acts of the early second century (Roman Doc. 38, 39): a consul (or praetor), the tribunes of the plebs, the Senate. I do not know whether the tribunes had an actual role in these proceedings, all of which concern foreign policy.59 Evidently no Tean came to Rome in 193; but it is explicit that the Seleucid envoy Menippus carried with him a decree of Teos and was chosen by the city to do so. Presumably he had passed through Teos in the immediate past, but it is not clear whether this was a new decree or the same one that the Teans had circulated a decade earlier. Note that Valerius nowhere mentions Dionysus. 7: On the verb see Holleaux, Etudes I 357. 59. Perhaps as a redaction committee for the Senate, according to O'Brien Moore, RE Suppl. 6 (1935) 698. Mommsen (Ges. Schr. II 314 n. 1; cf. Ill 655 n. 3, 1027) thought the tribunes were mentioned simply in order to include a nonpatrician office; it may be more pertinent that tribunes were not in the Senate. Page 316 20: The phrase "sacred, as it now is, and inviolable" might suggest a twotiered process consistent with Seyrig's theory (above, p. 35) that the king granted "sacred" and foreigners "inviolable"; but that is expressly excluded for Teos, as we know the terms of the king's recognition. The phrase here probably reflects merely the late date of the Roman recognition. 24: Picard (Ephese et Clares 148 n. 3) considered that in this clause the Romans imposed a condition that Teos remain loyal, hence their attack on Tean territory in 190 (Livy 37.27-28) was justified ;60 Errington (n. 26: 282) held that the reservation was calculated, given the circumstances of 193. Compare the Senate's answer to Demetrius I of Syria in 160 b.c. (Polyb. 32.3.13): a™ t* 1 ** 1 -^™*fi (cf. Diod. 31.30: fodxpww cfXoKiStv xotl _ In the second series of civic decrees, the order on the Tean stones, so far as that is known, again does not appear to be geographical; and one decree (158) does not seem to come from Crete. The script is more blockish than that of the first series. 154-157: block found at Tepecik. 154. Aptera The second column begins at line 30, the third at 58. Le Bas-Waddingon 75 [Cauer 60; Cauer 2 128; Michel, Rec. 61; Blass, SGDI 5181; Schwyzer 204; Guarducci, I.Cret. II m 2]. Cf. Robert, Hellenica I (1940) 118 n. 4. jtaTGptttavv ol x£o|jot xal 4f Til- tuv tai ptiiXal Xttl Tlpl fidf Mat ^atpCiv 4 d iw(p p itpcYTEU" fai MevexX^ Auyvuob> t 6 tie i|HkpL<3^a x-sv tv Za &vaw&atto0QCL B t? tnv ndpXtKnv T l ^ av ' c TiftLci 6*6 Tac fa t-oEc T&V HQl9li|pUOTV 12 tcil; xal Ttfr t£k Alovu- oui, noEpexscXeiTie xal np^T&pov Sdypa tv iitglu xa xpL- Wi^JLEV Icp&l' &t£X£*fT|V S& xal !K^ P fr¬ it |_LCJV TCptYYEUiaL tom; Tfii ^WHp^aTir dtawpskwrC'S tSv 60. J. Briscoe, Commentary on Livy Books CCCIX-CCCVII (Oxford 1981) 331, offers neither argument nor citations: he notes the Roman recognition of asylia to Teos, "but that of course would not protect it on the present occasion." Page 317 TS TtSkiv iuaEp^ titxtqj^vggv rcp&C il£vt«c t&c 8e&Ci |idkata 61 go np&i T-fov Atfvwav 5vtec dp^ay^tav tSc niXetiic - 6 &v xal gnXcmfitav JunAyovtcc 6 i- eX^Y^v Sti xal b^6)^aL (diioXpEvticr&ai) itJt Sdpwt xwi Wintpakov {dnoxpl¥fflo 8 ai)Ti^toLC rjikjiv Cfilfffiviai kdl i^IA-dl^ 616- ‘gfl TL Ev TE tofc TEpdiTEfOV ^pdvot^ TUf" )(livd^£V ruOt:Jii fj mown role §a 'EAXTjm ^ tAv 'ATiTEpatwveikr^peLft iip^C MyTeiC tic feiC r dvdypd^l^jfiEv 61 xal G^iIy t 6 te npixepov xml xiv dvavltiwiiv lc ti lepiv xi 5 & x&C Api^|Jt£oc tic Anr^pcfC' ^KdXioa- [itv M joal iid E^Yia t€i£ic ftpeyTEuxic f - - - Ini xitjv Koovdv !(av Blass. 25-26 Robert: the verb has been misplaced. 30 Wilhelm ap. Schwyzer. 37: ANEN. 58: Re i& upwcrwiov t. t. Waddington. Page 318 The earlier decree of Aptera (145) makes no provision for being inscribed. Here lines 34- 35 are explicit in claiming that the status has not lapsed, and 41 that it has not been violated by Aptera. Like a number of these later decrees, the Apterans offer more lengthy protection clauses than in the first series; perhaps the second Tean decree had mentioned this feature of the earlier Cretan acts. Lines 44-45 explictly apply the territorial formula to persons, recognizing the Teans themselves as sacred and inviolable (cf. 160.5). 30: For honoring all the gods cf. 53 and 159.11; but "all our gods" is a strange expression, as Blass saw, and not paralleled in 159. 33: For the order "country and city" see 156.27. 56: Artemis Aptera only here; see Guarducci p. 9 for the possible meanings of the epithet. 155. Eranna Below 154, continuing on to the fourth column on the stone at line 28. Le Bas-Waddington 76 [Cauer 61; Michel, Rec. 62; Blass, SGDI 5182]. Cf. Wilhelm, GGA 160 (1898) 216. ft ft Trjtcijv tvi itoXcillLv [jdp6vtiivJ bn&pxcjv x«l $ [Bl]o: TLpDY^VCJV T3>; TLJV IUjXiOs KarciffEaXxev xocl wpey- yfiWat 1 HpbboTtfv Ml Jltt- (XCXaXCuV OUVTTJpEIW zk fl va tE(mei uK-ft tuv npdY-^Vbiv 4jxl4>Y Hal fat kXelov afttew* xal B™*; rpfj ti Tip/iTEpo-v ftdyp.'a 6 xcrteppAXovto ol mpfiyovoi Kept Tac wart xafhe- 12 poMiLcK; T-djv n6Xto<; xa\ iv h^Qbm xa xptwti^evlEpw^ nept div xtti ot StcMyipav kxo- XflU&WC TQLC £v TWI ^aqitc^aTL Xtt- ifi Taxe^^t^iveM^ \ so te tbs Geb<; eteeJMk; xetl lie^ivdirCkicL t wv xct\ (Fvnnrev^v^ xol dsoxpbaofiair 5 u k iibXic ™v 'Ep^jvUav wart Tspbiepsw TeTfipTjxtv Tav TtpiK; Tt]- 24 te**; ^tMav xal cuvotav, xat vuv j*£vtjuaa fed ad™; atp£cnoc tb tc ftdtp'X tb EfbTffpOV 6llb 1<3V F^h> y6vgw teepl Taq xsOu^krioc wad dcn> s8 X(a? lac nfiksAs t5< Trj- toiv ft^uokK; xal id vuv dvaypd^{e}L £<; tb Page 319 tap^v t6 toB ’AokX-uiioG xal t&v i^iXEav xal ini r.Xtlov ad5ftw s xal i- 33 dv xk lid tAv iu5Xiv xdu Ti]tuv ft xdv TS.V XafliEfttiipivav tul AiOvuctul ™t dpj£®Y^™ n6XtO(; auttav trspa* ft Xax4t y«v ft xji*& 0dXawocv p 36 poaSftoci 6 5 S|Joc A 'Epavvluv xaQdtt Sv ft Euvoxd^ 6n^ &£ Tftloi, t&v 'Epawtoiv ctivotav &v I^ov-te TCO P V mfr6s n Tiffouc tsoX[xb£ 4 D a Epa^vitiW, clvoti ht crux&u; xa l . AiiXiiav Xal fvxr^aw y®<; keI obdav ^ractvou- pev 64 xal tools; rtpe-YT^^C MevexX£a AigvwEh ini xe 44 tGl axeti&Eiv uit£p t 5 l£ flaTpift**; -tpiX-g- xl|J!6^ xal xdv iv&ayliav wcnraftoflaL d£kjt; d^KpotcpSv tdv itoXEtJVj fyiEV 64 xal lKpo^ivo^ t&c wv > Epav- 48 vkav n6Xwx; P xa^crat 54 aiir6<; xal t,x\ 4 je 1 Tav jcatvdv £nriav. 29 Wilhelm: tpa^ai. The earlier decree is not extant; the city of is attested also in the list of Cretan allies of Eumenes II in 183 BC (I.Cret. IV 179.a.6: 'e^^, as twice here). It may have been in the Lasithi; cf. P. Faure, Kadmos 32 (1993) 69. Evidently Asclepius was their chief god; cf. the Arcades (150.43, 159.34). 10: They are asked to inscribe the decree that their ancestors "set down": the verb is unusual and perhaps implies that the first decree had not been publicly inscribed. 11: On the order "inviolable and sacred" (contrast line 27; cf. 157.13, 159.32) see p. 33. 23ff.: Eranna is rather less explicit than Aptera in claiming that the status has continued in force. The protection provision concerns the place Teos, and there is no confusion with personal asylia; when granting honors to the Teans as persons Eranna turns quite properly to citizenship rights (so too Biannus). 156. Biannus Below 155, continuing to the fifth column on the stone at line 7, the sixth (which has longer lines) at 35. Le Bas-Waddingon 77 [Cauer 62; Michel, Rec. 63; Blass, SGDI 5183; Guarducci, I.Cret. I 2 ]. Wilhelm, GGA 160 (1898) 216. VI Page 320 BtswUiiv fBtawlwv to!? x^opGte xA Tm rz^SX-Et, T-^oi - mv Ij AQoipftuTVl tt ■&p&¥p pocrfWjero- |iEV Ma(J6it (v ipgM Sgvrwt p lv ic to®? XmroT^ meLpcfofijJE&a «(et tiw>; 3s iyaGtli up.™ ndpiktioL yt^aflaL - £itm- vQupev bk xal xLXoi] Kai GndpxavtES Vit m\ upey]- 4 tedfftaXjttw 'Hp6Sot*^ My|v[o&£w 3 MsvexXSj^ AiovucCu.,] OL YtiX frcl T&V IvMkTpiaV [t 6 TE aT^Jkjxav] Kfid atitel SieXEyiqv dfcxoXo$9w^ tote dv [rwt xsxaxe]- Mp te lou cTvat Ifp&v xql[L ScfuAov TfjV itdXlV^ KCz .1 fi] & ouvdffTi^oiv te ™v £pTjaji4>[v tuv &q8£v™v tiavtcla t& dv] AtXijpOw; Kai. £v AlSojIGl^i ftrtdp TC t[cjv &XXttV tuv m^itjpepdYTttV dfjqwtd]- pfltL^ toa^ ji6Xmlv ^EEXdyi^jav jiimSt Tc[dtxi£ oicmj&CH; Start EftoCcv '(MJciXXatw’u tgTq xforpouc x«l tc6Xei d[itt>Kp£vaofkctJ xa Tr^tou; hv&%\ xdl £v ispdtepov %pdvot^ &E&m Tf^olk; ij -rfjvj 16 x^&pftv rcsqsatp^mai. Ka®LEp«ij:Evip 3 6 h6Xk; 4 ] {M}oXXakft die xal kip xrje Iftlae Ev {te tote XocTwte rcet}- pacr6pE0a a[c[ tlvoi; dya6ou xapatiLCn e^vai" tnaivou^isv hh xalj tg 4; dn[ll tot TH[-) The Tean mason wrote the city's name n«xx«tuv throughout. 7 Rigsby, x«t Wilhelm, 8 Blass: x*p“* Waddington. 8 fin. Wilhelm: foayyrtMvxw iv] Waddington, ** "Atiaxww^ -s& tv] Blass. 10 fin.: METAP[. 13 Blass: t&&6y|iai] Waddington. 15 Blass: Waddington. 17 Blass: [™m 6***i * Waddington. 19: Blumel confirms Guarducci's suggested restoration. Malla was a small city south of the Lasithi, facing the south coast; its earlier decree does not survive. 8 : This is the only mention of an oracle in the Tean material. For "demonstrate," see Welles, Royal Corres. p. 367. Page 322 14: On the god see Guarducci pp. 232-233. 16: for the more common V i p^°p at ; note without (hence Waddington's restoration at 7; cf. 159.39, 160.7; but the formulae of the recognition are not those of the protection clause); "city" alone at 156.11 (the recognition). 158-159. Block found in the cemetery at Gesusler. 158. Cnidus (?) Chishull 118; Hessel no. 16 [Boeckh, CIG 3052.12]; Le Bas-Waddington 79 [Bliimel, I.Knidos 802].6i itJm.qtEerQsfj |jiI Saqjioupyou %pta- vw^vLocl Boeckh thought the lines centered and a heading for the Arcadian decree that follows; Waddington saw that we have the end of a different decree. He invoked the eponymous damiourgos to suggest C??idus as author; neither this office nor the month Artamitios is found in Crete. Possibly it was inscribed in this group because the Tean ambassadors to Crete passed through Cnidus on their way there or back. 159. Arcades Below 158, continuing on to the second column at line 29; below are inscribed the decrees of Cnossus and Priansus praising these envoys but not mentioning asylia .62 Lines 1-11 init., 28-50: Chishull 118-120; Hessel no. 16; Pococke 17 no. 8 [Boeckh, CIG 3052.3-55]. Complete: Le Bas-Waddington 80 [Cauer63; Michel, Rec. 64; Blass, SGDI 5185; Guarducci, I.Cret. I v 53]. Cf. Wilhelm, GGA 160 (1898) 216. Apxft&dv ’Apxi&tou we xtfl ’em ntfXer fuet- xal eOvoot ftn&p govts; 4 Teh TtfSXsi &LCT fipQT^WV seal npeoPeyrdc dnforafccav Mt|vch&6tw p Al- C3vuctL*Uj dt kfll triL T& xoivdv tmv Ap- xd£kiiv t< 5 &Ti£5fcMs xat re xal xSk Xupa-^ dv^Yp^4°M £V ^ K *SdTL mpaxaXtfEC 5 l 4 tou 4^9[ov,axo^, ek id tepdv toQ hoxXontDOp xal mw* ti^^o^iev t 4 5i5ap£va Ci^tlv (j^MvOpcomr ita- g£ paxoXecj^vxwv 5 £ ™v njpcijPtgxav 5 ouvai ij^vj LoorooXiTcLav xal twsijaiv ywc xal obdas xal dxi- XctaMp xaOrd xt 5 E 5 oficv \x$w y xal xivcc ^SixActcv Cj^-hj^ ^ tiv j((Jpriv IteipatpMvpal fiv Xa0iXpcajl^- *0 v«^ wir iwwffwi xal twXe^ww xaxd yav fj xnxk 0 EXadoav N (kpaB^e^itv tijifv xaft^xi Sv fks- ^cv 5 yvaxol' fEvat 6t xal xh ^lAAvGpwita Ti^to^ im- p 1 'ApxdGt iidvca 5 oa xal ApxdGuv Ecrcai. 1 twa^otiEV 44 5 t xal T&t TCpEaptijtd< + Hpdtoftov xal MfvpcX^a ini x&i oitE^ficiv (*nip natpE&x; ixxe’M^ xal -icapcxkSeqitav iroiptfytf&ai d£lw; iS^upoxt- pdv Tap mdXctJv, ti auiolc: xal 5^ia xd fx Ttjv vijiDVj cfva.1 5i MijwMttJ xal MevexXff Ah^vvaImi xpoSi.^ xas tc6Xco^ 8: noAAAE Chishull, n °l Sherard, daeae Le Bas. 10: KAI . . TAN Chishull, Kfp^Tac) Boeckh, II . . 0 . ti:ae Le Bas, IKp^o,? waddington, fKp^ai]4a<; Blass. 13 (&> ad. Wilhelm, iv*{»v> Blass: tl^-pov, & Le Bas-Waddington. 18: ™ where we should have *«. 24: Blass. 25 Blass: [k.*«p«vi] Waddington, *jk>xoyi) Wilhelm. 27 Blass: [5*w;] Waddington, [^v^v] Wilhelm. 28 Blass: I^t. Waddington. 43: ESTIN Sherard. Page 324 The Arcadians voted 150, which was to be inscribed in the same temple as this decree now provides again (34). They are "unwilling to be behind with regard to those who are faithfully disposed on the score of gratitude" (29-30). At 36 they say quite explicitly that isopoliteia and other civic rights were requested by the Teans. In the penalty clause (39) they merge the protection of persons and territory (restored in 157.15, expanded in 160.5). 160. Hyrtacina Block found by the acropolis in 1924; h. 0.49, w. 0.42, th. 1.36; letters 0.01, intersp. 0.005. Y. Bequignon and A. Laumonier, BCH 49 (1925) 298-303 no. 1; cf. 482 [SEG 4.599; Guarducci, I.Cret. II xv 2]. Photograph: Bequignon and Laumonier pi. 10. Cf. Robert, RPhil 53 (1927) 97-99 (Op. min. sel. II 1052-54). -t&s fefr; e[d]- (f?ep -*-***■*-*«■**- Juv £k t&v I-- - - ncufjcnai TjiTqs] [aoncAlioct Jxori) 4 [AtcXe^ xai ttedipfii Xrtl elpjautu;, xal at xk [xw cftixfoj wnrev£[i£ x«l UpiK [idvca^ JioXeJufjL ^ xoltA y&v f) x-axS Sitac- [paV xav xa8itp£i3|_il- 3 [v]«v T pw[&4Jaei 4 4 %«q<; 6 ^TprccQfi^-ufv xaft&c 4v fttivurai |iSXurror 54 xiv Avavi- wiv t 6 Upjta t* tS( *11(1®;' un£px CEV ^ xal 'Tpxcoavtw^ r Ep65orov Mtj- 13 VoM™, MEVQdip iiiaviKJikl x6^ ww Jip£YY EUfT ^ ( r £n«Lv£o«i 56 ffArdj £rrl xat 4v&aji[ai xal xfii Xckime St nemol^vT«t AEWc x«c m4Xid<; tc tov Tiftur* i€ xal “Tpxotxivtaav ti4)*d£ xal otforoirctlV xa- X.^qvit 54 xal ini xi^ TEp5|r$ux4^ ini xSv xocv&v fcaxlav x4 AfcX^Jhiov. Eppuafr. 18 Robert. Hyrtacina was in the southwest of the island. 4: The request has been merged with personal inviolability. For the phrase, here oddly applied, cf. 156.26. 5: Cf. 154.44. 7: Cf. 157.16. 18: On the envoys' entertainment in a temple see Guarducci, SMSR 13 (1937) 162-163. Page 325 161. Unidentified Cretan city Block found by the acropolis in 1924; h. 0.49, w. 0.48, th. 1.30; letters 0.01, intersp. 0.004. Bequignon and Laumonier 303-305 no. 2; cf. 482-483 [SEG 4.600]. Photograph: Bequignon and Laumonier pi. 11. Cf. Robert, BCH 50 (1926) 491 n. 3 (Op. min. sel. I 55). -&jj£] xal Av[a]- th JtpAtEpPv &o6lv a{rzo\ pva toutwv - X6^evm toft; &piL>v q xalL aik&v [i&t] an [tip^aJy^TaL AiGvlwjgh Xal T3V io'jXLciv t 4 lEfpb’u th] owiTjpTpk^cv x«l tk t4 Xhk|&v] [xaSfib]< {fiv} 4 |i 4 nafaxaXIovti- fhtai £4 cJi4iphd[vq t TiScv] (nat T AjXX^Xpu^ qLkew^^th xal quXtav £jA ^X[e"oyJ 34 [a^}E{?0ai xht 4 itdvra Tf^nov, &pU*v ET[ ] 3 Wilhelm (SEG): fiw — ™jw* Bequignon and Laumonier. 4 Wilhelm: — <*E^* B./L. 6 Bliimel by communication: [-- -B./L 10 Robert: B./L. 24: or EX; perhaps p^x^v^v Robert (SEG). The only hint toward identifying the city is the cult of Athena, too common to be useful. The name is to be supplied in 4. At 9ff.: "Both previously (*p«™*= *p^cpov) we exercised every care for the things about which the Teans have written, joining in devoting ourselves nobly in every way, and now, holding to the same policy, we have attended to the envoys favorably, and wishing to act in keeping with the benefactions already established by us toward the city of the Teans, we renew" etc. In 20 the accusative appears to be an error for the genitive (but cf. p. 162). Page 326 Alabanda Alabanda stood over the valley of the Marsyas River and the road that connected southern Caria to the Maeander Valley. The city was rich and important in the Hellenistic age and enjoyed an enduring relationship with the Seleucid dynasty. Refounded as "Antioch of the Chrysaorians" around 260 BC , it maintained the royal name throughout the troubled generations that followed, reverting to "Alabanda" only after the defeat of Antiochus III in 190. This was one of the few cities of Caria south of the Maeander that became free after 188, excluded from the gift to Rhodes.i The inviolability of the city and country, attested by decrees of Athens and the Delphian Amphictyony, was recognized in the wake of the western expedition of Antiochus III (204- 202 bc). The recognition was made in the names of two gods, Zeus Chrysao??eus and Apollo Isotimus. The first was patron of the League of the Chrysaoreans, of which many cities of Hellenistic Caria, including Alabanda, were members ;2 they met at the temple of Zeus Chrysaoreus at Stratoniceia.3 Thus there is nothing surprising in finding this god honored also at Alabanda, although in fact the two asylia decrees are our only testimony. 1. Mage II 993-995; J. and L. Robert, Fouilles d'Amyzon I p. 17. On the names, Holleaux, Etudes III 141-157; Robert, Op. min. sel. I 22-23 and BCH Suppl. 1 (1973) 435-466 (refuting the traditional chronobgy that dated the refoundation to the end of the third century). Some limited excavation was carried out in 1904-5; the remains have deterbrated greatly since then: Edhem-Bey, CRAI 1905, 443-459; 1906, 407-422; H. Lauter, Bjb 171 (1971) 134- 139; G. Bean, Turkey beyond the Maeander (London 1971) 80-89. Freedom: Polyb. 30.5.15; Livy 43.6.5; cf. P. M. Fraser and G. E. Bean, The Rhodian Peraea (Oxford 1954) 107-108; Seyrig, Tresors 55; M. Errington, Chiron 17 (1987) 101. 2. Robert (1973, 452-453) notes that the coins allude to the city's membership by the emblem of Pegasus, the horse of Chrysaor (Hes. Theog. 281); cf. Amyzon p. 224. 3. Strab. 14.2.25 (660); cf. A. Laumonier, Cultes indigenes en Care (Paris 1958) 200-211. Page 327 As to Apollo, his temple was identified by means of dedicatory texts inscribed on two columns in Roman times: Ecpatnou; xai ’icoii^ixai -cui and ’itj[o]ti(«i)i .4 This Ionic temple, in the northern part of the city, was the largest building observed on the site. It seems to date from the later second century B . c , part of the frieze survives, showing an Amazonomachia. Vitruvius, discussing pseudodipteral temples, mentions first the Magnesians' by Hermogenes of Alabanda, then that of Apollo by "Menesthes";5 the second temple is usually taken to be that at Alabanda, which is in fact pseudodipteral. In the two decrees Apollo is named second after Zeus. The civic coins, however, make clear that Apollo, not Zeus, was the patron of Alabanda.6 The abundant Hellenistic issues, which begin ca. 200 B . c ., show on the obverses only Apollo; the reverses show Pegasus (the horse of Chrysaor), or on smaller silver and on bronze Apolline types (cithara, tripod) among others. His epithet marks him as being "of equal honor"equal, apparently, to his father, Zeus. Clearly this was Apollo's official title, used even when he is named without Zeus, as on the columns from the temple precinct. The epithet has been variously interpreted: as an act of Hellenism, Greek Apollo given equal honor with Carian Zeus (so Dittenberger); or as a reflection of contemporary politics, the Seleucid ancestor given equal honor with the city's traditional patron Zeus upon the royal refoundation (so Robert).7 But the beginnings of the cult cannot be dated and need not be credited to Seleucid rule. A reading of the epithet that holds the chief civic cult to be no more than an expedient and temporary political fiction is in my view unlikely and unnecessary. The sentiment expressed by Apollo's epithetequality of honor asserted against some challenged readily paralleled in the religious sphere and need not be taken as a metaphor from contemporary politics. Thus Poseidon 4. Edhem-Bey 1906, 419; Laumonier, BCH 58 (1934) 298-299; cf. Cultes 436-437. 5. Vitr. De arch. 3.2.6 (a Menesthe facta). The architect is not otherwise on record; the name, though known in myth (II. 5.609; FGrHist 328 f 111), is not common (a Euboean, IG XII.9 1220; an Alexandrian, I.Cret. II xvi 8). I suggest that this is an error for the more familiar name Menestheus, especially popular at Carian Aphrodisias, where it is found in one family of artists (Lippold, RE 15 [1931] 852), and also of a mint magistrate at Alabanda (C. Boehringer, Zur Chronobgie mittelhellenistischer Munzserien [Berlin 1972] 188-189). 6. For the sequence of the coins see Boehringer 9-11, 186-189; Seyrig, Tresors 54-55; N. Waggoner in Kraay-M?? rkholn Essays (Louvain 1989) 283-290; M. J. Price, The Coinage in the Name of Alexander (London/Zurich 1991) 308- 310. 7. Robert 1973, 460; Amyzon p. 141. Laumonier, Cultes 434-435, envisbned this only to reject it, though on the dubbus grounds that only an old and indigenous god would have been thought worthy of invblability, and that Tcdtuioc may conceal some non-Greek epithet. Farnell, Cults IV 176, took it to mean "the god of equal civic rights," comparing Apolb Eleutherius at Alabanda (folbwed by Adler, RE 9 [1916] 223). Page 328 once heatedly asserted his equality with Zeus, and Apollo's son Branchus was patrio aequalis honori.9 The epithet may derive from some local myth about a past rivalry of the two gods for the city, with Apollo winning the role as patron and acknowledged as equal to his father. The cult and cult title may well be older than Seleucid rule, although doubtless the Alabandans, like others, exploited their cult of Apollo in their dealings with the Seleucids. I suggest that if there is anything "political" about the pair of gods honored in the asylia quest, it is rather Zeus Chrysaoreus who is the polite addition, named first in deference to the League of the Chrysaoreans. So too at Amyzon, where Artemis is seen to dominate before and after Antiochus' conquest, Apollo's name was placed first in its asylia documentsprobably in deference to the Seleucids (see p. 335). Two gods are named, but we have only one occasion and request. Was one cult place in question or two? The Pergamenes, for example, eventually came to have two inviolable temples on their territory, as did Stratoniceia and apparently Chalcedon, but these as a result of separate requests at different times. Because the Alabandans make a single request, and because the recipient of the status is the whole city and territory, I assume that only one sacred place is at issue, and within the city: therefore the large temple inscribed as Apollo's and mentioned by Vitruvius. Perhaps the precinct contained a sekas of Zeus Chrysaoreus, whom the Alabandans felt it expedient to mention on this occasion. The date is controlled by the eleven Aetolian seats on the Council and the Delphian archon Philaetolus (163: end of the third century), the thirteen Athenian tribes (162.26: before 200), and the role of Antiochus III (whose similar actions at Amyzon, Labraunda, Nysa, and Teos were part of his western expedition, 204-202 BC ). At Delphi the Alabandan envoy competed in the Panhellenic Soteria (163.31-32: ca. August) before attending the autumn meeting of the Amphictyony; if Nachtergael's reckoning of the cycle of the Soteria is correct, this must be August of 201 (Les Galates 232-235, 342 n. 182). The envoys probably set out from Alabanda in the spring; so the king's recognition would be late in 202 or early in 201 .10 8. Horn. II. 15.186. Cf. Hymn. Horn. Merc. 172-173, Hermes W ** anipijcoiuxt ft rap ’AkOXov with E. Benveniste, Indo-European Language and Society (Coral Gables 1973) 463-464; Theoc. 17.16-17: Ptolemy Soter J -------- J x-sip&v «| - -----J t r A ’ - + * XJtrti tj^v fcaUTdO Stjwqirt [*------.) f-£n«i]v£vai*> i v {xal ^uaropcuoak t by) trri^vg [v AigvuaUw] j6 [t£jv i]v fttfrei xatvoEi; [xpaYdJtB*^ iut avtivt xjatvurt xal navalfrjwftj- ijv] nToXc|4^a]Lfcrti x[cm; yujivucC^ A]y^k 3 iV’ irfjc; St Jtoi^cfCtiM; t[ou] eFcr^]d^DU xal cnparTf YOifc] xn,[l] t^v Tcif^ilav t£sv] cTtpaTLoaTtieE™' &e5*£ti9ai Si + AvTlo- 20 noXL we ^ av wajxfli t6v t&v nepl twv itopcwv x[c^tj- 16. L'ivy 33.18.7; but the geography is surprising, and the Roberts have questioned the text (La Care II 379 n. 4). 17. On the fate of Alabanda in the Mithridatic war see C. Marek in Alte Ceschichte und Wissenschaft, Festschrift fur K. Christ (Darmstadt 1988) 285-308, addressing in particular a decree of Alabanda concerning and from Rome. Page 331 [l^Jwiv etc xdv StTcavtffl )(pAvav+ Ses>v iatlv ^it 1 £Evi[t &£] ?4 JmfrJoIlt] nppcSptft^ dv TOsat tqk dywoiv cl; f) *6Ac; xIGt^lv] [xal] np6o , o&ov xp-ta; Tifjv pouX^v khI tAv &%i&v jitta t[&} ['l^rfHfk- 61 *0(1 1 ) poyX^ ol ^CEK^OtOL K^cl JKVn^XOWl[«J [xat 61] ojTpfltrjv^ xCiv frrnBfpo6vt(a\i Avtioxf^ {ntfr p]0e- 18 totxwvrsf trantaai rati xofr; T«(^aYEY0v6xa^ np£o| 3 [Et-;] Ikuaifia^av 'luTpo^ai^^ SA^wa-coq^^ri^ ’ )cal (njej- qnjvtk™ fcxdtepo^ auxuv ftocXXou orefd^r xocXfoai &£ Qt&xofcf;] xat Ini Bctn^ov tl$ t& itputaveitiv tlx; aCpL&v’ ttvaypd.^t it x4&[e] 3* t& t6v Ypcqi^flTHta tAv x«xd xpwcotvdoiv iv gt^Xei Xe6I~ |v]ex xsd oxfJosL iv &y apai L x6 A& yey^uevov Av4Xej|ja cL; x^v itoEirj- oiv -rifc cn^Xi^ xal 4 v 40 eo?v ^cpkm xdv ntyitnv Kcd tgA; [ i]n\ xei Eioix^otu 36 ^| pOuX^j t^j pdgXVj fj ppyX^ 6 E%nx naijatjj-a^tjv *I-fflTfxixX£- gw; 6 £qiiv, x«X Hosi>i[i4j,axo^ Si 6 net- p 1 cnitSv TCpitTp&iSrjSv iv ixfitvaLs; t£ tail tlov 'BXXa- 16 vtiiv 4 vioTpcirEcrt + xdL vuv notedxpqopftv too Stew* 19. Amid other equestrian statues, apparently of Seleucids: see on 7. Page 333 {toy} Toting moTcX0&v hot! t 5 ouvi&piov £qj^v T tt£p[ t£ t 3£ IM^C flfeTpt&« KqWl miS^%iT|«£p £pfsvt£tiiv t&v cio^pfiiotv ml liv Aperta, Ajioutt; Bfc ml mpl paaiXio; 20 lAvticS^ou toD siqpT^a i Avrit>x^ v eOX 6 yt?sf eilx^^r*™ Biirftt &t 6 ri t4lv ftqiOKjraitav ml t&v etpdmv {av} tgX$ Avnoxcfrriv 5tai?uX[iaa£i m[i] twv j^poy^wv 6 i£W ml pfifd&ij Airttofxov] inatvti! ml gropa^oT Ix&Tcpsv cbiJ&vt xuXxtai forrotndtxEi iicl men, tow; ffraoat ££ t&s ebtivat; twt lepSi 1*5 friaSA- s& X«w; xoG TTv0C*?u xbI XBpG£&i £v to&; HuStou;- liwavei ml HauaE- ptB^ov 'ItiTpoxXIfK ml ffiKpatvot mefnivtji 4prt5c Ivs- Xfv XQtl 9lAoi14jt'3C TFjC tk TftV tfUTOU nattpl&x, Xftl XOtpO^BL Tdv v Eurrpfcav dt$- 3 p qw>av’ 0 nwc M x&l inrf^vg^B iji, etc Srarvra xp^o*, iwypA+ni x60e id i(id^LO|ia £v toil pdfcxei tfti to{j JBaaLMc^ Avitd^ou iv t&t leptjL to'j AitdAXuvoc toO riuStou ml wt* Xvttjo^flc xai xwvii it 0 v A^iftxrtdvwv oypayLGi. A few letters have been bst to flaking since earlier editions; I have not indicated these bsses. 4 cf. Dittenberger n. 3: iMaMeniocji Couve. 6 Pomtow: An^a^tr*, Couve. 6 Baunack: Couve. 17 Flaceliere: u xo- [Xov .. | T HA The script looks to be ca. 200 BC The Roberts describe this as a boundary. The pertinent formulae are lost, however, and given its findspot within the temple complex itself, this column may instead have been an element of the temple, inscribed with a brief statement of the royal benefaction such as adorned the gate of Xanthus in Lycia (164). As the Roberts note, the verb suggests restoration rather than the creation of a new status. I am unsure whether is a second predicate, "restored the temple (to be) inviolable," or a simple adjective, "restored the inviolable temple" [to the goddess, people, vel sim.J.s No. 20. A civic decree honors one Hierocles who went on an embassy, presumably to the royal authorities, "concerning those who were plundering ... the asylum, and destroyed the bandits": $ [ - - - ] npeofktfoa^ ( - J [ - • - Xcwteutivtiiiv t?|v [Fltpiv [kbI] SovXom troaveEXiro t[oEjc ------ 7. Cf. SEG 35.1476.9-10: (the Failaka letter). 8. Piejko 613 restores and reads from the photographs fiflU IV* v » ^ I a surprising use of the singular. Page 338 g ptoJupY^ (xtX.) 7/8 Rigsby: bft***/^'* vs*! is also possible; — 1 s™*" Robb. The script appears to be of the late third or early second century. Here is a rare instance of as a noun. If this restoration of 7/8 is correct and the verbs are not exaggerations, not only land but the temple itself suffered attack some time under Seleucid ruleas had happened in 204/3.9 It is evident that Antiochus' benefactions included recognizing the inviolability of the Artemisium. It is worth stressing, however, that none of the extant texts is demonstrably such a grant; the obvious candidate is the lost beginning of no. 13. Nor do these several testimonies establish with certainty whether the inviolability of the Artemisium was newly granted now or merely confirmed by Antiochus in 203a new status or the continuation of a Ptolemaic privilege. Several passages (in 13, 10, 12) might suggest such continuity, while the analogy of Antiochus' actions at Teos, Alabanda, and Xanthus points to a new status. 9. The natural thought that the two events are onethat the "brigands" were Seleucid troops and the embassy was to Antiochus III and prompted his intervention at Amyzonseems excluded by the claim that Hermogenes "destroyed" the malefactors. But I do not understand the relation between the embassy and this act of destruction, unless this last was in fact accomplished by the king (i.e., Hierocles "brought about the destruction" of the malefactors). Page 339 Xanthus Xanthus, the greatest city in Lycia, gave first honor to Leto and her children .1 Here Leto came for rest after the birth of Apollo and Artemis. Their temple complex stands on a hill across the river, five kilometers downstream from the city proper. The excavators of the Letoon have found that the sacred place flourished from the Achaemenid period through the Roman. The largest of the temples, Leto's, appears to derive from the late third century BC . or soon after; that of Artemis was funded by a Ptolemaic officer in the years between 205 and 197.2 Mithridates was deterred by a dream from cutting trees in the Letoon (App. Mith. 27). The Lycian philosopher Proclus had a good education in the musical arts because he received it at his home city, ^upatvioo (Marin. V.ProcIi 6 ). Xanthus is the one certain case of declared asylia in Lycia.3 The grant is known from one inscription, a secondary reference but seemingly contemporary with the recognition itself. 164. Antiochus III Limestone block (h. 2.0, w. 0.91) forming the right pillar of the southern gate of the city; the text, which was subsequently erased, faces across the passageway.4 Monumental letters of early second century B .c, 0.018, intersp. 0.013, A with 1. Strab. 14.3.6 (666): WfM t£iv P. Demargne and H. Metzger, RE 9a (1967) 1375-1408; C. Le Roy, RA 1974, 322-333. 2. TAM II 263 (= OGIS 91); cf. Pros.Ptol. VI 15203. 3. Roman Tbs, praising itself as the site of a cult of Livia newly instituted by the Lycian League, offers an clative: "They designated the most holy city of the Tbans, because of its race of good men, its zeal in every undertaking, and its distinction for justice and by a tty." [wdiimBciKitiEvoi k<5)*iy u[pa™STnv] -^y (JAM II 549: W 0 ^ eMt *® l vk|p4[vetoiL] Boeckh). This is not evidence that Tbs had been declared invblable. 4. Contrast TAM 264 and 265, facing outward. Page 340 broken bar, right hasta of N and II half descended, E with fully parallel bars. 0. Benndorf, Beitrage zur alten Geschichte, Festschrift 0. Hirschfeld (Berlin 1903) 77-78 (copy and squeeze made by Heberdey and Zingerle in 1898) [Dittenberger, OGIS 746; Kalinka, TAM II 266]. Squeeze (Vienna). fksa&ff&c tifrMs "Ayrjojfoc Tfjl Atjt&h xal TWl iAxSXXurft 4 xocl T§t n Apt£yi£t eruv&Trrmtaoru dUvy^lay, Benndorf took the occasion to be Antiochus' Lycian expedition of 197 B . c . He considered that the king, failing to take Xanthus, "dedicated" it as a facesaving compromise on the analogy of freeing a slave by dedicating him to a god.5 But as Schmitt saw (Untersuchungen 287), the king's campaign in Ptolemaic Lycia in 197 was largely successful, and it is at least as likely, on the analogy of asylia elsewhere, that the grant is a favor to a city that the king in fact won over, whether as conqueror or friend; and the recognition may have come only after longer negotiations, like the favors to Amyzon and perhaps Teos, and so perhaps somewhat later than 197. In any case, a decree of Xanthus of late 196 (Amyzon 15b) reveals a Seleucid city, dating its acts by the Seleucid calendar and the priest of the royal cult, but doing its own business as a Greek polis. This decree, if it is subsequent to the declaration of inviolability, offers neither support nor contradiction to the notion of asylia as equivalent to fiscal (or other) independence from the crown. Like Miletus, Xanthus seems to be an exception to the rule that the temple alone received inviolability if it stood outside the city proper. In this summary statement on the gate, the mention of the "city," without the territory, need not be taken to reflect the terms of the recognition; compare "city" alone in the oracle for Cyzicus (165.7-8 but 168.8). It is interesting, in the context of the parallels we have, that the king alone is credited with the recognition, not a Panhellenic quest; but we should put little reliance on this brief text.6 The stated motive, Seleucid descent from Apollo, is the same one seen at Miletus. 2: The compound ^p^ (instead of «#*) is rare before the Roman period: e.g., a manumission (IG VII 3332) and a dedication (I.Delos 1757; cf. 1753). 5. This has been widely accepted; cf.J. and L. Robert, Fouilles d'Amyzon I p. 161; doxography at L. Boffo, I re ellenistici e i centri religbsi dell' Asia Minore (Pavia 1985) 322-323. 6. Seyrig, Ant. syr. Ill 4, adduced this inscriptbn in arguing that "sacred" was an act of the king and "invblable" an act of the Panhellenb community. Page 341 Cyzicus Cyzicus, the great city on the Propontis, was given by Zeus to Kore as her dowry upon her marriage to Hades, and there she was held in first honor. 1 She defended her city against the Giants, and again in 73/2 BC . when she destroyed the siege engines of Mithridates .2 Her image is regularly shown on the coins already in the fourth century, labeled later her torch marks the pseudo-Lysimachean tetradrachms issued by Cyzicus,4 and she continues to dominate the coins in Roman times. The Mysteries of Kore are mentioned often in the inscriptions.5 The exact location of her temple is not known, but it was certainly within the city proper: this is explicit in Appian's account of the siege by Mithridates; we hear also of a "sacred agora," and a statue of a poet was set up "in the precinct of blooming Kore, so that boys born later may have in the 1. App. Mith. 75: xatocfcoonot 1 i'4XujTttfle£o'v. The rape occurred at Cyzicus, according to Propertius (3.22.4) and perhaps Priapea 75.13. Cf. F. W. Hasluck, Cyzicus (Cambridge 1910) 210; Robert, BCH 102 (1978) 460-477 (DAM 156-173); M. J. Price and B. Trell, Greek Coius and Their Cities (Detroit 1977) 109-116. Kore is probably the patrias thea mentioned in I.Didyma 504; cf. Robert, DAM 167. 2. FGrHist 472 f 2. App. Mith. 75; Plut. Luc. 10; Porph. Abst. 25; cf. B. C. McGing, Phoenix 38 (1984) 12-18, for the date. 3. BMC Mys'ia 124-133; SNG Copenhagen Mysia 53-55; von Aubck 1217-1226. Bronzes of imperial date with K6p*i Ec&ttipaBMC 175-179, 200-201, 209; Copenhagen 99-102; von Aubck 1252-1253. Cf. Robert, DAM 168-169. 4. Seyr'ig, Centennial Publication of the ANS (New York 1958) 618 (Scripta numism. 207); M. J. Price, The Coinage in the Name of Alexander (Zurich/London 1991) 207; torch on late Hellenistic bronzes: BMC 146, 160-167; Copenhagen 79-84; von Aubck 1234, 1238-1243. 5. Hasluck 212-213. Neanthes of Cyzicus (early III b.c.) wrote a tract Hepi TtXrt£iv j n which the Cyzbene rites no doubt had a place: FGrHist 84 f 15; cf. 37 (Neanthes exiled for impiety). Page 342 city a testimony to hospitality and an incitement to wisdom."6 In the western part of the city Kore had a monumental altar ,7 probably commemorating her assistance in some Cyzicene victory. Around 200 BC Cyzicus obtained inviolability and Panhellenic games, the Soteria, in honor of Kore. In testimony we have (with various degrees of probability) an oracle of Apollo of Delphi urging the quest, isolated decrees of Rhodes and of Dium in response to the Cyzicene request, and a fragment of an archive of recognitions by cities in northwestern Greece.8 The oracle (165) is known through copies at Delos and Delphi. At Delos the oracle is followed on the stone by a Delian decree granting space for the inscribing of Apollo's oracle, as requested by three Cyzicene theoroi. This title shows that their primary mission was not this simple request of Delos: rather they must have been religious emissaries returning from Delphi, sent either to obtain the present oracle or to proclaim the games and inviolability that the oracle had called for. Because no Delian decree of inviolability is on this stele, and the Cyzicenes invoke only the oracle and no recognition from Delphi, I believe the first option is more likely: these are not the proclaimers of the new honors, but the men who had been sent earlier to consult Apollo. The extant Delphian copy of the oracle seems to be later in script than the Delian; apparently it was a reinscribing of the inscription that is mentioned in the Delian decree, done when a gathering of texts pertinent to Cyzicus was made. Thus one control on the date of the inviolability of Cyzicus is the script and prosopography of the Delian inscriptionhence the end of the third century or the beginning of the second. We have, I believe, two segments of the archive of decrees of acceptance that must have been inscribed at Cyzicus. The two fragments are consistent in date with each other and with the oracle, ca. 200 BC . A decree of Rhodes (166), found at Cyzicus, has not been recognized as a grant of asylia, because the substance of what was requested does not survive. At the prompting of three Cyzicene theoroi, Rhodes "accepts the proclamation" and praises the Cyzicenes for their piety: given these phrases, their request can only have concerned Panhellenic games or territorial inviolability; and Apollo had told Cyzicus to proclaim both. Not content but attribution is at issue with the archival fragment, an inscription that Viscount Strangford acquired in the East, now in the British Museum (167-170). Strangford stated that it came from Megara. Foucart in 6. CIG 3671 [Kaibel, Ep'gr. 880; IGR IV 164]: a™ rateec t xmev. The sacred agora: E. Schwertheim, ZPE 29 (1978) 213-228 [SEG 28.953.58] and Ael. Arist. 26.14 K. For the topography of Cyzicus see Hasluck 1-16. 7. See I. Samothrace 29, with J. R. MacCredie, ArchDelt 26 (1971) Chron. II 443 and pi. 438. 8. The fragments FD III.3 359-361 (with Robert, DAM 173 n. 116) may be relevant, as they mentbn games and the goddess; Cyzicus has voted to send ambassadors, not theoroi, to Delphi, so this is probably not the mission seeking the games and inviolability; perhaps instead merely to request space for inscriptions. Page 343 brief and Holleaux in detail argued that the subject of the decree of Megara is the cult of [Kore] Soteira (170.6) at Cyzicus, whose honors were known from the oracle. Robert, however, who established that the inscription contains distinct decrees and derives from an archive, concluded that Megara must be the source of the request and the home of the theoroi, where alone such an archive would be inscribed; and that the Megarian goddess Artemis Soteira was the honorand. In my view, his attribution to Megara is improbable. The Greek mainland has little to show of asylia outside of Boeotia, and Robert already saw other objections to his attribution. The great god of Megara was Apollo Pythaeus; an Artemis Soteira we know only from two mentions of Roman date .9 Nor should a Megarian envoy bear an Ionic name (170.4 ).10 Robert's recognition of the archival character of the inscription is inescapable, but so too is the attribution of this goddess Soteira to Cyzicus. The error lies rather with Strangford. Attributions in the Strangford Collection have several times proved false, 11 for good reason. The antiquities that Viscount Strangford eventually donated to the British Museum he collected while he was British ambassador in Constantinople from 1821 to 1824.12 These were the first years of the Greek war of independence, which early on effectively removed the Peloponnesus from Ottoman control. Strangford, so far as I can determine, never left Constantinople during his tenure as ambassador .13 He arrived toward June 1821, after the fighting had begun; on 10 April 1822 one of his entourage, William Hamilton, could write to Robert Gordon in Vienna: "From the Morea we hear the most contrasting reports. "14 Thus it seems certain that Strangford acquired our inscription (167-170) in Constantinople and could have no personal knowledge of its origin. His attribution can be no better than his informant, this in a time of great turmoil in Greece. We might reckon a Peloponnesian origin in fact rather unlikely, given the circumstances of the 1820s. By contrast, many stones over the 9. For Apolb of Megara see Rigsby, GRBS 27 (1986) 93-102; Artemis Soteira: Paus. 1.40.2 and the priestess at IG VII 112. 10. For the opposite, the affecting of Doric in names, see J. and L. Robert, Fouilles d'Amyzon I 100 n. 26. 11. R. A. McNeal, Archaeobgy 20 (1967) 263; B. Cook, JourJPGettyMus 1 (1974) 35; Rigsby, GRBS 16 (1975) 405 n. 8 . 12. I owe to Brian Cook, Keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities, the informatbn (derived from the record of donatbn) that all the material in the Strangford Collectbn, though donated to the museum years later, was gathered during his dipbmatb mission, an important fact that does not seem to be in the public record. 13. On Percy Clinton Sydney Smythe (1780-1855), sixth viscount of Strangford, see Diet. Nal. Bbg. 18.603-605; E. Barrington de Fonblanque, Lives of the Lords Strangford (London 1877) 107-203. My immediate remarks are based on unpublished correspondence, now in the British Library, deriving from the years in Constantinople. 14. British Library MS 43213 f. 167, quoted by permission. Page 344 years have found their way from Cyzicus to Constantinople; to quote Bernard Ashmole, Cyzicus, "close to the sea and a few hours' sail from Constantinople, invites spoliation. "15 Hasluck was able to assign to Cyzicus several unattributed inscriptions in the Strangford Collection. 16 I suggest that the present inscription is another such, and its reported attribution to Megara is the result of confusion or mendacity. It is the weakest piece of information we have about the stone, whereas the arguments of Foucart, Holleaux, and Robert are compelling. The inference is that this is a part of an asylia archive from Cyzicus. The script dates this inscription to the late third century or early second. The Rhodian decree does not survive to compare on the score of script. The decree found at Dium in Macedonia, which was of course Dium's copy rather than a wandering piece of the archive at Cyzicus, is not yet published. To these honors for Kore of Cyzicus we have another Hellenistic reference. Toward 120 BC the explorer Eudoxus of Cyzicus visited Alexandria as a 0 ^^toa T av ko^v 17 This certainly is the Panhellenic Soteria urged by the oracle;is Posidonius says Koreia to indicate the Cyzicene games of Kore, where Soteria would have been ambiguous for his readers. The use of as for the Eleusinian Mysteries, shows that mysteries were a part of the Panhellenic festival. From the first century AD on, we hear instead of the Phersephassia and of the Mysteriesapparently the terms were interchangeable; at any rate no inscription uses both. This was the "sacred isopythian contest of Kore" attested in imperial times: It seems probable that the Soteria lapsed late in the Hellenistic period, like many other Greek festivals, and was reorganized and renamed after civic life had revived in the Greek world during the early Empire. Other testimonies to the status of the city and the cult are few. A friend of the Attalids, Cyzicus was declared a free city in the settlement of 188 BC . (Polyb. 25.2.13). In the 130s bc. a Cyzicene was praised for his embassies to the Roman authorities concerning, among other things, the safety and the "rights" of the city .20 In 73 the miracle of Kore persuaded Mithridates to abandon 15. JWarb 19 (1956) 81. Examples: CIG 3657; Robert, Op. min. sel. Ill 1581-1583; DAM 148-156; Bull, ep'gr. 1966, 254; 1971, 419; 1972, 287; R. Demangel, Contribution a la topographie de I'Hebdomon (Paris 1945) 33. Marbles from Cyzicus helped build Hagia Sophia: Codinus, De S. Sophia 132.9-10 (65B Bonn). 16. Hasluck 266 on CIG 3661 and 6851; cf. Robert, Etudes anat. 187 n. 4. 17. Posidonius FGrHist 87 f 28 (Strab. 2.3.4 [98]); cf. Pros.Ptol. VI 16258; P. M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria I (Oxford 1972) 182-184, 200. 18. So Robert, DAM 166, with references to earlier discussion, and for the evidence on the games of Kore in Roman times. Plutarch (Luc. 10) calls the festival Phersephassia in reference to the events of 73, but perhaps anachronistically. 19. AEM 8 (1884) 219-220 no. 49 (Perinthus-Heraclea), a list of victories. 20. IGR IV 134; cf. D. Magie in Anatolian Studies Buckler (Manchester 1939) 181 n. 2; E. V. Hansen, Attalids of Pergamum2 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1971) 155. Page 345 the siege of Cyzicus, "inasmuch as it is sacred" (&?ui*c). 2 i Tacitus does not mention the city in his notice on the appeals of AD 22-23 concerning asylia. 165. Oracle of Apollo of Delphi The Delian copy is the older, dated by its script to the late third or early second century; it is followed on the stone by a Delian decree granting space for inscribing the oracle .22 The Delphian copy is on a stone with two other oracles pertinent to Cyzicus ,23 inscribed by the same handa gathering of texts, cut later in the second century BC Delian copy: two fragments (inv. 123 A, B) of a white marble stele, A found in 1878 north of the temple of Apollo, B in 1879 south of the temple, joined by Homolle; broken at top, right, and bottom; h. 0.54, w. 0.315, th. 0.083; letters 0.007 (the heading KuKuei>vfiv] larger). T. Homolle, BCH4 (1880) 471-477 [Michel, Rec. 852; Dittenberger, Syll .2 791]; Roussel, IG XI.4 1298 [Hiller, Syll.3 1158]. Delphian copy: the upper left corner of a marble statue base near the statues of Attalus I and Eumenes II (see Daux, FD III.3 pp. 295-297), inv. 4953 + 2247 + 2423; letters and intersp. 0.008. G. Daux, BCH 59 (1935) 92-94; FD III.3 342 [P. Amandry, La mantique apollinienne (Paris 1950) 163 no. 18; Parke/Wormell II 138-139 no. 341]. Collation. Cf. Wilhelm, Neue Beitr. Ill (1913) 22-27 (Kl. Schr. 1.1 144-148); Robert, Et. epigr. phil. 295 n. 4; Daux, BCH 63 (1939) 171-172; Robert, BCH 102 (1978) 460-477 (DAM 156- 173); Daux, BCH 103 (1979) 467-471; Merkelbach, ZPE 34 (1979) 70. I give the Delian copy, underlining what survives only in the Delphian. 6 fed*; ty lPTiat dt] £nnncXfro9(viL x«t p £vieut£v?J itpSl[cK 4 T«t E&ralpE* kqcXCh; \m\ xorl Xbkov [ctfievj KfA SfJtlWV GlV ii; Up&V T&Y rJ6J- 6 oficr-atY xpt-ci Tout xp[rjo^iouc K&i i&v feaE,«v <><><><><><><><><><><><> The god prophes'ed to the Cyzicenes, [who] first have [annually?] celebrated the Soteria for Kore Soteira well and piously and happily, that it is better and finer 21. App. Mith. 75, though nothing of this is at Memnon FGrHist 434 f 28. 22. IG XI.4 1027; the same proposer moved 710 and 1026, both dated late Ill/early II. 23. FD III.3 343-344: these, quite fragmentary, were probably not pertinent to the asylia of Cyzicus, for they were not included at Delos; I do not include them here. The same base also contains a manumission (337) cut by another hand. Page 346 that they proclaim to mankind their city as sacred, in accordance with the oracles, and the sacrifice to the goddess. The Delian version has a heading KipK^vOv]; the decree that is bebw, passed at the request of three Cyzicene theoroi, provided space for a stele f^dvfflYpflt^oriMt A xjpijcpfc KvCixf^w; toO Flvtilov 'Ait[M|^uvo5Jca9 > [5]u xal iv twi Itpw rfk iv ^votr^Ypairrm. The Delphian versbn, arranged in four lines, is headed by A[—]I; Daux considered the space wrong for ^hra^ ‘ t ' & x a k At the end is added kfex" Ta * *yoMi[t] 5 (? w&w<|. 1-3 Robert 1978: lx[pTF E frti Suataq] iniTFceJJKa^e t^iurrpttic?] ia itpcttfrovric K6pai?l Hornofe; h\?*rx* -rite w *«<** *«i] Dittenberger, folbwed (without f»e) by Daux (but i»i) and Merkelbach (but *1). 3: np*t(xcwe<: Homolb; Dittenberger, Merkelbach; fowiv-rw] naier. 5 Homolb: [few™] Dittenberger. The text is problematic. In line 2 we should not have the redundancy of the "sacrifice" in parallel with its name (Homolle); Robert's suggestion corresponds to the facts (a local and thus annual festival to become Panhellenic), although it seems prosaic and lends an odd emphasis. As in the oracle on Acraephia (2), the usage is loose and poetic, not the language of a decree: by "city" I assume that the god means city and country (so 168.8; cf. 164 for Xanthus); by "sacred," sacred and inviolable. The Cyzicenes, who were first to honor Kore the Savior with annual games, have asked how to add to her honors, having oracles that need interpretation; they are told to proclaim to all people the sacredness of their city, in accordance with the oracles, and the sacrificethat is, to seek Panhellenic recognition of the inviolability of Cyzicus and of the games of Kore. 166. Rhodes A stone broken at right and bottom, copied near Cyzicus by Pococke in 1739, now lost. R. Pococke, Inscriptionum antiq. graec. et lat. liber (London 1752) p. 27 [Boeckh, CIG 3656; P. Mullensiefen, SGDI 3752]. Cf. C. Schumacher, De republica Rhodiorum commentatio (Heideiberg 1886) 49; Hiller, AM 20 (1895) 390. ini ApurcivBpou toG T ATCnXXt>y[dvou‘ T Arac|TQtfpioc) EedQijpLou Still ftsik>pdil Otv&pLCK; EGv£u h Aiovuolau- JB&pot ToSluv £jl T lEpfiK; ApertE^ ly0[ou Ttp{f4)Ttt< 4 IBoEev Tui Jd^iui" 4 ises®I) KutwtaW f&O) xA riWot xd, 1 tdev tt xaminff^lfly ^^[ayxp Kftl adrcd] 4rttXWvtti; 4*1 tiv pauXiv xcd t&v 6ocXii{a{)av &i[aXotiGu<;I Page 347 8 xoEg iv ttSt votr, hhoiMf xat f^piXmipla^] o^©iv £Kotfjaavro B£ xal x&v tai£a}i(KV (d^KjpoxEpav] t&v foXCrtv* jnwplvaadvL airotic 8 tl 6 S^ho^ t4v if isfoxl] to{i[s Sews) e&j£ffepsv rapt i&cUfigu htal tiv Kij^ixafvfiv ipALttvJ iv dterciip&v t4v tc xaTafYEkt&v drccfi^xETOi Het 4 ®Soa^ [Kpo^mita^J xal ^itakcXotj0Qjiv tck^ 6*6 KvC«ccivwv A£wu^£[vot]<; XOlTTf- ■ -J cDvotk Efivxa^ 1 SisJ^J^ 6£ xetl au{y)TEhe&0[fjiiJ xt ratp& [Ku£tKfit’uikv? --■*] Text of Boeckh. 3 Schumacher, with Hiller: iiptt Pococke; E i ltv8tou « «pu™[vje[6ovroc---] Boeckh. 7 end: dOKAHANX\£ Pococke. 10 end: TotTOT[ Pococke. Line 3 shows that this is the beginning of one section of an archive of decrees of acceptance, organized, as at Cos and perhaps Tenos, by theoric missions. Only the preliminaries of a Rhodian decree survive. It is unfortunate that the Rhodians do not actually say what the Cyzicenes requested; but the references to piety and to a proclamation by theoroi (11-12) are sufficient to indicate games or inviolability. The decree is dated by the priest of Helius, Aratophanes. Of these we know two, distinguished and approximately dated by the amphora stamps of Rhodes; the earlier is named on a series assigned to ca. 210-175, the later ca. 100 BC 24 Our decree must belong to the earlier, in order to be consistent with the other texts. Cyzicus and Rhodes were now allies (line 4). The basic stance of Cyzicus in this period was allegiance to the Attalids, and this placed Cyzicus and Rhodes on the same side in several wars, for example during the years 201-199.25 When toward 220 Rhodes fought Byzantium over the latter's Bosporan tariff, Cyzicus can hardly have remained neutral .26 But a rigorous date for the asylia of Cyzicus must await the clarification of Rhodian chronology. 1: The eponymous magistrate of Cyzicus was the hipparch. In the second century BC a hipparch Apollophanes son of Ar[istander] was served by a fiscal magistrate Aristander son of Apollophanes;27 the names were popular at Cyzicus, but these may be the son and grandson of our hipparch. An Aristander 24. V. R. Grace in Debs XXVII (Par's 1970) 290-291, 313. To the later priest must be assigned the decree ASAtene n.s. 1-2 (1942) 156-161 no. 18 (revising SEG 3.674). In a letter of 24 May 1976 Mbs Grace kindly wrote: "I would now suggest a date sightly after 180" for the earlier priest. 25. Polyb. 16.31.3; Livy 31.17.6; cf. Walbank, Comm. II 505; Will, Histoire II 124, who notes that this alliance may be older than 201. The two cities fought on the same side again in 180 and in 156 (Polyb. 25.2.13, 33.13.2). 26. Polyb. 4.50.5, with Holleaux, Etudes IV 236 n. 2. For Cyzbene trade through the Bosporus see Rostovtzeff, SEHHW I 587-589. For a list of other Rhodian alliances see S. L. Ager, Historia 40 (1991) 11 n. 9. Rhodes and Cyzicus were among the mediators (with Byzantium and Aetolia) between Ptolemy and Antbchus in 219 (Polyb. 5.63.5). 27. Robert, Etudes anat. 199-201. Page 348 son of Apollophanes proposed the honorific decree CIG 3657, which cannot be closely dated. 2: On the name eq™? at Cyzicus see J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1966, 158. 3: Boeckh, not punctuating after was puzzled by the plural and considered emending ^i punctuate here because the theoroi will have gone to more than one city, and accordingly the plural Ww™* should be taken literally (see by contrast on 26.3): this is an archival entry, followed then by a heading for the present decree. The festival of Kore appears to have been held in early spring (the sacrifice that Mithridates' siege interrupted ),28 as would befit Persephone. There is some reason to think that the Rhodian month Sminthius fell in early spring, 29 and it follows that the Cyzicene theoroi began their mission about a year before the Panhellenic festival. 167-170 Two nonjoining fragments of white marble obtained by Viscount Strangford in the 1820s, allegedly from Megara; now in the British Museum. A: h. 0.44, w. 0.15, th. 0.02; B: h. 0.395, w. 0.15, th. 0.02. Letters 0.01-0.013 (except the headings: 0.015 at 168.1 and 170.1), intersp. 0.01-0.013. Writing of the late third century (so Klaffenbach) or early second: flaring strokes with serifs, A with crossbar either straight or broken, O and © sometimes smaller and suspended, Q full-sized, N with elevated right hasta, II with right hasta half descended, I with divergent and curving arms. Boeckh, CIG 1052b (copy of Br0nsted);3O Newton, IGBM II136 [Dittenberger, IG VII16; Holleaux, REG 11 (1898) 267-273 (Etudes I 211-217)]; Robert, Et. epigr. phil. 70-76 (squeeze); Klaffenbach, IG IX.I 2 388 (squeeze: only 168). Collation. Photograph: Robert pi. 6 (squeeze). Cf. P. Foucart in IG VII p. 742; Wilhelm, Beitrage (1909) 268; P. Charneux, BCH 90 (1966) 176 n. 2; Rigsby, GRBS 16 (1975) 405. Parts of either three or four Doric decrees, depending on whether 168 carried over to fragment B; I number them as four. The theoroi Oenopion, Dionysas, and -nthodemos toured northwestern Greece, for they visited Medion. Given the various formulae possible, the length of the lines is uncertain and the line division arbitrary. 167. Unknown city Fragment A, lines 1-7. 28. For the chronobgy see Broughton, MRR II 101 and 106-108; McGing (esp. Plut. Luc. 33.3). 29. C. Borker, ZPE 31 (1978) 193-218, esp. 201. 30. P. O. Brpnsted (1780-1842), Danish classical scholar and ambassador to the Vatican, visited England in 1824, 1826, 1828, and 1831: K. F. Johansen and M. C. Gertz, Dansk Bbgrafisk Leksikon 4 (Copenhagen 1934) 295-302. Page 349 I- ..- - - - ]IONOTOEE[ - - * - *--] [-xa&ai v xtfltvrt] {Kutmavol idi Kop^L?, xalj ^e-sXeyoij.^vqij! [iou CHuoitfcovct; nepl ] (xal irapaxaWtfv^? xfa? 4xEfxeLf>iftv - - -- [ * - - tou dy«v]a^ xnl dvave^otaoSai idv ^Lav - - - •--— , J fl (t&v ndXiv] £1 xal tbv ~---*- [Icp&v Amd rcdvjiwv xali &ouXtsv [ - —— * * - - *^ *.- - - - - j I ------ — lNTfKOM —.- ...J JOTMENI---- - - -.] la j-- - - - jATETft[ — *.. [.— m.. -----.j The continuous text restored through 9 by Klaffenbach assumes a needlessly short line and contains some improbable phrases. 1 Dittenberger (before Robert established that a new decree begins here); see on 167.7. 2-3 Holleaux: Mete^]«v Robert. 4-9: 'A^t^lSl xall JuaXtyoi^ivou [ioG ApyifteiSpou xal | ftEzpcucjxUeivuK; MjxcoQoii tiw 6«[i[iiplay xdl ii( 0 u|&(eh; tS( ftp-FfttiSjoc x«l dvautc^ajacGdfL tAv i£ !£tc«yYcX?v6vt(i)v] x»l jtiv Aytova 6v tlfevn | I (^fv6w] U k«1 tAv jrcjpa[v xal tAv itj^nr titJip^Eiv iEfiiv Jip^dpeL^ ’AY^i^ir^ xgl! [ * fr4p£)c KoXd x&rafol (d) t6 te [^i^iqia dn^fcciajxchf k& 1 athol &S£X£y^ & [ofcv -ibcoX'Cnil&w; tw; 6cp p u^tov £c£qy|i£- [voc^j oij^v £X]XekfKmc^ ^lXqti^I«<; s waL [- _ * * * * el ]ych kp 4 w Scnj[Xov - - r.J Text of Holleaux but line d ivisions of Robert, who saw that the bss is mainly on the left. 3: Picard. 9-10 Robert: Kcd [pTC&pl TOU- [ 6lcq4£tJvH* gp(j £jpu[Xcw ^Ew/V | Itp^WQlffU SKK^BMtal V 0| gj|y| i Holleaux. The consul Lucius and his famous brother Scipio Africanus (his legate) landed in Asia in spring 190 in order to confront Antiochus III. The king put pro-Roman Colophon-Notium under siege but abandoned this in late summer when his fleet was destroyed off Myonnesus by the praetor Aemilius Regillus. The Scipios' victory at Magnesia followed; they left Asia by spring of 189.4 Colophon-Notium was rewarded with tax exemption (Livy 38.39.8). The Colophonians' embassy was probably later than the lifting of the siege, and perhaps later than the battle of Magnesia: they may have sent their embassy only after fighting was done and the outcome was clear, the last months of 190. The successful repulse of the siege would be a fitting occasion to seek Roman honors for the god. The same pair of Romans wrote to Heraclea by Latmus (Roman Doc. 35, its opening formulae identical with ours) thanking the city for its support and granting liberty and sending a military contingent to provide protection. Here too the precise date in relation to the campaign is uncertain; Heraclea sent a far larger embassy (eight men as against Colophon's two). The text is a reinscriptionPicard (Ephese et Claros 146) speculated that after the destruction of Claros by the pirates, the temple was rebuilt under the favor of Sulla, as Colophon had opposed Mithridates. 4. Livy 37.26, 31; cf. Broughton, MRR I 356ff. Page 354 Unidentified City (Bargylia?) A Hellenistic inscription seen by Pococke on Samos in 1739 contains two texts concerned with asylia and games. Pococke was told that the stone had been brought there from Mylasa, but concluded that Bargylia in Caria (line 1) was the more likely origin. The recipient of the recognition has not been convincingly identified. The first text, a letter to Bargylia, was reckoned by Boeckh to be from the recipient of the recognition, a vote of thanks sent to the grantor for its recognition, which follows on the stone (hence in reverse chronological order). This implies a rather elaborate exchange of courtesies. Graindor thought instead that the letter was the initial request, and that the recipient was thus a Doric city seeking these honors for a goddess, specifically Telos (25: f or the Persian goddess (6: ™ t5 < t5< ; in 1975 I argued for Cnidus and Artemis Hyacinthotrophus; a fragmentary decree at Delphi showed her games recognized as Panhellenic in the late third or early second century after a miraculous intervention (perhaps during the siege by Philip V in 201 ).i A well-preserved invitation and response on the enlarged Hyacinthotropheia have since been published, however, and there is no recognition of asylia .2 The identity of the recipient is therefore in the air. There is a different possibility, however: we may have the normal documentary situation, a fragment of an archive containing two recognitions of asylia, the first in letter form, like so many for Teos. If that is so, then the recipient 1. Polyb. 16.34, with Worrle, Chiron 18 (1988) 442-443. The prominence there also of Aphrodite is well known; but Ael. Arist. 38.13, ^ is inconclusive as evidence for declared asylia. 2. After Pugliese Carratelli's publication, Bliimel, I.Knidos 220 (= SEG 38.812). Page 355 was necessarily Bargylia with its chief goddess Artemis Kindyas.3 What speaks against this is line 2, "we have sent to you," followed soon after by the names of the theoroi. The grantor's letter might open by saying that they have sent this through the agency of the Bargylian theoroi; but normally that goes without saying, and I do not know a parallel (this is not a covering letter for a separate decree, like 90). The decrees cannot be convincingly reconstructed^ in the second, clearly a grant, too many variant phrases are possible, while a recipient's letter of invitation (if that is what the first text is) would have too few parallels to work with (176, 177). Hence the line length cannot be established. The second decree seems to move too quickly in the short line postulated by Boeckh and Graindor: 174. Unknown city or cities R. Pococke, Inscr. ant. liber (London 1752) 44 [Boeckh, CIG 2670; P. Graindor, MuseeB 7 (1903) 296-300; Bliimel, I.Iasos/Bargylia 606]. Cf. Rigsby, GRBS 16 (1975) 403-409; G. Pugliese Carratelli, PP 233 (1987) 110-123; Gauthier, Bull, epigr. 1989, 269. 4 6 12 16 ' --- BapYu^arec^ tSl wWa [xstpevj ....- - — — - | - *-- --~ - JEMEHN Aa$j^[piov-J ----- --J (-] - — — ...] ■a&Toti; ivroA&s - - j ------ - -*-*** + ^ - Joei£ kuI rctpl tok; - - -■ ] ------- - -- -- -- -- -- x]^:l iiEpl J(hI to.[ - * ♦ ] ...toyj dy&voq G{v) dKOKat£aTa(aiY & iu5Xi^?j t]ftv XoittcSv "EXAdvrJIr [------] -- - - - --toOJtOVC *al x[oAS< ? • - 4- ] .- -.- rAJAlo; xotl T&; &eto, tx; «ti cnitos; (mtX.) Boeckh. 18-19: ^4[px ouerL l w nW* 6ii upoyAvuv xjnt n. &n[«]isfci&}t«(jL Boeckh; mpoY^hnw f^w(jufywyax]ai Graindor. 20: Boeckh. 21: xa * *p™»*Wv«<] «. t. s. Boeckh, oi™? ivcveiSoa™-rijv] n. t. A.4(«£ftc°ug? ini rfr | Ttpoaip^cxet xal 64xeff0ai T&gJ ic, 6[m ! ocljtm-v roepl xt^\ &A-ctfc Graindor. 27-29: [npdc ^ftinfpsg -emc | mdXftg — oixEtdr^TOg xjcxl eptXk^ 4£itiG(vT£C Bxt Slxatdv | fen tv t6v 6%i^i5v fpdiepofv wvaGEctJv tfe ttj; [fewu n+tis-] Graindor. Graindor restored the second half of the first text: 6 l6 1 rap! tc xocg 0 e«c tag Ikpajwk kjX raspl Tag 4owXfa[g rag no]- \i&Z xn.1 T-Sg &ti M x]od jxcpt t^v tlijSv x^H xa[v &uot«v| I'xoel Tag Teavmy^piwg xa\ tw] dTwwg 9(v) dTuoxaTfptwfpev 4 ndXu??] 'ifif&jv crTEi^>a:v[Tav tjiv Xouttiv E £XX4vtJv |matip££xaXoOv]- ] ton; ipocSf^a6tM > Todjiowg (piflilptv; xai x[aXug xal TdgJ i ^tXtag Tag jtAt A^i6r^iag -sdJXie^: xn.1 tSg fke|G us^ftacrBe-J 6*66x6fltt x&i 6de|itiir e^eJv vfox fyit {TtoXtrag fit' I)[ cf. 94.18: imi xa 6xaaT4xi£ 6 XP^ ve> £ b 12: Perhaps xowwv *‘ v 29: Perhaps Page 358 Temple of Apollo, Anaphe In order to give safe anchorage to the Argonauts, Apollo caused Anaphe to rise up from the sea east of Therawhence the name, from its sudden appearance (w* 1 ™); above the harbor the Argonauts established a precinct sacred to Apollo awk m the Hellenistic inscriptions), named for the flash of his bow when he revealed the island .1 In this eastern part of the island, beside a good harbor some three kilometers from the height of the ancient city, his temple may still be seen in large part, incorporated into the monastery Panaghia Kalamiotissa .2 Apollonius describes an altar in a grove in the time of the Argonauts; the temple building we see is Hellenistic but not closely dated. The chief festival of the Anaphiotes was the annual panegyris called the Asgelaia, known to the ancient authors for the ribald participation of women .3 The Strangford Apollo may be the cult statue.4 The one document revealing asylia at Anaphe is of exceeding brevity: there is no mention of an Anaphiote embassy, nor is the god identifiedyet surely it can only be Apollo. The decree is one of the few extant of the Cretan League and dates to the first half of the second century BC Too little is known of the history of Anaphe to speculate about the occasion. This decree is the best candidate we have for an extension of inviolability from the temple to the whole city and country (but see on 14-15); if indeed the Cretans are expanding the boundaries of an existing privilege, that might explain the lack of detail. 1. Callim. frag. 7.19ff. (from the Aetia); Ap. Rhod. 4.1701ff. (1715: S* 00 Theophr. in SVF I 106; Conon 49; Apolbd. 1.26.1. Cf. Farnell, Cults IV 139. 2. See Hiller in Thera I (Berlin 1899) 351-358. 3. E.g., Conon 49; IG XII.3 249.21-22; cf. 25-27: celebrated at times in the city, at times in the country. 4. R. A. McNeal, Archaeobgy 20 (1967) 254-263. Page 359 175. Cretan League White marble stele from the temple. As first seen, h. 0.63, w. 0.245, th. 0.085; letters 0.01, intersp. 0.005; first half of the second century B . c . Below, in a different hand, an Anaphiote proxeny decree for a citizen of Lyttus in Crete.5 In 1976, a section at left and below had been slivered off and was not located; nothing was legible after line 22, and the stone breaks off at 25 (thus losing the proxeny decree). K. S. Pittakis, ArchEph 2 (1840) 372-373 no. 477 (with facsimile); E. Legrand, BCH 16 (1892) 144-147 no. 35 [Michel, Rec. 439]; Hiller, IG XII. 3254 [Blass, SGDI 5146]; Guarducci, I.Cret. IV 197 (collation of squeeze in Berlin by Klaffenbach). Collation. Plate 5. Cf. Wilhelm, GGA 160 (1898) 233; Beitrage (1909) 172; Neue Beitr. VI (1921) 14-19, AnzWien 1924, 154-156 (Kl. Schr. 1.1 305-310,1.2 196-198); A. Maiuri, RendLinc V.19 (1910) 45-46, 112; Guarducci, RivFil 61 (1933) 232-233; Daux, BCH 59 (1935) 94-96; 61 (1937) 439-440; Hiller, IG XII Suppl. p. 83; H. van Effenterre, Crete et le monde grec (Paris 1948) 148 n. 4. “4 toTc xal KCKVtoJir t w Kprjwilwv Kvw- qfw Ijv 6vro] v iv F6pTuvt |i£v 6 itl tfi]v Au^vljv tSv oijv i * , , ]tm T«t AXAo&tiiTO 6xaj hi ijijl tov AUtaUtw fii6vrjt>v twv avv Kui^£Au>[t] X&l . + . ]p£ted I irjjvhz Ayi^SIlJ- TfTpdJ-Si- EavX*iv fjjjcv f A]- viiipaLcJv] tav n6XlV >:rjTOL‘ cl M xiz Ti- VEt ^iM]aT|L tpv i*c 6^|Jio4iivwVp $ 6c 6s t[3cl frrcd&tx&q tcrro [Btj- Xffv Iv] T6 Aw^afoifcj &V x' a)uTOl x 1 iv x]otvoSixlA)i Ajtp|65a]- wv x 1 >l7i]'if: i p'jXa i V| Xill x[u]- 5. On this decree see Robert, RN VI.4 (1962) 13-17 (Op. min. sel. II 1040-1044). Page 360 Jp(.g( A] TCfwL^ iqrti jott (t£] I 3 Wilhelm 1898: »™MM Legrand. 6 : ['BH^ Guarducci. 6 Wilhelm 1898: i>Ao *W v Legrandi 7 Guarducci 1933: i*® 1 ®) Hiller; Blass. 8 in'it. Guarducci. 11: ‘Eva]p*™? Kaibel (IG). 11 end Guarducci, 12 Legrand, Maiuri: [A]Ofcu|[vaUi ixA]&t wilamowitz (IG). 14-15 Wilhelm 1898. 16-17 Wilhelm 1909: I 4 ® 4 ™ Wilhelm 1898. 17 N xG Hiller. 17-18 Wilhelm 1898: * Legrand, «(« I Hiller. 20 init. Blass, Daux 1935: Wilhelm 1898, Wilhelm 1924, Daux 1937. 20-21 Wilhelm 1898: *1* I Hiller, 4** 1 van Effenterre. 21-24 Guarducci: (23) "p 4 ^ ^ “I Legrand, l( Tai ] T£ 'Ava^*([^v ixj T&npocrnncm[ q]c | [t«i xt xjtuvo&ocb* Hiller, xisi iv xs* stj Wilhelm 1921. 24-25 Wilhelm 1921: 6 ^ Legrand, Hiller. <><><><><><><><><><><><> (12ff.) The city and [country of the Anaphbtes] is to be inviolable just as the [temple] is already inviolable according to the law of the Cretan League. If anyone operating from [Crete] should seize any Anaphbte, from either city or [country], he is to be subject to trial both among the Anaphbtes, whatever trial they should order, and in the League court without preliminary arbitratbn or security deposit; and the exactbn is to be binding in accordance with the law. There is no talk of cult, beyond the mention of the temple (without naming the god). Like many of the Cretan civic decrees for Teos, this act of the League leaves no doubt that the Anaphiote request was understood to concern personal inviolability: the declaration about the place is glossed by the statement that persons are not to be seized from it and those who are will have access to the Cretan tribunal for redress. Taken literally, the combining of personal and territorial inviolabilitymostly closely paralleled in the Aetolian grants for Teos and Pergamummeans that Anaphiotes seized by Cretans elsewhere (e.g., in Crete or on the high seas) are not included and have no recourse. For the import of this text for the constitution of the League see M. Muttelsee, Verfassungsgeschichte Kretas (Hamburg 1925) 47-50; M. van der Mijnsbrugge, The Cretan Koinon (New York 1931) 17-20; Guarducci, RivFil 78 (1950) 148-154; Gauthier, Symbola 324; S. L. Ager, JHS 114 (1994) 1-18. 14-15: "just as the temple is inviolable in accordance with Cretan law"; this can be taken to indicate that a previous grant to the temple is now being enlarged to encompass the whole island. But it seems to me equally likely that this is merely a statement of the normal, such as we find of Cos (cf. p. 22), saying that in Cretan law temples have this immunitya generic fact cited as explanation and analogy rather than a concrete enactment cited as historical precedent. 20: The restoration turns on whose city and country are in view, Anaphe or Crete; I follow those who prefer the former, consistent with what is voted at 13. Page 361 24-25: Restored from I.Cret. IV 175: I^H x’ ^[poxov (see Maiuri 45-46); Btx ^ as arbitration in lieu of a public trial at Aristophanes frag. 278 K.-A. Cf. Gauthier 329. 27: On see Guarducci's references at I.Cret. IV 169; it seems to mean "law code" at I xvi 1.36-38; cf. the a t Cyrene (SEG 9.5.56). Page 362 Pergamum The two great divinities of Pergamum were Athena and Asclepius, in that historical sequence .1 In Roman times Asclepius came to surpass Athena as the city's chief god, but the two could still be invoked as joint patrons of Pergamum as late as the third century a.d .2 The two temples of interest to us were out in the territory, not in the city itself, and it was the temples, not the city and country of Pergamum, that were declared inviolable. The inviolability of the Nicephorium was gained at the request of Eumenes II in 182 BC , that of the Asclepieum later, but before 88 BC ; both entitlements probably were abolished after the Roman Vespers in 88. That of Asclepius was restored by Caesar ca. 45; Athena's restoration is doubtfulTacitus does not mention it, but it may be referred to in Caesar's edict on Sardes (214). This honor of two asyla in one city is rare, preceded by Chalcedon (if I am right about its two temples of Apollo) and followed by Stratoniceia. The Attalid kings were closely involved in the institutions of their capital city, and they shared in the sponsorship of the great festivals. The unusual, even ostentatious, quest for two inviolable temples doubtless reflects the peculiar eminence and ambition of the Attalids in world affairs in the second century BC 1. E. Ohlemutz, Die Kulte und Heiligtumer der Gotter in Pergamon (Giessen 1940) 16-59, 123-173; C. P. Jones, "Dbdoros Pasparos and the Nikephoria of Pergamon," Chiron 4 (1974) 183-205. 2. The two together on a coin under Herennius Etruscus: G. Le Rider, RN VI. 15 (1973) 75 with fig. 9. Cf. the relief published by E. Boehringer, AA 81 (1966) 467-469 with pi. 44: Athena and Asclepius, flanked respectively by Zeus and Hygieia, crown a seated female; Boehringer thought the date early Hellenistic. A law on the priesthood of Asclepius is to be inscribed in the Asclepieum and in the temple of Athena on the acropolis (I.Perg. 251.38-39 [LSAM 13], II B .c). Page 363 Temple of Athena Nicephorus Whatever the importance of Athena at Pergamum before the Hellenistic period, the founder of the Attalid dynasty set out to make her the visible patroness of a second Athens. Her temple was on the terrace that overlooks the theater, near the royal palace. Early Hellenistic texts regularly give her no epithet. Later, when there was need to distinguish her cult from the newer one of Athena Nicephorus in the country, she is called Athena Polias; perhaps this title was old, but it was used only when necessary.3 Great antiquity was credited to her worship at Pergamum: Auge, Heracles' victim, brought the cult statue from Tegea when she came with their son Telephus from Arcadia to Asia.4 As early as the mid-third century Athena had a public festival of first importance, the Panathenaia.s Probably it was to this festival, a "contest of Athena," that Byzantium sent participants («vtcic) at the invitation of Attalus I in the 220s.6 Despite the presence of these foreigners, Pergamum did not have Panhellenic games in the third century; evidently the Byzantines were among friends or allies of Attalus specially invitecb to a local festival (the Nicephoria passed through a similar stage forty years later). It was to Athena (without epithet) that Attalus dedicated the spoils of his defeat of the Gauls,8 and that victory may be the occasion, with Attalus inviting his allies. The cult of Athena Nicephorus was distinct from that of Athena on the acropolis. The Nicephorium was a sacred grove outside the city, not yet located by the excavators of Pergamum.9 It was without defenses, and we first hear of Athena Nicephorus when in 201 Philip V ravaged the place, cutting down 3. See, however, Frankel, I.Perg. I pp. 76-77; Ohlemutz 24-25. I.Perg. 251.39 makes the explicit bcatbn Iv tui Leplt AOtjwc; 4. I.Perg. 156; cf. Robert, REG 40 (1927) 212-213 (Op. min. sel. I 453-454). Ohlemutz (20-22) argued that in fact the cult and image did not come into being until about 300 b.c. 5. OGIS 267 (= Royal Corres. 23): on advice of Eumenes I, Pergamum honors its five strategoi for their distinguished service; he has announced his own decisbn to crown the five at the Panathenaia (17: «0 toI te itxc n«va9iqv«u>u; £i>£ E^£vTjs K[WUWV TT)1 P<3UX?fl Kffll] TUI 6l^iWL XL^SpEv] i twv 6e[tkv End %h notice xsl] |J£Y^XaC ^ULv nrpLT£Se[ocivQlL ETJTJuCptar £v] Ttavio&xiimq jtFfafyr Act [eocv sta.Lp<^'j 1 N*XJftf*6pOv] TC ItpWnjY OpCJXtt^H V ■). [mXXLoTTJV voji^ovj- ttv£lL J(al otxEioTdrETj [v T^V Tlpoocg]- wfjtav TortkT|v T mMjtEp [xnl t qpdicpou 61*; Y&p ■PjSij [vtt^ ijtfi + f|iuv ft] m«vi]ir6jpetc G? t6t[c xar^YTcEXa^EV dottWEaoGt] v xaci tcGXe^qv 4t4£yuv] d]KO&ift4vai f 6iEYv[<&x6rE£ 64 ffuvTEXjetv atirfji mj- Yl^YUptv tc 6ta twv xcd orcqiavlTCfc; twwn]- koJu^ Hal [xa.1 Ijollho^ (Iyuvu^ dveej- 6e6](y(6TDg xal th n(pd? HepY^w-L lep&v atireffc SouJ- Xov] h Zn 0T I l rCTOpt£\ au[xol t 4 jcaXSx; 6fc xc]- xpix^xcC Tw^-ra] \mb [6oupcav xaTSY 1 f£XXEQxcxEipMy[|Jiivou^ 64 xotl £m6 h6Xje^J 6l 4 t6 xatirrY^Xel™ t4 Ntxr^iipw xetX&s] o6v noi^ocTC np40[Tov jj4v 6tdt t^v ftz6v r Ineita 64J xat hC ip tc Siffxouaavj- te^ xttl dno6c^&jiE:v[&i tc Nixv^6pra xal t^v AouX(av £mjJ- |ccp &p^l6t£i r Tftl>t[a Y^P t^Eavre^ Ta \iiv 4xctvf^ t{|- |ita ^avefeSc ouva6J[ovTE^ s 64 dxoXo60ti5^ t^lJ Page 368 nop’ np^; tov b¥p&* ij^iuv Euvoim] cb£ rtpc&Gfioi^ l£rrs %& Xomfrt xoxa) 40 n^cvrcc xaip&v rcp&c \[bi ^jcglpwrm byZv' xa 61 T^XelavaJ nEpl iuv xsaxai {lixrj'jdttC H&p* ■O.uT-tLv tCjV feiaj- ptjjv., ipp^tfOe, | 16 occ ioct pouXoti xed Ttk M^wr] Y^jJU* JtpCKTCHXftV [£lWl 5 ^ P^5tXtL>5 itOqKJTfXXtJvJ 44 SttiipOLh; (imp* aiVcaiS xe xal nap& t 3 (; ti^Xlck; xdc^ frosYfY^ei.-. 1-23 Segre. Klaffenbach attributed the earlier actons (8-10) to Attalus I: 8 t™ 1 - & VH, 9 foi* mhoc, io xat^eiXe; se e contra Musti. 12: n£vr«v] Klaffenbach. 16 J. and L. Robert 1974: iwv[TaerTipESo< Segre, ni^r %«ps>v Klaffenbach. 17-19 Klaffenbach: YL^ivtxoii^ [Ay^^Ci xal rAtef^v xftl xh Jt[epl wjth x^evoj ■StfuXa, | xaS 1 } &t Q'fldGjitv Segre. 20-21: »si vOv toervwxAws oTe^avi|Toc tJo** dyCva^ tuvNixf^toiv We lies. 22 Klaffenbach: *m Tv ™ v Welles. 22-23: — ■CETeyx^q dra(?) |wi?)tv*»™v( j^Y»Xtij , [M T^|V ivdvitJCTiv TWM OuolSv xal] HerZOg, M*lfAiX<><><><><><><><><><><> King Eumenes to the council and people of the Coans greetings: [we honor Athena] most of all the gods [because of her] bestowing upon us [many and] great [successes on] all sorts of [occasions], and we have dubbed her [Nikephoros, considering this to be a most [beautiful] and appropriate epithet, as [we wrote you before]; for twice already, when you were invited [by us to the] panegyreis which at that time [we proclaimed, you accepted] in friendly fashion, and sending theoroi you shared] in the sacrifices [properly and piously; and now], wishing to increase [her honors] and render greater thanks [for our contests in war], we have decided [to celebrate for her] a panegyris every fourth [year and crowned musical] and gymnic [and equestrian contests,] and we have [declared her temple at Pergamum inviolable,] for which we shall set [the boundaries]; and judging it proper that these things [be proclaimed by theoroi, so that these] games [will be celebrated with all] the most devoted [of the Greeks, as a thank offering to Athena] for great successes, we have sent theoroi (etc.) Eumenes' two letters of 182 BC . give us our only extant request for asylia (see, however, 174). The king speaks of the festival, indeed of the cult itself 2), as his own rather than Pergamum's; he has sent the theoroi (24), and he will himself set the boundaries of the Nicephorium (19). As the Aetolians tell it (178.6-7, 16), the king decided to celebrate the festival, and his brothers and Pergamum join him in the celebration .26 The city joins in the 26. Contrast I.Perg. 223: the games of 129 b.c., probably the first after the end of the dynasty, are described pointedly as Ax 6 * 6 ™ (-ty*"). For the sharing of festivals by the royal family and the city of Pergamum cf. OGIS 248.50-51. Page 369 announcement as well (176.31, 177.5), and on his approval (176.29, cf. 177.3) some elected Pergamene citizens join the courtiers whom he sends as theoroi .27 The king in effect gives them a letter of introduction. An unusually large team went to Cos; only the courtier Megon and one Pergamene visited Iasus (?: 177). 4: Parallels for at J. and L. Robert, Fouilles d'Amyzon I p. 204 n. 9. 6-8: The implication would seem to be that Eumenes himself named the goddess Nikephoros, and explained his choice of name to the Coans in his earlier letter. This suggests that the epithet dates from 183 and commemorates the victory over Prusias (see, however, n. 13). 16-18: The king does not specify the status of the several competitions, as do the extant recognitions: these details must have been included in the explanatory speech of the theoroi (cf. 41). 19: The responses echo Eumenes' talk of boundaries. In the recognitions of asylia the mention of boundaries is unusual; an inevitable feature of any sacred place, they were simply assumed as a given. Here that may not be so, for Eumenes' future 6 * j °e« v suggests that the boundaries are to be changed, presumably expanded. The king is said by Strabo (624) to have planted the grove of the Nicephorium; the new honors for the goddess in the 180s may have been the occasion (cf. Segre 111), perhaps accompanied by an expansion of the sacred precinct. 36: "as befits you"; for the moral obviousness of granting asylia compare the Phocaeans' response to Chalcedon: ( 54 . 8 ). 177. Letter of Eumenes II; decree of Iasus (?) White masonry building block found "in Ionia" and acquired by the French School at Athens ca. 1885; now in the Louvre; h. 0.39, w. 0.565, th. 0.34-0.40; letters h. 0.01, intersp. 0.08-0.01, with large apices. S. Lambrino, RA V.29 (1929) 107-120 [Herzog, Hermes 65 (1930) 459-463; Schroeter 39 (lines 1-11)]; Welles, Royal Corres. 49 [W. Blumel, I.Iasos 6; Allen, Attalid Kingdom 215- 216]. Photograph: Lambrino pi. 1. Cf. Holleaux, RA V.29 (1929) 390; Robert, REG 42 (1929) 433, BCH 54 (1930) 338-343 (Op. min. sel. I 221, 157-162); Segre in Hellenica V (1948) 105; Wilhelm, Griechische Konigsbriefe, Klio-BH 48 (1943) 41-43. |i]Err[£]^E™ tuv Oughmv xai [tuv tlytivijv itcmS ^uepi.]- [l-Lev if 'Bspfowyv, [xfy TCp&TTjt Gvwt r &]- [LloEuC S]fc *ocL K'iActv k&I xf 27. Robert suggested that the extensive involvement of the Attalids in cult at Pergamum reflects the civic rather than Macedonian origin of the dynasty: RPhil 58 (1984) 14-15 n. 42 (Op. min. sel. VI 464-465). Page 370 4 [tt|v] Tenu^igi xmt« Tijv fiAixtocv twv npoin)xdvTu[v, xctl npaxcx cl P 1( ¥^i‘ (wvj mSXeu< Bt4 ti |i£4pt4t t^v iav- id&V'l 3 [iJa&Ta ykp npdljaviff^ t& jilv tl^ia qravelot® 6 oiJVa6£*vT€C* r6 5i Xotx&v] [fyj.3^,] iv^^trcat |jdXtffta itpoQ0|iou^ fc^rcE m xmk t[B BmrrrcBv etc ntfv]- Tq Tl« CTV^tflpovra TC>L B^uwr TO 34 JsXelava: iccpl TOUTWV dbfo[&J£TE n«p p auxwv L ] l^pciKiSe. An£&&ixev M^y^i Av6t«rrr(pLGvdH; t*rr|.L. vacat ta £rcl me^aviyp^ou AtcoXXwvIou tou Aujy^wi, Avftcoxipitiivfoc £xttj l lora~ [EjBo^v ttji (kmX% x«l xui 5^ u t- Tqpuxdww ipnft|ny ir^i(5^ paaiXitic E^vn^ U3omX]ta>g &t-£ifc\[flu] xal ffa0iMcjui£ AjcqXX^uEBqc k[«1 eEvoyc ?ral e^ePY^t^] [Slaf ApoJy^ycjy URiip^t^v fflQ S^liou y^YptMptv Tiptoe ttJ\i JJouX^fv xn\ x6w Bt^jov 5ti] e6 (iLtistL ijjfev 'Vjm] 3 A8riviv |i&Xiarsa tAv SXXc^v @e^v BlA tu itoXX&c; xjaiL ptydXqc fv TOTvJ- [toBanafr; Jt€ipujtdidFe]tftv xoupfiv eurypepta*; atirrifij hefn[T]^ei)E[£vaL t Nixif- qjBpav te] [j^rarff tfpewrejv h«XXIUjtj]v yqii^v tTvcti xa| c^xeloxAt^v xfijy i^MEjyi^ilqy] [tcHjTIJV,, Vuv B]£ a^j^Eiv tE (3*uX6^iEtjck; xac iLpac; hutJje; xa.1 pftltt* ^apurrcf^pt^j SO [tfrv J«rti r6Xe|_ldv dJycivMV dRO-Bi&JtffyaiJ xal ?M V N C ^[ C ^ V -3 1-14 Welles. 1 init.:] a .. ea .. niN Lambrino, A™**]**? Herzog. 1-2: - - - ix^mw I ^ Mfcl Lambrino, [nei^tupapjiv 6et.|fH5iK npfctyw;! Herzog. 2-3: xal ^ «H»M Lambrino, [***■ w™yh*w>v I Herzog. 3-4: xai t£sv Tijiiiuv] Lambrino, v* v > ^Anpov&i ^l^v] Herzog. 4-5: 01 Lambrino, npo««xcipwv*vov^ I Kal l Herzog. 5: 0Uola ^‘ *■ °‘l Lambrino, t t i Herzog. 6 Herzog, Robert: fUtiac TQLrrv t? ] Herzog. 9 Lambrino: ^ip^v Herzog. 10 Lambrino: Holleaux, Herzog. 14: <**&* xai cfiwHx;] Lambrino. 15-20 Segre: 15-16 i*"4 J NixncT)v tjji; x>ip iWi ^ Wl^ootw Herzog, "'tV % 1 ^P flv 4* ^ ruXi|T«c (Bifiu|vo«c) ivtxijaje Robert, T IV 6pTjmeettt^ Wilhelm. 19- 20 ^[rct^cw xcwk; *EX]x^va ^tw d],YAviiiv6mi[vio|0[e^?] Herzog. 20 end: ercEcpavtca^ | !Wo_Lambrino, cnircQu^ trrt^av^Tiic; Herzog. Page 371 In relation to Eumenes' letter to Cos, this version is abbreviated in occasional phrases. The theoroi sent to Cos have split up, but the combination of a royal and a civic representative remains. The identity of this city, which the king perhaps regarded as less important than Cos, is uncertain. The delegation remained together until it had passed Cos, and so the two theoroi here may well have gone on to the Carian coast and Iasus. The chief reason for Lambrinos' attribution is that the assemblies of Iasus were held on the sixth of each month. But the docket stating that the theoros "presented on the sixth" (line 11) is perhaps ambiguous: this might refer to his presentation of the letter to the magistrates, or presentation to the council rather than to the assembly (for such dockets see Robert, Op. min. sel. 1125). And as Robert observed (1157 n. 3), the reference to an epistates that is regularly found in decrees of Iasus is missing here. 11: This is the usual verb for "presenting" a decree or letter to a foreign city or a king. That only one man is said to do it suggests a physical action, whether presenting the decree or making the speech. Anthesterion was usually a month of early spring (e.g., at Athens, Ephesus, Miletus). Eumenes undertook his quest in 182 before late summer (the Pythia of 178.26) but (on my assumption) after the second annual Nicephoria in spring; if this is so, then Anthesterion at this city cannot be so early as early spring .28 Robert, however, may have been right to press this as evidence for spring and to assign 178 to the Panaetolica in March, dating the quest early in the Julian year (Op. min. sel. 1154). 14: The king's parents (and his brothers; cf. 178.12) must have been discussed in the speech of the architheoros, for they are absent from Eumenes' letter. 178. Aetolian League Delphi: temple of Apollo. Two fragments of the base of the statue of Eumenes II dedicated by the Aetolians .29 Letters 0.007, intersp. 0.004. B. Haussoullier, BCH 5 (1881) 372 no. 3 [Cauer 2 236; Dittenberger, Syll. 215; Syll .2 295; Fick, SGDI1413; Michel, Rec. 291]; Pomtow, Syll .3 629 (squeeze); Klaffenbach, IG IX.I 2 179 (squeeze); Daux, Delphes au He et Ie siecle (Paris 1936) 298-302; FD III.3 240 [Allen, Attalid Kingdom 212-214]. Cf. Wilhelm, GGA 162 (1900) 104; 165 (1903) 795; Holleaux, REA 5 (1903) 210 (Etudes I 367); Robert, BCH 54 (1930) 332-338 (Op. min. sel. 1151-157); Daux, Melanges Gustave Glotz I (Paris 1932) 290-291. {0 e] 6 <■. |t y] x [E&o^c Toi;] AlTtoXoi^' (£n]el (JaoiAtC*; Etyi£vT|t xal oO^oiKa; tii fcpcryivuv tiv o{kjii[v fy Jtaj- 28. The late antique calendric lets allege that at Perinthus Anthesterion matched September; see Samuel, Chronobgy 88-89. 29. For the monument see E. Bourguet, REG 25 (1912) 18-19; drawings: F. Courby, FD II La Terrasse du temple 275-277 and fig. 221; in general, Daux, FD III.3 p. 231, who in Delphes 298-302 added a detached fragment (inv. 3277: ends of 16, 26-29, 32-33). Page 372 [Xcnwv 3gpdvtyv e]6vertav ip novrl xnLpSi yi'^rrit qvvaij&av xceI moXXii; seal (xetdtJjat^ &?iq5g{54l^| 4 [raiobjxai x]«c tu t& ESvcm; eOvoEa^ seal xoOs &AX0U5 ^EXXavac, iel ti m^i^pdvta BwEpaoadpffvoft] s (qrajisdic xal] qnXoTi^Las o£8&v IvXeEiuoVj yey&v 6 t«v te mfooi n&XX^v seal ^lETfaXtiJV [tuv] [xeixk to&i; tc]oXI|jov< Inats&po&c tSi|ji PastXeEav xal fv t&v xaAXkreav 5td- &fULV iyVfjXSiX; xJbtpixf [ffuvrcXeiNr) iy&va-; xal fluegas tat A&iveu tat Ntxa^Apuai jj.Eta t&v dftcXjpffiv Xal TOC M|iOU Tflv It [TlerpYa^iifjvtlaJv,, x£pl eXettftdq it-d&oujieva^ tctv totI tqy£ 6taC^ £iiqfpcia¥j mapeexeAei [6]4 xal to[tic] [ALruX^ ij{nn[t]iK(tfeefiH; &£ti*pdii£ [I^p-crav., Mkutov, Kt^airniim dicofti- Eaeiflat xo^ &y&wx$ [ttjv Nixaqsjopliflv qteqHtfrfta^;, tiql p£v ^iQLwrix^v [aaKiSfliav, xtb-v bb yv^vuedv xal tocetx&v IooX6tJtm- [Qeou]-; eijaepe[[ai] [xal qr^^avca]oai 5xwwv mhwv eIx 6 vl xpwfat, xfi^i J3amXEa Inems, toik; 54 nc^ueat], [ApnS^ EvpcfS]v xal tilvoEaC ta^ 4(v tb fPvg<} T &np5e$lx8ai 54 xal xo^ dy&voc to[v NtxoqsopUov oOc} 16 [mivteXer paojiXcix [^yJ^e^vLia^ tftfi pjfcv ^hMm?i>c 6 v LcrOTtijF>Lov + t£v 54 Y^l^vut^iv (xal tmeuxiv) itjoXO^TTLoJv, (eljiev 51) xa{l] *oISs v«ce 6 vtol^ twv Al™X^v ti|i&c seal t& Xotnit nivra tot Jv t[o^ v6|iqix; nGpl te tftv] (flu@bjv x]al 'GXu^roEcsv {x&} xaxaxExwpwskJsiva, xal xaflgbtEp b paoiXctk; E-ufilv^ AvalBetxvueL] t b t^feveic} [ra^ T A64Jv«(: tat Noca^^pog t6 jtotI ScrjAom, xa0^ xa 6p^]^, auvatioScMjf&ai toik; AittiiPjO^i;] ao [Steukp#] sl^py aOx& t3c irt' AttwXwv xal xuv AlxwXtat Kaxo^&dvr^v seal tij]&£va Sly^ V 11 ^^ ^uo[iJ- [i^Et¥ ^]vxd^ it>v ipl»¥’ eL xa SyTI ^ #w*jSE]] dtrxop td(EatTO ^ Sieyy^oTIt 0eop£*>v xaiacsxaaat xn-t; tc6Xe^ Ixiknae 0E(jispo56xoyc t£3v LSE^v luoXtiSv xat Avcvcy- Page 373 [keS]v touc &Kh tSv noXUiav tGl aTpamylSji Ilfo^vtLii iv tit nu6l«, Bcft6j4£¥ M [^^eij^Ov Knl QvLft (on J(at tO^ ta 'OXu^riLLn {raTTfUiSvrtin ${Bwrar &***; ht xflrt £[v] aft [tou^ v] 6^ify[^ x^td^L^Iji a te ^■D&D^Dt Ttlv 4 y i ^ VL]iV xnl tou IfpOv 4 dmiX'ta xcel 4 twv £l[e]^poMiK4*¥ [xfltt4or)iKn.c Kttl ti SXXa to £v t&l tetnxExwpioi^vci, fcrcL^Xfiav Boti^aaaSai t6v crr|sarmY&v [n^tvovj xal Tt>&q SXXou^ 4pxov?c«" i**wlOTft B£ m\ lotic SE&Jipofr^ Ofptjorv d[Loj¥uafou Eupax6m«rvj [0e6Xutov] a Apto™vos Alywdmiv* Kxlfamnov Ao^iatpE&ii IlEpY«^v6v, xcd cl^ifv ttitoiiC rtpO^fvtM; ja [k«1 eQepy^e]^ tuv AlwX&v j Iyy^o? t&v np®^evii[v 6 Tlpfo^icnjcu; Ava- YpA^H ^ Xal tfr [t65e £v or]4Xaiq XrfHvai^ ko! 4w9£jiev t&¥ \jl[*v Iy 0£p»*^^1; j n Vespasian's grant of personal asylia to doctors and teachers, against I do not think that fine legal distinctions are intended by the several terms, only two of which were thought necessary in lines 20-21; for the Amphictyony, was felt sufficient to convey the same meaning (179.25). I think it improbable that Eumenes stood in genuine fear that his allies the Aetolians would plunder the temple of Athena but for the protection of this decree; the Aetolians are waxing eloquent in their manner, importing the formulae of their grants of personal inviolability. A real legal fact is being established, however, in granting a foreigner access to Aetolian courts. I have followed Dittenberger in translating (22) to indicate the permission needed by a foreigner to use a court. 24-27: It is interesting to find this peremptory instruction to member cities to appoint theorodochoi (cf. the Acarnanian League, 31.32), although they are not instructed to accept the games; it is as though the League decree to that effect spoke for all and what remains is the mechanical convenience of providing local theorodochoi and the usual emoluments for the Pergamene theoroi. I do not know what need the League would have of the resulting list of theorodochoi, which would obviously be of more use to Eumenes and the Pergamenes; of course the list would show that the member cities had done what they were told. 30-31: The theoroi were two courtiers and a Pergamene citizen, so a mixture as at Cos and Iasus. Aegina had been an Attalid possession for a generation; it is more noteworthy to find a Syracusan in Attalid service. Cf. E. Olshausen, Prosopographie der hellenistischen Konigsgesandten, Stud.Hellen. 19 (Louvain 1974) 329-333. 30. Staatsoertr. Ill 446.64-65; Oliver, Greek Const. 38.6-7. Cf. P.Dion. 12.18 (108 b.c): ik* 6 ^ napaXatijttvecv yt (xtL); Claros I p. 64 [SEG 39.1244.38], the city freed from xaTerr-'i'ps'S compulsory sureties. Page 375 179. Delphian Amphictyony Delphi: temple of Apollo. On the base of the statue of Attalus I (near the monument of Eumenes II ),31 seven fragments recognized by Bourguet in 1907 and constituted and published by Holleaux, an eighth (inv. 1955, lower left) later recognized by Bourguet and by Pomtow. Maximum preserved dimensions h. 1.15, w. 1.60; letters 0.02, intersp. 0.01, with moderate apices. Seven fragments: M. Holleaux, Philologie el linguistique, Melanges offerts a Louis Havet (Paris 1909) 187-196 (Etudes II 63-72). Entire: E. Bourguet, REG 25 (1912) 19-20; Pomtow, Delphica III (1911) 114-116 (= BPW 32.14 [6 April 1912]); Syll.3 630; Daux, Delphes 293-298; FD III.3 261 [Allen, Attalid Kingdom 214-215]. Photograph: Daux, Delphes pi. 3 (lines 1-26); FD pi. 7; Daux, BCH 77 (1954) 371 (lines 21-26). Cf. Robert, BCH 54 (1930) 346 n. 3 (Op. min. sel. 1165); Wilhelm, Griechische Inschriften rechtlicher Inhalt (Athens 1951) 48-51 (Kl. Schr. 1.3 442-445); Daux, BCH 77 (1954) 370- 371. [&pxovio£ iv drtet&f| fkcv\ ^SjtJxjEv Evoctv tou fciiaT7]p6Ta0ai ffyv ^n(4pxow[t^ atttaiv yji\ + Pika(jpiat]oL Bz<£pa?x?vt£<; aikou 'd'jv itpaciEpemv tatu£[4|p xal tape Ttjiak xal rq*cj *9 (Xoljww; mw tofe £u xflfe |jJqu[y 0 dQiX&*c x]al f^jiv 3* [^(iflvXLjfl'v t(?ij leptsO ijry[5di tEsv Hufcv scat EwxTjpiJyw,. Text of Holleaux. 6 Robert: qliT!(C: Holleaux. 9 Daux: t«W l Holleaux. 12 Daux: Holleaux. 17 Roussel in FD: lnpww^evoi xe t]cm Holleaux. 26 init. Daux 1954: ^ w^Xcuov?] p om tow; [ t5l I? v ["wP^ov) Da(Jx ^ FD . Wilhelm; end: Holleaux. 27 Daux: fw^ftJtamWsWrt,!*. *.] Holleaux. 27-28: wipt^iiudatj; xai wt<: xoi;v«^|oaaw fewtpxonicKiKl p 0 mtow. 29 IIIIK lapis. 31-32 Bourguet: x ^[ w SeBchj^vov toi pqrcr&n x]al [rfxAvi* tv twi dyiw t»v riu9ijwv[ Holleaux, I®- T ^ v Jtpo(jTiT]av| Pomtow, Delphica. At the beginning the text evidently has been condensed for inscribing, for it lacks a register of the Council members. The Council displays a historical (and partisan) consciousness of Eumenes’ role in world affairs that is absent from the king's letter and rather less specific Page 377 in the Aetolian decree; this was a theme of the ambassador's speech (cf. 14). "Always ready to be the source of some good for the Greeks, he has shared their dangers in behalf of the common security for the greater part of Greek cities, and has given gifts to the end that their established autonomy be preserved: for which reason the Romans, seeing his policy, have increased his kingdom, considering it necessary that those of the kings who plot against the Greeks obtain fitting censure, while those responsible for no evil are worthy of their highest trust." Holleaux (Etudes II 70-72) deduced that the enemies of Philip and friends of Rome now dominated the Council membership, and that a letter of the king helped shape the decree. The decree does not trouble to name the ambassadors. Temple of Asclepius Soter The Asclepieum of Pergamum is situated two kilometers southwest of the city proper, among the hills on the far side of the Selinus River. Of its inviolability no primary grant survives, rather a fragment of a Roman confirmation ca. 45 B . c . (Servilius Isauricus: 181). Tacitus reports that in the investigation of AD 22 Pergamum had rather more recent and credible proofs for the inviolability of the Asclepieum than those offered by some cities, which could cite only oracles or remote grants by Darius or Alexander; this may well mean that the Pergamenes had a Roman document to show the Senate. Isauricus was acting within the framework of Caesar's restoration of the privileges of Pergamum; a fragment of a letter of Caesar to Pergamum mentions inviolability (180), but here the identity of the possessor of the statusthe Nicephorium, the Asclepieum, or the city and countryis lost. The benefactions to Pergamum are invoked in a series of statue bases, which show that the city's honors were now restored after a lapse, not granted for the first time. Pergamum had entered Roman rule in 129 B . c . as a free city, its privileges intact. 32 The occasion on which the asylia of the Asclepieum and the Nicephorium was abolished was surely the Roman Vespers of 88, when in fact Romans who took refuge with Asclepius were killed by the Pergamenes. 33 In 48 Caesar pursued Pompey to Egypt after the battle of Pharsalus, passing along the coastal cities of Asia Minor .34 During the several weeks of his progess 32. For the status of Roman Pergamum see Habicht, I.Asklep. pp. 4-6, 23, and Jones 203. 33. Cic. Flac. 57; App. Mith. 23; Plut. Sull. 11. In 85 Fimbria fled to the Asclepieum before committing suicide (App. Mith. 60). 34. H. Hepding, AM 34 (1909) 335-340; A. E. Raubitschek, JRS 44 (1954) 65-75; Robert, Hellenica X (1955) 257-260. Page 378 he was hailed and honored by the cities of Asia. The Pergamenes erected a statue of him dated by his second consulship (which lapsed in December 48): calling him their patron and benefactor and the savior and benefactor of the Greeks, they praise him for his piety and justice (IGRIV 305). On this occasion, therefore, Caesar merely pardoned Pergamum for its support of Pompey and did nothing more positive to which the Pergamenes could allude. By contrast, statues dated by his second dictatorship (November 48 to April 46) reflect a different visit, during his tour of Asia late in the summer of 47, after Mithradates of Pergamum had saved his life in Alexandria .35 Now, doubtless at the prompting of Mithradates, Caesar announced as a policy a major "restoration" of the city's status. 180 must stem from this decision; Isauricus, arriving in Asia some months later at the beginning of 46, was left to carry out details; he was in Asia until mid-44.36 Caesar apparently ordered the general restoration of the lost rights of Pergamum, including its "ancestral constitution" and the inviolability of at least the Asclepieum. Isauricus will have taken time to sift through what claims were ancestral and therefore legitimate; and evidently he had to address conflicting interests. We have a fragment of a decision by him about the Asclepieumcertainly favorable because it was inscribed by the Pergamenes at the templeafter its asylia was challenged (181). Evidently there were those who were disadvantaged by this status; the case of Oropus suggests that the inviolability of the Asclepieum may have been challenged by publicans, as tax status was in question. Statues at Pergamum commemorating all three men date to the period 46-44 BC . Mithradates has "restored to the ancestral gods the city and country," dntofxajTacrn^oavTareaTp^Lo^ bw*te nix™xai-rf|v^pav .37 isauricus is savior and benefactor for "giving back to the city its ancestral constitution and its democracy unenslaved," xfjt. ti6Xjei tq'jc rooptouc vfipwcxttt ftrpoxpaTtav “fhg text On Caesar'S tWO Statue bases is more problematic; he is Pergamum's savior and benefactor for restoring the city and country to the gods (I quote the better preserved, underlining what is preserved only in the other ):39 t&v htitai of aTfip* Ma t pJco vtinvl 35. On Mithradates see Rostovtzeff, SEHHW 1527-1528; Bowersock, Augustus and the Greek World (Oxford 1965) 9. 36. R. Syme, Anatolian Studies Buckler (Aberdeen 1939) 307-308 (Roman Papers I 127-128). On Caesar's program of restoratbn in Asia, carried out by Isauricus, see J. and L. Robert, Hellenica VI (1948) 37-42. 37. Two statue bases: Hepding 330-331 [IGR IV 1682]; cf. Robert, Etudes anat. 53. 38. I.Perg. 413 [OGIS 449; IGR IV 433; ILS 8779]; for Isauricus' daughter, I.Perg. 414. 39. I.Perg. 379 and 380, with Hepding 336-337 [IGR IV 1677]; cf. Passerini 276; Robert, Op. min. sel. I 614, V 581; Hellenica X 253; Magie II 1259. Page 379 [rdtov 'I&ijJkioy F«[ou 66v Kfltg[a pa tftv atito Kfidiopfl kaI] i [4px*]?p£s Kffl BuciiTopa t 5 [(J rcaonc £perjre xul devotee] [Ivcxjcv Aitoxarcmrafcafv ra Tot; fec tc tfl v tt n6\ iv] [ml Tft]v x c ^P« v ^(6 Jmv tep&[v - - -] To restore at the end either the name of a god ({Ml* or some other, Segre 126) or up&[v k«i 4 mjXov mi d); Dbd. 31.35 (*“0“^). Cf. Robert, Etudes anat. 111-118; Muller, Chiron 22 (1992) 195- 226. 44. I.Asklep. 3. The peace was established in summer 154. Robert (Op. min. sel. VII 461) took the games to be Panhellenic and quadrennial, which is by no means assured, and reckoned 149 or 148 as the date of this inscriptbn (Eumenes 1 brother Athenaeus presiding over the second celebratbn). If in fact the festival was not annual, its cycle was surely so fixed as to avoid the Nbephoria (153, 149, etc.). Note the vbtory of Attalus II commemorated at the Nbephoria of 149 (OGIS 299), probably his final defeat of Prusias (Hansen 137-138; Jones 183-189). 45. OGIS 332, with Robert, BCH 108 (1984) 472-489, 109 (1985) 468-481 (DAM 460-477, 522-535), and Muller. 46. On the Asclepieia see the references at Habbht, I.Asklep. p. 8 n. 21; on civb titles, 158-161. For Asclepius on the Pergamene cistophori of Hadrian see W. Metcalf, The Cistophori of Hadrian, ANS NumismStud 15 (New York 1980) 9- 11 . 47. See Le Rider (above, n. 2) 68-70. Revenues of the temple mentbned at OGIS 332.19 wJpoy wO ’AoxXT)weU>u) 48. I.Smyrna 589 = Roman Doc. 12. Page 381 agora of Smyrna. Frag, a: h. 0.36, w. 0.12; b: h. 0.33, w. 0.19; irregular letters, h. 0.01- 0.015, of the first century BC . A. Passerini, Athenaeum n.s. 15 (1937) 273-277 (from a photograph) [Sherk, Roman Documents 54 (frag, a)]; Petzl, I.Smyrna 590 (squeeze of frag. b). Photograph of squeeze (frag, b): Petzl, I.Smyrna II pi. 2. Cf. M. Segre, Athenaeum n.s. 16 (1938) 119-127; Robert, Anatolian Studies Buckler (Manchester 1939) 227-230 (Op. min. sel. I 611-614). ». [F 4 w>c 'loaftLPC Ktfoop) suJtoxfpdTwp, ^ xwt Swrit-wp xb p? TIepyv- pti)v£>v ffkauXj) xatp£i]v p eL |ppw-[rft, tS fiv tx 01 ' tirtffluav xnt cnSric \itxb. (uf^vv dv*lYp®TO i ’u tJoO tmxpl^lTcx; (ffl£Yp«4*a? --- 4 -- - n]epl fiv Mi 0 [paMT 3 fK x&l II e«6 15 $X®q. 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( 0 r x^) Rigsby; ^ Passerini. 3-4: AnlcrraXxx toO yet ov ^ to ^ neplixelvKWv xfiv rcpaYjjdhwv sjepi Passerini, toO yerfov6m^ *epL 0 (jf* itpoawpufiifYrK' *]ip4 Segre. 4: Mi9[p«WtTijq? £)«>£ X6 y<*j^ inoi^oato_Passerini. 5 : |b u$i]a| anc | TipA^x^ Passerini. 6-7: 1l/j|V 1C R^XiV xal £sdv paoAtik; ‘AttlXo^ ijj nttn I Kfidoupiotv, 4]xrB^ p ^p^ovrc^ lit per eu; toD Aluwq Ypa^jp-ttTCLH; 5^1 du> Kplion MfjvDSupoU Tupvasjlfflpjcoc, 6(Jwt»5 te itpcoponed u^te£kjl p kptt; ftyuBolp IptA npoaff&ov (mhp t&ij AmtXirj- 13 JtwSu tepfifv v6^uun T£. fjttt; O^iC'iv avrEora- 6nip twv tou Itpgy np&c MApxcn ^itwtov Nefjcpl&u ul&v Ti^pE^ttv^ (mijp^v L bnip xcufaou [xoGj HfiiY^rarfo^ fee AvxwtpreaoT-iofM^ (wp 1 tj- 16 Kaxipwv fr^Eorn; r[ - -- -- -- -- Ijitxpiva 1 wspl] tjv ^[wlq*; Nepeplou uI£h; Tr^cxtiv^ £ve|- ipdviacv [----- --*.-] . owr [..-.--------- j 15 Segre 1933: ixpipAo™™ fcx*vffw»v Wiegand. 17 end Segre 1934: — 4ra]^ y evo^Swv inixptvg (xrJk,)^ 0P(j ROm3n DOC. 70.7. Marcus Fannius is not known. Wiegand noted the Fannius who would be a legate of Cassius in Asia (App. BCiv. 4-72); but this dignitary seems improbable. For in what capacity did Fannius complain? The elaboration of his nomenclature and tribe, rather than an office, shows that he was a privatus, very likely a publican, so speaking for the interests of his group against the exemption of the Asclepieum and its lands. This had happened earlier to Apollo of Didyma (I.Didyma 367) and to Amphiaraus (6), and possibly the same argument was used here as against Amphiaraus, that Asclepius was a mortal and not a god. 5-10: The nine envoys constitute a roster of the Pergamene officialdom: the eponymous prytanis,5i the hereditary priest of Asclepius, the five "magistrates" (Isauricus uses the generic term, as Roman texts often do: certainly these are the five strategoi familiar at Pergamum), the secretary of the assembly, and the gymnasiarch. 50. See R. Syme, Historia 13 (1964) 116 (Roman Papers II 594), folbwed by Habtht. 51. As Wiegand saw, Cleitus' wife is on record as priestess of the Meter Basileia (I.Perg. 481-483). Page Temple of Artemis, Ephesus The temple of Artemis of Ephesus stood about a mile distant from the Hellenistic city, acre the Selinus River. There is no need to repeat here the testimonies concerning this famous shrine, 1 reputedly built by the Ionian people jointly (Livy 1.45; Dion. Hal. 4.25.4), more venerable than any other of Artemis (so Callim. Hymn. 3.237ff.), and a subject for scholarl investigation (FGrHist 267: third century BC ). The goddess "whom all Asia and the world worships" (Acts 19:27; cf. Paus. 4.31.8) was honored among Greeks and barbarians alike, said the Ephesians, for her manifest miracles (I.Ephesos la 24.C.9-14). Her temple stands outside the city proper, and it was the temple, not the city and country, that was inviolabh Despite the rich epigraphical record at Ephesus, no initial recognition has been found; witt one possible exception (182), the extant evidence dates under Roman rule. It may well be that there was no Hellenistic grant, that the Ephesians invoked older traditions about refui to persuade the Romans that the Artemisium was an asylum. The want of evidence can as easily be meaningless, however, for the site of the temple, where declarations would have been inscribed, was heavily exploited before modern times and has yielded few inscription Artemis of Ephesus was of old famous as protective of suppliants (Etym. Magn. s.v. _ and myth and history show numerous acts of refuge 1. Assembled by R. C. Kukula, Forschungen in Ephesos I (Vienna 1906) 237-282; note Plut. Mor. 828d, in praise of frugality: lepdv SmiMorv nap^ei ksI SSemiv t£>v ftavELcav ^ pjfcv y&p 'ftptcpfcc £v b Eq?£ercj tai£ bt xTfi ftiteXeUn; xa\ nod Spa to v icavtaj;GU Ava nf i L-m raL See R. Fleischer, Artemis von Ephesos, EPRO 35 (Leiden 1973); B. L. Trell, The Temple of Artemis at Ephesus, ANS Monogr. 107 (New York 1945). Page 386 to her temple .2 Achilles Tatius sets in the temple the scene of an elaborate proceeding to determine whether a suppliant had just claim on the goddess's protection (7.13; cf. 8.9). While in general I have ignored incidents of refuge as possible evidence for declared inviolability, the case of Ephesus may stand apart, because of the centrality of this lore to the identity of the temple and city. First were the Amazons, who founded the temple (so the earliest version we have, Pind. frags. 173-176) or themselves took refuge therewhence the name whether from the name of an Amazon or from Artemis' freeing them from danger when they fled before Dionysus to the temple (*K««, ^W5?^).3 Croesus tried by physical means (a rope) to attach the city to the sanctity of the temple (Hdt. 1.26),4 and the Achaemenids respected its suppliants (Xen. An. 1.6.7). Some of the Ephesian oligarchs, on being overthrown by Alexander, took refuge in the Artemisium, but they were removed and stoned to death by the people (Arr. Anab. 1.17.10); on a later occasion Alexander ordered the Ephesians not to interfere with another suppliant (Plut. Alex. 42.1). In the mid-third century Ptolemy "the Son" took refuge in the Artemisium, only to be murdered by Thracian mercenaries, evidently not by due process (Ath. 593a). After the Roman Vespers in 88 B . c . at least one pro-Roman family fled from Rhodes to the Artemisium upon the approach of Mithridates (Royal Corres. 74); but when Ephesus later joined Mithridates, some suppliants were removed and executed (App. Mith. 23). Some of those defeated at Philippi fled to the temple; Antony on arriving let them depart with impunity, except for two who were involved in the murders of Caesar and Dolabella (App. BCiv. 5.4); later at Cleopatra's urging he had Arsinoe killed, who had taken refuge in the temple.5 The temple was much used as a bank of deposit.6 At the senatorial review in A . D . 22, the claims of Ephesus, capital of the province of Asia, were heard first, and Tacitus reports the Ephesians' presentation in greater detail than the subsequent cases. They explained that the sacred grove was the birthplace of Apollo and Artemishere, not on Delos, was Leto's olive tree.7 At the temple Apollo made expiation for killing the Cyclopes,8 and here the Amazons took refuge from Dionysus. Heracles as ruler of Lydia had 2. Quoted at Forsch. Ephesos I 258-260; a selection at C. Picard, Ephese et Claras (Par's 1922) 139, 148-151. 3. Forsch. Ephesos I 239-241. For the epithet cf. Zeus at Argos (FGrHist 156 f 16). For the statues of the Amazons that stood in the precinct, ranging in date from the classical age to the Augustan, see Brunhilde S. R'dgway, AJA 78 (1974) 1-17; Proc.X.Internat.Congr.Class.Arch. (Ankara 1978) 761-770. 4. Cf. D. van Berchem, MusHelv 17 (1960) 24-26. 5. Jos. AF 15.89; Db 48.24.2; cf. Magie 1279 n. 5. 6. References at Forsch. Ephesos I 261-262. 7. For the tree see Callim. Hymn. 4-209; Ov. Met. 6.335. 8. Cf. Eitrem, "Kykbpen," RE 11 (1922) 2333. Page 387 increased the sacrosanctity of the Artemisium, and Persians, Macedonians, and Romans had confirmed it. This last statement implies that the Ephesian ambassadors cited documents: a privilege dating from mythic times was confirmed by various rulers (auctam hinc concessu Herculis ... caerimoniam templo etc.). The alternative view would be that they had in mind no more than the stories mentioned above, anecdotes in which kings respected suppliants of Artemis; but the specificness of auctam and concessu suggests formal grants. These need not all have concerned asylia, for the cities in A . D . 22 seem to have taken the opportunity to recite the histories of their temples and their privileges; the Ephesians surely cited benefactions of various sorts to the temple. Some Achaemenid benefaction to Artemis is credible and easily paralleled.9 Several favors of Alexander are on record, one of them (the temple boundaries: see below) pertinent to asylia .10 It is in fact Heracles' action, aucta caerimonia, that best echoes the terms of the Hellenistic recognitions. His rule in Lydia was his sojourn as Omphale's husband, whence the line of Heracleidae in Lydia that ended with Candaules.n Tacitus normally ignores Panhellenic recognition in favor of royal precedents, and in this he probably echoes the embassies of AD . 22. The story of Heracles appears to have been shaped by Hellenistic practice, described as a formal recognition by a ruler. A fragment of a Hellenistic decree of the Chrysaorean League or one of its members grants some request of an Ephesian ambassador; the substance is lost to us, but there was mention of a temple and of the close relations of the author with Ephesus (I.Ephesos IV 1388): [. . In ....... ]eiv vevofi- 4 [ - -— ---- - - - ] le pw x«l 6 [X*rl^ --ti'jv [0w<; \jucik nduj]T^ frrtQ'^% fa.*-****-..'- xatl fi -- ---T^V -J ( * * . ..-.J This might be a recognition of asylia, but the diagnostic sentiments (piety, honoring the god) are not found in what little remains. 9. So the Milesians alleged to the Senate a recognition by Darius; cf. Meiggs/Lewis 12 (Darius for Apolb). 10. In additbn, the taxes the city had paid the Persian crown henceforth go to the temple (Arr. Anab. 1.17.10); for such gifts of Alexander see T. Corsten, Historia 43 (1994) 112-118. The immunity of the temple from taxes and billeting is attested in an inscription of 302 B .c. (I.Ephesos V 1449.5). Compare the Seleucid favors to Zeus of Baetocaece, 218. 11. Cf. Gruppe, RE Suppl. 3 (1918) 972-977. Page 388 Thus, in the current state of our evidence, it is not possible to determine whether the Ephesians extended back to the beginning of their history a status that was actually obtained by a Hellenistic grant of the usual sort, or instead relied on their reputation as a refuge and disdained to seek such a recognition in the Hellenistic period. If in fact the initial grant was Hellenistic (Tacitus' "Macedonians"), it was likely earlier than the Peace of Apamea in 188 B . c ., when Ephesus was given over to the Attalid kingdom on rather unfavorable terms .12 Hellenistic evidence for the privilege is confined to a boundary inscription of the second century BC , whose text is uncertain. 182. Boundary White marble block broken at right; h. 0.28, w. 0.415, th. 0.30; not in situ, reused in imperial times. 13 Letters, with small serifs, of the second century BJC .: A with broken crossbar, 0 and Q smaller, II with right hasta more than half descended, I with parallel bars; h. 0.025, intersp. 0.014. Hicks, IGBritMus III 520 [Dittenberger, Syll .2 574; Forsch. Ephesos I 280 no. 26; Hiller, Syll.3 989; Sokolowski, LSAM 85; I.Ephesos V 1520]. Collation. t b tt\z ftmjXov?] reiv low 6^ £ s &v] Text of Dittenberger. 1 end: a serif of a rising angular stroke, A or A. 2: Hicks added exempli gratia. 3 end: part of a serif of a stroke that cannot be vertical, only A or A probable; ** y***:] Hicks. In 1 some synonym is possible instead, compare at Delphi (p. 48). In 3 the restored words are easily paralleled,i4 but not with the nominative The block derives from the perimeter wall of the temple. The sacred peribolos underwent a number of changes, especially in the first century BC . (see below). But the script here seems older than that. The inscription may, as Hicks thought, derive from an otherwise unreported change in the boundaries of inviolability, in the second century BC ; but it may equally have marked construction of a new wall along an old line or repair to the old wall. The script seems to me earlier than the beginning of Roman rule in 129 BC , but that must remain uncertain. This text, however, is our best evidence for a terminus ante quern for the inviolability of the temple; but it might in fact state no more about the Artemisium than was true of any other temple. The Romans' recognition of the status, attested from the age of Caesar on, may have occurred upon their earliest contact with Anatolia in the 190s, as at Claros, Teos, and Magnesia. In the 90s, according to Cicero, the quaestor of 12. References at Phoenix 33 (1979) 43. 13. I.Ephesos 1687.6 is on the reverse. 14. Cf. Robert, Etudes anat. 415-416. Page: the province, whose slave had taken refuge in the Artemisium, an asylum, was prevented by an Ephesian magistrate Pericles from seizing him; Pericles was brought to Rome to star trial for this injustice .15 Certainly the asylia of the temple will have been abolished as a result of the killing of Roman partisans who took refuge there in 88 BC . Our terminus ante quern for the restoration of the asylia of the Artemisium is 44 BJC ., when the status was cited as precedent for the inviolability of the temple of Artemis at Sardes (214.47): ’E^oiac'Apr^ti^. so again for Aphrodite at Aphrodisias in 39 (212.56-57): {rrruXov toOtw &txaEw te xal ft ScKuSai^ovlaxfc tep£>v ehe xnl t^cvo? £<><><><><><><><><><><> The temple retains its rights, but some to a lesser degree. It remains inviolable now as before, but the boundaries of the inviolability have often been changed. Alexander increased them by a stadbn. Mithridates shot an arrow from the corner 15. Cic. Verr. 2.1.85 (in Ulud asylum confugisset); cf. J.-L. Ferrary, CRAI 1991, 573. A Pericles was mint magistrate at Ephesus in 58 B .c., BMC Ionia 67. 16. For such a citation of precedent compare the evocation of Diana Aventina at CIL XII 4333 and elsewhere (cf. p. 578). For parallels for "the same status as" see C. Nicolet, Insula sacra (Paris 1980) 102 n. 46. 17. So Robert, Hellenba VI (1948) 41-42. Earlier Caesar had boasted of having twice protected the temple treasury (BC 3.33, 105). In 56 B .c. Ptolemy XII appears to have taken up residence in or by the Artemisium (Db 39.16.3 J nepa ijj Bi^ono but Ptolemy was not in fight from anyone, and this may be no more than a pretentious way of saying that Ptolemy resided in Ephesus (compare Libanius, bebw, p. 442). Page 390 of the roof and reckoned that it had gone somewhat beyond that stadbn. Antonyl8 doubled this and thus encompassed in the right of inviolability a part of the city; but this was deemed harmful, making the city over to wrongdoers, 19 and Augustus Caesar revoked it. The topographical import of the extensions is uncertain. As the near wall of the Lysimachean city of Ephesus is about a mile, some eight stadia, from the temple, scholars have long insisted that Strabo's dimensions fall well short of intrusion upon the city. Benndorf concluded that the "city" Strabo meant was at Ayashuyuk just north of the temple and that this was the original site of Ephesus and still called "the city" in Augustan times .20 Such an obscure usage by Strabo is unlikely, and I think unnecessary: for we must take into account the distance missing in Strabo, the original radius of the peribolos. This, the radius to which Alexander added a stadion and Mithridates a little more, we do not know. Nor does Strabo make clear whether the distance (™*™) that Antony doubled was the whole radius or only the addition of Alexander and Mithridates. Sulla had added one mile to the radius of the Amphiareum at Oropus, Caesar two miles to that of the Didymeum at Miletus; I should guess that Antony's favor was similarly ostentatious, doubling the current radius rather than merely adding another stadion to it. If the primitive radius had been only three stadia (about 600 meters), Alexander's stadion and Antony's doubling will have brought the perimeter into the walled city .21 Note finally that the population of Augustan Ephesus surely spread beyond the Hellenistic walls. The question is not controlled as yet by the archaeological record. J. T. Wood found a corner of what seemed the Augustan peribolos, for it contained the inscriptions cited below; the corner is 460 meters from the temple. But we now know that the wall is of late Roman date and the inscribed blocks reused .22 Even if we assume that this late wall followed the line restored by Augustus, Antony's doubling of that distance would not have extended the peribolos to the city walls. 18. Antony visited Ephesus in 42/1 after Philippi (App. BCiv. 5-4; Plut. Ant. 24; Db 48.24) and again in 33 with Cleopatra (Plut. 56, 58), but probably too on other occasbns during his bng command in the East; a visit is mentbned in Sherk, Roman Documents 57-5, whbh is not otherwise dated; also Jos. AJ 14-304. 19. Echoed in one of the fetters of Apolbnius of Tyana, literary forgeries of later antiquity, in whbh Apolbnius rebukes the Ephesians for this permitting of lawlessness: Ep. 65 (Forsch. Ephesos I 259 no. 295). 20. Forsch. Ephesos I 31-48. 21. The uncertainty is not resolved by the report of Mithridates' bow shot, whbh (if we accept the story) could have outstripped either Alexander's stadbn or the original radius plus that stadbn. The official world record at present is 851 yards, about four stadia: J. D. Latham and W. F. Paterson, Saracen Archery (London 1970) 109. 22. See W. Jobst, IstMitt 30 (1980) 241-260. For early relatbns between Augustus and Ephesus see P. Scherrer, Jahreshefte 60 (1990) 87-101. Page 391 183. Rome: Augustus Ephesus: temple of Artemis Two white marble blocks built into a late antique wall; they flanked a corner symmetrically, at a point 460 meters south of the temple (now in London and Berlin). Each ca. h. 0.44, w. 1.76. MousSmyrn 1 (1873) 116 no. 14; J. T. Wood, Discoveries at Ephesus (London 1877) pp. 132-134 and app. I p. 2; Mommsen, CIL III 6070, 7118; Hicks, IGBM III 522 [Dessau, ILS 97; I.Ephesos V 1522]. Cf. Jobst 251-253. Imp. Caesar divi f. Aug. cos. XII tr. pot. XVIII pontifex maximus, ex reditu Dianae fanum et Augusteum muro muniendum curavit, ff C. Asinb Galb procos.,]] curatore 4 Sex. Lartidb leg. AtooxpdiTfidf Krafawp GeoG ulftq Eefkwrrfo; tp 6c v Up£>v t% GeqG x£v veu x 5 Eepkcarfpu xtxwjSiivs* ?tpoewi^T| h f[£nl >iv‘0njTt:-i 7 :ou FuEdu jAmvtou FiXiouJ] E££crcou A-apTLBtau JLpEO- pEUTWh The date is the first half of 5 BC The name of the governor has been erased (incompletely in one copy: I underline what survives there); Gallus (PIR 2 A 1229) was disgraced and executed in the early 30s AD Augustus' act here is described only as the building of a wall, not as an alteration of the boundaries of the Artemisium as described by Strabo. Yet even on its own terms it seems little favor to Artemis: the goddess, not the emperor, had to pay for this wall, and also (if Jobst is right) for a distinct wall surrounding the temple of Augustus in the new agora of the city .23 On the same occasion and also through Lartidius, the emperor saw to the planning and repair of roads and a waterway leading to the temple. 24 Other benefactions of Augustus cannot be closely dated. Some dedications are on record, including perhaps the restoration of a statue by Myron stolen by Antony .25 He guaranteed the boundaries of some land owned by Artemis well to the east in Ephesian 23. Jobst has argued for separating the two tempbs named in this inscription. The Augusteum wall is the mentioned in Syll.5 818 (= I.Ephesos II 412) as needing repair in a.d. 79/80. For the two Augustea of Ephesus see H. Engelmann, ZPE 97 (1993) 279-289. 24. I.Ephesos V 1523-1524 (with Jahresh. 59 [1989] Beibl. 223-226), again duplicate inscriptbns placed symmetrically in the late wall, and likewise of uncertain topographical import. 25. Pliny HN 34-58 (see, however, F. Munzer, Hermes 30 [1895] 595); Ridgway esp. AJA 1974, 14-15. Page 392 territory .26 He also restored to her some funds the use of which had been usurped by private persons. 27 Thus Augustus several times addressed himself to the well-being of the Artemisium. The wall built in 5 B . c . is to be placed among these examples of his concern. If this was the peribolos wall, 5 B . c . will be a terminus ante quern for the restoration of the boundary to its former situation before Antony's enlargement. But the building of this wall need not be the same act as changing the sacred boundary; the repudiation of Antony's change would seem more likely to belong early in Augustus' reign. Ephesian coins show that the Artemisium, "the jewel of the whole province," as one governor called it, continued to enjoy asylia through the imperial period. 28 On occasional civic bronzes scattered in date from the late first century to the mid-third, we find on the reverse the image of the goddess and the label (P WTE 6) or But this notice is a rarity, in contrast to the frequent citation of the neocories with the image of the temple. In conclusion, our authors may be right, and the Ephesians claimed inviolability for their temple from time immemorial. But it is possible instead (despite the silence of the epigraphical evidence) that the status of the temple followed the usual pattern: that is, that the asylia of the Artemisium was created by Panhellenic grant in the third century b .c.3o In any case, it was abolished by the Roman authorities after 88 and restored later, perhaps in the 40s on Caesar's orders. Strabo sees the asylia of the Artemisium in Roman terms: it was an asylum in which persons might take refuge, a privilege deriving from remote antiquity and old already in Alexander's day. I suggest that his source in this passage is the Roman decision on boundaries, made in Augustus' time, when the Ephesians, in the context of a complaint against them, contrived their case to satisfy Roman expectations and limitations. Just as Artemis of Ephesus served Rome as the precedent for defining asylia in the province, she may also have served as the precedent for restricting that right in AD 22, for there is an obvious similarity in the problem perceived at 26. I.Ephesos VII 3501-3502, the first a substantial pillar found on the north sbpe of Mt. Mesogis, five hours' walk from the city. For other rural properties of Artemis guaranteed by imperial boundaries, see I.Ephesos VII 3506- 3513; cf. II 566, simply *"*“**. 27. I.Ephesos la 18.b.5-7; cf. c. 10-11, 19b.5. 28. I.Ephesos la 18.b.2-3. at III 625 merely is the rhetoric of the age. The goddess took the place of the emperor in holding one of the neocories of the city: Robert, RPhil III.41 (1967) 48-50 (Op. min. sel. V 388-390); Burrell, "Neokoroi" 262-267. 29. See the list of types in S. Karwiese, "Ephesos," RE Suppl. 12 (1970) 331-361 (examples under Domitia, Antoninus Pius, Severus Alexander, Etruscilla, Philip Junbr, and Otacilia Severa). 30. Artemis' games, the Ephesia, were Panhellenic by imperial times, but we do not know when they became so. Page 393 Augustan Ephesus, as described by Strabo, and during the Senate's inquiry under Tiberius .31 The lawless behavior that resulted from Antony's enlarging the asylum at Ephesus (for a period that perhaps ended in 5 BC . and thus lasted a generation, but that may have been far shorter) entered Roman legal lore as a grave objection to the right of asylum, on which the first princeps imposed limits at Ephesus. Augustus' solution there, however, was not so much legal as geographical: for at Ephesus the problem of public order was solved by restoring the precinct to its isolated remove from the city, an option not available in the diverse cases put before the Senate in AD 22. 31. See p. 29; B. Haussoullier, RPhil n.s. 23 (1900) 156. Page 394 Temple of Hera, Samos The largest temple in Greece in the classical period was the Heraeum of Samos, situated on the south coast of the island about six kilometers from the city proper; seated in the middle of the plain, the temple faces Mt. Mycale across the strait .1 "Autochthonous Hera," born at this site, was the patron divinity of the Samians .2 Her aniconic cult statue, of great antiquity, was famous, and the temple and its dedications attracted scholarly interest in the Hellenistic age ,3 and the greed of Verres in 80 BC and of Antony later.4 In a.d. 23 the Samians offered the Roman Senate an Amphictyonic decree as authority for the inviolability of the Heraeum: "a decree of the Amphictyons, in whom resided chief judicial authority over all things, at the time the Greeks, through their founding of cities along Asia, ruled the shores of the sea" (Tac. Ann. 4.14). This appears to invoke the time after the Ionian migration in the Dark Ages, rather than the Hellenistic period .5 Such a claim may have rested on an anecdote from a local history or on a forged document from such a book, such as we have in I.Magnesia 17 and 20. 1. Hdt. 3.60 for its size (cf. A. E. Furtwangler, AM 99 [1984] 97-103); the temenas encompassed a n*aovx6ov&; according to the archaic poet Asius of Samos (frag. 13; cf. J. N. O'Sullivan, GRBS 22 [1981) 329- 333). See in general H. Walter, Das Herabn von Samas (Munich 1976); H. Kyrieleis, Fuhrer durch das Herabn von Sames (Athens 1981). 2. 'Hpavaihix&ovaKlb 33 (1940) 164-170 (FGrHist 540 fi: epigram, II b.c); Paus. 7-4-4 on her birth. A famous early illustratbn of this polbuchos thea is the Attic stele IG 112 1: O. Kern, Inscriptbnes Graecae (Bonn 1913) 18. At LSCG Suppl. 81.15-16 Note the Samians' temple of Hera at Naucratis (Hdt. 2.178). 3. FGrHist 536 f 3, with Jacoby's notes; 537 fi; 540; 541; Paus. 7-4-7; Callim. frag. 100. 4. Cb. Verr. 2.1.50 (a temple antiquissimum et nobilissimum); Strab. 14.1.14 (637). For the statues by Myron, Antony's phunder, see E. Buschor, AM 68 (1953) 51-62. 5. So H. Biirgel, Die pylaeisch-delphische Amphbtyonie (Munbh 1877) 76-77, invoked by Herrmann, AM 75 (1960) 91 n. 73; see p. 107. Page 395 If there was a Hellenistic recognition of asylia, no remains of it have been found in the inscriptions. In the second half of the third century Samos was a Ptolemaic dependency. Ptolemy III (246-221) had occasion to regulate the treatment of suppliants in the Heraeum.6 This is a most interesting intervention by the king into the legal and religious affairs of a city, but unfortunately little of the stone survives. A trial was to be held before the hieropoiai, who are to the case may have involved slaves (to&p tuv xaxatpn^vtuvEkthe king laying down the conditions under which these may be handed over to their masters (*>*&*&*& A roughly contemporary law of Samos prohibits several categories of persons (slaves, soldiers, veterans, suppliants, indigents) from being employed in the shops established within the temple precinct;7 here too trial will be before the hieropoiai, whose decision must be ratified by a civil court. From these texts it is clear that suppliants were an important part of the life of the temple in the third century BC , and that the government of Samos imposed legal procedures on the phenomenon as did other Greek cities. What we see at the Heraeum need not be a consequence of a Hellenistic grant of asylia, as distinct from the usual Greek rights and regulations for suppliants, and the attraction for them of an especially honored and spacious temple. The epigraphical evidence for declared asylia derives from the Roman confirmation in AD 23. We have a fragment of a decision concerning the Asclepieum on Cos and the Heraeum on Samos (184). And from the Heraeum come two statue bases of the consuls of 23, dedicated by the people of Samos;s presumably the consuls authored an advisory opinion to the Senate on the matter. 184. Rome Stele of white marble broken on all sides, found on Samos reused in a church near the Heraeum; h. 0.45, w. 0.27, th. 0.095; letters 0.014, intersp. 0.01. P. Herrmann, AM 75 (1960) 90-93 no. 5 [Sherk, Roman Doc. 32]. Photograph: Herrmann pi. 38.3. (.]m[..] I.lTO.?[.-.] 6. C. Habicht, AM 72 (1957) 226-230 no. 59; cf. S. V. Tracy, "Hands in Samian Inscriptions," Chiron 20 (1990) 75; R. S. Bagnall, Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessbns (Leiden 1976) 81 n. 8. In the same period donatbns were being collected from the citizens to pay for restoratbn work on "the great temple" (SEG 1-367: £ntoxtu[ffc toC |ic)y(&]> l ou vaoGj 7. Habbht, AM 87 (1972) 211-225 no. 9 [SEG 27.545]; photograph: Tracy fig. 27, who attributes both inscriptions to the same mason. Commentaries by L. Koenen, ZPE 27 (1977) 211-216; L. Soverini, Opus 9-10 (1990-91) 59-121. 8. AM 44 (1919) 37 [SEG 1.389; IGR IV 1724]; cf. Herrmann 150; Habicht 1957, 228-229. A statue erected by the Samians to Tiberius may be from the same occasbn (SEG 1.390); Herrmann compares the statue of Tiberius on Cos (above, p. 111). Page 396 .* [ [6 - , -]A | I | NEISA0[ ** —--****---**-*- ■ * FilChS EtEpTfoi|o£ XflpL r&iex; ^LotVLO^ IIoXAitoV GnOLTOI? --------- Ja^ Kpo a ettwv EfeiftCjiftptMfv *--****•-***.* l Mmm+- + + m] ttpEopEUTiiiv Kwkm [-----—- — ?ti TCup 5 «]4ro(c 'Aox^^iou t[tp4v..... * . --*-]| *Hpa< 8 ctecpecrtA[ton;P - - - -... - -- -^ - xJaTaa^vrwv xafJA[c- --*---- —------ - ] kfwt xfjc # Hfw^ j[ - - \axti3 1 Bixaisi Uptoji] fl nap' vy&\ flXotiruvAt ts xal K6p7|£.} ftouX^fjev^ [oC]v [{cev Tlfjv 9lX[kv x-at £x] tuy pm TEpcafkurfov 4n[6 naX]aufr yp&vm OndpHowav btEoliH xal itivXidv xal itfXiLav,, cTuvSyfipTfia, ot TC&ptC0TT|- iv Xt^itvo t Spot frnft wv Eprcpoe&EV Ta 5 XXa Si TpSv^qt qftXflvfipwim xal TtEfuat o\ npd Po«jlXei< m jv- 14. TAPA 118 (1988) 149-153. Orth (34) thought Eumenes II the probable author. Page 403 e](upT)Oftv iitixpiniu, xdl Xotn&v n[ct}p&oiotidt id uvoi; iyaftofi n{apotl]- (ti]o<; vdvc[o6u id wi ouycpjSpoyii 0yw[w.] Text of Welles. 1 Rigsby: Avtioxoc Hiller. 2: M 4 ?<><><><><><><><><><><> (5ff., the envoys spoke) concerning the rights of supplication, inviolability, [and tax exemptbn, asking me as well] to grant roughly the same as what [had been granted also previously by the] kings before me to your temple [of Pluto and Kore.] Therefore, wishing to increase your friendship toward us and seeing from the things shown me by the ambassadors that the rights of supplication, inviolability, and tax exemptbn have existed from ancient times, I grant it as (defined) by the boundary stones established by the prevbus kings; and all other benefactbns and honors such as the kings before us granted I permit, and for the future I shall try always to be ready with some good to your advantage. By the time of this letter, the inviolability of the Plutonium was old (explicit at line 10) and is subsumed here in a list of privileges; by now the Nysaeans could speak of them in the same broad terms with which they addressed a Roman governor in 1 BC . If the author is Mithridates in the 80s BC , his emphasis on continuing exactly what "previous kings" had granted may be intended to annul the acts of the Roman government since the end of the Attalids. The invocation of precedents (9-10), other than one's ancestors, is unusual in the royal Ietters;i5 an example of the insistence on such proofs on the part of a minor and ephemeral ruler is I.Labraunda 42 (Eupolemus granting ateleia).i6 It is quite rare in the asylia documents because of their Panhellenic scope: once granted, the recognition did not need to be confirmed, until the coming of the Romans. One must of course wonder whether an act of Mithridates would be submitted in evidence to the Roman government (so Gauthier, Bull, epigr. 1989 p. 408). The letter may have been included on the argument that "even Mithridates" respected the inviolability of the Plutoniumas he did that of the Asclepieum on Cos (S. Sherwin-White, Ancient Cos [Gottingen 1979] 138); compare the claims at Diod. 5.63.1 and Cic. Verr. 2.4.103 (quoted, pp. 6, 33). 2: If Welles's restoration is right, this king was not in his normal residence but on the move. 5-6: The gods may have been named in line 5 rath er than 8. The list of privileges is repeated in the decree of 1 BC , in an altered order (186.10ff., "texts 15. E.g., Royal Corres. 15.9; see TAPA 1988, 151-152. 16. On Eupolemus see now R. A. Bilbws, ClAnt 8 (1989) 173-206. Page 404 about the gods and their inviolability" etc.); this is not the rigorous precision of primary recognitions of earlier times. A comparable amalgamation of rights is found in 218 for Baetocaece, also of a late date. The word does not recur in the documents of inviolability earlier (of Roman Stratoniceia, p. 418); it is not obvious how it might differ from teM*, and I believe that here it is merely part of the murkiness and redundancy that characterize the whole letter. Grants of tax exemption to temples for their economic activities are by contrast well attested in the Hellenistic kingdoms (see on 218.26). 12: Klaffenbach (ap. Welles) saw that the mason has slipped and repeated the verb from the preceding line. Lifshitz defended the existing text; cf. J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1971, 617. 186. Rome: Gn. Lentulus Augur Copied by Pococke at Nizili, the village by ancient Mastaura twenty kilometers east of Acaraca; the stone is lost. R. Pococke, Inscriptionum liber (London 1752) p. 13 U.M. Gesner, Comm. Gotting. Ant. 5 (1782) p. 7; Boeckh, CIG 2943; Viereck, Sermo Graecus 24 (lines 15-16); Hiller in Nysa ad Maeandrum 64-65; Syll.3 781; Ehrenberg-Jones, Documents ... Augustus 2 316; Sherk, Roman Documents 69]. Cf. Robert, Etudes anat. 519 n. 5. xak A 1 j t-D£ Kakiap&s £rpaatg[y ^Hpa]- toO AQqvaytf poll- tofl 4 (Aji&C &.k ^tiv£>£ Frapjaalou IwfocmaLfte- >;dtTy]| jna$ etfie&v Ktkxao [K}t>[jp]vr|Xbp Azvctihp koA JltbuvL fjrcitQu;> Ypa^ictt^c tOv h HXi- uStopcnj toQ Maiav&pEou Toti 0eo56tou, lepi^ TiJSeptou KX-su- 0 Ncptijvor S Lii ptou’ 'ApTEplScjpcK; Ai^itjxpLoij Qajcn^ tuv xif; rcriXctis drioxorcloTiT- trev eEc Tp^l^atfloy rapt TtSv tte&v >rcd xifc diavXfaq ctuT&v xtxl tt||c] bcecrlac T?fc Tiepl t 5 le- 3 2 p&v d-cc^tt^ ^^[aJvEoHi: AlvrXtp ACyopi T^i seal ispSuiiC MAv iuitoVTJV ^ittutoX^v). ivA iio^t^ouc toO A&^vgsY^p&y Aatabu i£- [rjvoib; A4vtXe>5 AfjYdtjp ip^fluqw i6 A^i^rplou Hart-ic Text of Boeckh; I do not indicate the trivial errors in Pococke's copy (e.g., confusions of 0 and Q, r and T, and E, H, N, n; evidently the stone was hard to read. 12 end: ANerm pococke. 13: T and N omitted by Pococke, who reported a leaf at the end of the line (unique in the archive), which may in fact be the required N. 15: attote. Pococke (n a typesetter's error?). 15-16 Robert: EIEA I HPOTEIH Pococke; i PX° Uot ' Boeckh (a nonsyllabic division, as Viereck noted). 16 end Rigsby: APXfiNIXIHZ Pococke, < c > l x(p)V Boeckh. <><><><><><><><><><><><> Page 405 (8-13) Artemidorus Papas, son of Demetrius, one of the generals of the city, oversaw the restoration to the record office of the holy documents about the gods and their inviolability and right of supplication and the tax immunity bebnging to the temple, after appearing before the proconsul Gnaius Lentulus Augur and bringing back the following letter. The city's text, insofar as we have it, is not a decree ("inasmuch as ...") but a statement of fact, a heading for the governor's letter. Our inscriptions will be copies of the papyrus documents that Artemidorus restored to the record office in Nysa city (line 10; called at CIG 2950.4). The privileges of the temple must have been revoked by Rome; if, as Hiller thought (p. 65), mere physical damage is being repaired, there would be no need to seek the governor's consent, nor could damage to old inscriptions explain why the relevant papyri were not in the archivesunless we assume the accidental destruction of both the inscriptions at the temple and the papyri in the city. I assume that they or copies had been kept privately over the intervening years by interested parties. The alternative is that grammateion here means the archival wall at the temple. In 1 bc. Artemidorus submitted to Nysa the governor's letter of answer in May (line 14); some three months later in August (lines 4-5) the work of restoring the papyri to the civic archives and setting up the appropriate monument and inscribing the texts at the temple was completed. Iff.: The preliminaries are an extravagant display of pro-Roman sentiment: mention of priests of Rome and Augustus, of Jupiter Capitolinus, of Tiberius (now in exile on nearby Rhodes), the consular year.i7 I take it that this is an affectation, is offered in the context of seeking Roman restoration of the temple's rights; the true eponym of Nysa was the stephanephoros (cf. CIG 2950.4), who alone is cited in line 14. It is surprising, given the apparent gravity of the affair, that only one man seems to have gone on the embassy to the governor and presented the case (12: ^^). 2:1 do not understand why a citizen of Mastaura, Nysa's neighbor to the east, is serving as Nysa's priest of Rome.i9 On Mastaura see J. and L. Robert, Amyzon pp. 25-26 n. 3. 14: The date is local. I am uncertain whether this line is the heading of the governor's letter, as has been thought (cf. Roman Doc. 61.22), or rather goes with what precedes (dmSoic) and dates the presentation of the letter to the civic 17. Already in the 20s or 10s b.c. Nysa had renamed several of its tribes for members of the imperial house: see Hiller p. 68. This suggests a campaign to make friends in Rome, of which the present rehabilitation may be seen as a result. The patron of Nysa in the preceding generatbn is known to have been Ti. Claudius Nero (RE no. 254), Livia's first husband (Cb. Fam. 13.64.1). For priests of Tiberius in the Greek world see W. Orth, Die ProvinziaIpolitik des Tiberius (Munich 1970) 134. 18. Cf. Robert, Laodbee 326, on Roman affectatbns in dating Greek documents. 19. At I.Stratonikeia 1317 a strategos of Stratonbeia is taken to be a citizen of Iasus, Page 406 authorities; if the latter, there should be no punctuation at the end of 13, where Pococke's leaf may be the missing N. 15: On Lentulus see Syme, Augustan Aristocracy (Oxford 1986) 284-299. 16: seems too vague a term here, and it would need to be followed by we expect an ambassador, and it seems to me possible to recognize the word in Pococke's copy. Page 407 Mylasa The ruins of Mylasa, the old Hecatomnid capitals have yielded fragments of decrees of Cretan cities that resemble those for Teos and Tenos. I include these texts here, although they may well be military alliances and not declarations of inviolability .2 The texts certainly were inscribed in archival form; but possibly they represent more than one archive, for the reported lettering and stones are diverse (as they are, however, at Cos). There is talk of war and of peace, and reference to Mylasa as "immune from plundering," "at peace," or "inviolable." The Mylasan ambassadors, like those of the second Tean mission, included literary demonstrations of their historical links to Crete. The date, to judge from the script, is the second century BC ; the historical context is lost to us. Mylasa was attacked by Philip V in 201 and by Rhodes in 167 (Polyb. 16.24.7, 30.5.15). The city honored above all Zeus Osogo. The stones were found reused in various houses of Milas. 187. Unknown city Le Bas-Waddington 380 [Blass, SGDI 5157; Blumel, I.Mylasa 641]. I ] - -- --. [- - - ]©EN napi [-. ------- .* - - ] - tqTc Kmi MuXn«% - *- ] 4 [---]£! WGNON .] J-]0N KpifTHiisw eyuvYCVEfc tc [--- *---J 1. Ruge, RE 16 (1933) 1046-1064. 2. So Holleaux, Etudes III 155-156, folbwed by Ruge 1052. Page 408 188. Unknown city Le Bas-Waddington 381 [Blass, SGDI 5158; Guarducci, I.Cret. IV 177; Blumel, I.Mylasa 642]. [ ■ - - ]EE[ - - - ]TOT EN[-]A[.1 [-]AN dim Kpljrav j - - - ]A[- - ] [-?njpAr£]pd|v xal *Cv KBI[ - -- -- -- - ]| 4 [ - - - KpTjTCitiI«^ firraavraq, -- - % * * * ] [ - - - ml [K’uJwaEcic [ - - - —.| [ - - - xw]v £XnfrM&]<5Twv [- [ - - - roJpxwUdv Mod OOPTA( --—.J $ [---]£ mi flGpxl xij£ &X[Aec - ----j [ - - - [itxh TL-iv ]otc otcgu&&c x[al c Jv t3i viaui Kprj-mLfasJ mi t6«; E£&j Tie vi- pIxEcmraQ aikic] xac Kpi^iax JioXctits- p£we?- ---J i&tttLuvci MuXaaloc a n e6 '-._**,**„„_*] tout cue ^ ^isv £m- V--. - --- - - - ] (Jj^vurra vtl t&v xe m«1 t4tv xApavj atjuiv lapav ££ - Mai %iev Jt]fj6£tvci¥ xal efapytrav me icfikxoz ------- JN nivxwv XjjiZ™ ^rre- ---*"----**■** ivOpJciiiLlvti’fci Aprcac fvraa ml pJvo(-bc noxl xiv jtAXiJv i[e :<&l n&jxl x& Kp^- taL^xv - - - in*--i I follow Bliimel's conservative text rather than Wilhelm's complete restoration. 190. Unknown city Fragment of limestone. Le Bas-Waddington 383a [Blass, SGDI 5160a; Blumel, I.Mylasa 644]. Page 409 1-] ■ ■ t-|A[ -.] [ - - - japio[-]iom MvXwtw a xMa; [-- - --fN poaSijv MuXaacijOL navrl 4 [ aftwk tw; Kpifca*; tco- [XeiJ^^vai;-xp]sofk(ktw M xal tiopil t6v^ 8 ]TflN M&l T&Vs; SywAsrcavi; xal [tav$ ntiXtavt; 5n^ elp^vjav tt Ijiwm xal A£popciX6- [yt]"oi luv^i tAv tE TtiXtlv xal tAw x^pcrv [frdjf 191. Unknown city Column written to the right of 190. Le Bas-Waddington 383b [Blass, SGDI 5160b; Blumel, I.Mylasa 645]. [tAv] if je6X[(v — ~ ^-- ASt]- xuvti ^ A[ - -.-..] xal xA ttvfec ■-•^•-■*-**+****- qtpApatiJvJ- 4 it woX£|iia T|- -- -- -- -- --- - --- --] MuXao^uv fj ...| fk*a0evv MuX(«i?t0ai nawd ~ t«^] Kpifcac naXf [p-w^wo^-- xpECffkwtv $t] 8 Kttl no^zl t&v[? - - - - - - - -- ------] xal JlPO[ --***-**- ^ --- * * J 192. Unknown city Le Bas-Waddington 384a [Blass, SGDI 5161]; Blumel, I.Mylasa 646 (copy of Szanto). I---M --]B£ [-]I TE T[ -----Tc]op- Itl? - - - -- - - J tea no 4 [Xfpw?-)N icjl [-*****,JinJl t Aw (- - - ]AEINEI[ ------- ]AN mxfyw&- [ai - - - MuXaa£]bJw 16 vtei>v oyyY^^ Kfll [C-- J xal cucpycoLai fetav [tt xal dvfc^Nfjv ndvj- iw«;a xal e^voEac-] t&q. ^ Kpi^taiiac xal (-~ *-J ?Q OV fi Xal |I^ MuXioeCkj! [ - ----- - \ 197. Unknown city Marble fragment. Doublet and Deschamps, BCH 14 (1890) 618-620 no. 17 [Blass, SGDI 5163a; Bliimel, I.Mylasa 651]. 4 a ]? sG '--- JN StjffljXjcYdvTfflc --*-- f^a(p]lop-J MuXacj^ttfv xal tic -aiitjotc kaXfix^Ya^iftjg |vt- i J«Y --* * 4]c ti £EWEp&pU)Y xal !;--£]x TO v6^lCJ iKpl tSc !>-- - JflNTt MuAaotit xi >so*~ ’viv - - - duaxpivscxj^a i oOtok tyiA, Bti AI- ‘ --- --jEN Aid twi -- ]NTIl *•**' ]NEE Si otix tow^- | *■ - *----- ]E t&y £0vix&y xav - - - .] outnqiepBfVTOY tSi v 6 - on* - - - 198. Unknown city Column to the right of 197. Doublet and Deschamps, 618-620 no. 17 [Blass, SGDI 5163b; Bliimel, I.Mylasa 652]. d £10X67 041 [xtii h — ] xal BaAi^a KpT[t6«; wd Z[ - -- -***-*-] Page 412 np»J£w^ Hal atfwt? -J 4 ^oiuC^eva C£vih p Tt£pL M f-* - * - * - itnpa]- HoXiovti MuXaa^i^s ol n^cJtyeuTcd - - - £^i^iov [ - « ---] - - - j. IE pwXofi|ji[v(ii.- - - j -?c]dl Spiv h«1 Kv&ouh f --J -tfu]ytipiovT££ t4 vo|ti[i^6p£ya - - - ]| -t&jv 5 J im^lXeiav koi[ -- - - - | - - - OS n-ivax ftFijmlSwv [ - * * - - - ] -Jivtdv xacL o&x fcpf -- - * - - J - xat^ xoiva[fe--- ] 201. Unknown city Hula and Szanto, SBWien 132 (1895) II13 no. 4 [Bliimel, I.Mylasa 655]. Page 413 [Q i6 KAlf - - - ]T* [--) Nfil t4v AA[ - - -.] oTciydwi [-_-•*.**-•*- Arnvs [..---------- - Apui]- t£&v 1 Tcnp0x[Xev£ - - - - - - - --- ] EMEKAKAIEl --------..) xal T&V qm5™[ ------ ] AvdV£cSfl(l[o6ttL T&V ------- J av Iva 6£ xal (.... £c} tiv &£l )(pi^[dv..j 4rfqpto}itt nfc[p \ilv flqjllv ^. ?l]- EIpUL h It^p [MlAaCJEUOL .. atafiv tc [tA ZavoncnnAavot xsH s& Al£h; ™] [A}a|3pai£v&o -- - | [i]Av 1 Avtu[v ------- - - j t-—JA^ANI1T[.—. ] 202. Unknown city Bliimel, I.Mylasa 656 (copy of Hula). [_._].,[..l f - - - oJt^Civo}-— —.] [ - - - 'IAIcqvq^ tA Acot[^u --- * * ] 4 [-'JjsipojcXelouc xft - - - - J [ - - - |v]erav £GTATQ[-- - \ [-J, E w t 4 v A*ii[v --1 .-*J |-] TsaxpE&a xal c!cj[- -----] 203. Unknown city Fragment of limestone. Bliimel, I.Mylasa 657 (copy of Hula). [ — ]A Miitaoef[<* — --1 ftpia^ov urc4px ccv £1 rad [--- nfl i^tX=4v9fHa7ia £ taii to[i( AXXoi^? 4 cI&ioTaL' Iva ht xal xo^s E[-- fc tiv i]- ^ Xp&vav ttjv -qp tXctvti fnaJ [nuv -. ---] OAEEEIN fruAtivavct 0[jtdpxTii TCC, xl MiAwtac * - - x6]- xi fifcjv fiqliv --- - -] & xal np6repffv duey^!**™ -...* * - * * * | 204. Unknown city Fragment of bluish stone. Bliimel, I.Mylasa 658 (copy of Hula). I - - - t]0x«l Mu\a[ce --1 [---]! ttivoEai raet oiv K[-- — ] ■ - - ]([(uv Am[ 206.Lappa Two fragments of white marble; letters 0.014-.015, intersp. 0.01. Blumel, EpigAnat 19 (1991) 14-15. 4 ft * * - --- ] - pOVTQC xal t&v * --- - ]TEIpK)UO« -? - -- ]lxv Xnl Tat Jnlj- - - - - ]@:ai r&ptl Kpipmtac 7^rftvr[«c-- t]Svc (jitri n&was £tcl- \it Xe[Ut^- -- -----]E bLaXerivtac t$ A- Page 415 208. Unknown city Bliimel, EpigAnat 19 (1991) 13. [ ' " " ]ffR¥ ^ -.JqL [ ------ --— Jet Crnap- |j£.... 4 —.----. - - — ------ 4^]po>,-6rrr [tm Eowtl t^v te ndXiv xal t£cv «fl]t[&]v lap&v [it - - - - --*-£n]«(v£ciKi Si krI B [tou^ TCpciY^^^C AsgvOqiwsy xal XjnMjAwov xaXoYxi- [y«0LaC EwoCR -* * --- - ftc^VTRC KpTlTRKl^ [---...--------- - ?mjXjXfotuv dJE- [wt Kp^wiiww - - + - - xal aihwv fftijtptSot itg>Ai ia |M xal EvSota Ttjpofepopivuv xa^ic iav £l]& npoy^wv u- ^ - - - - * c!Jv6ia]y xal ^tXEav [iropTl Kpiponcl^ »£vT«C-- ftl©XXo]&; TpiTTOUC [ - - * *...... 16 [.-.- - - - ~.----- - ]AI 209. Unknown city Column to the right of 208. Bliimel, EpigAnat 19 (1991) 13-14. TOtefci]u[*i]t[y--- -. ---****--] AEHTA M{uXsi3^c.jv ? - - - -- ---6^ atoUc] tek Kp^ac (noXetLWfjiva^-- - - * - *---| 4 pa Kttl 6sqio[oLiix; -----rcpe4~ ytytv St *d[l irori tic **-^-**_--*~**«*-^*».«-] xal tic Suvfdcffcac xod --- xocl t&c n6Xioc, Sjiw^J iv dpi^vai r{tp(covti xal 4qssptA6Tf^TC3t iwu t4v te to6Xw] s xal tiy ^tApafv lapfliv i5 ipJC^C----| oUmWi;wv [- ... tftwj MuXacrl^v S[ 8 ^iov?-• --- - --- &ikpYETp*JiuiXe(^ tt^ ["Aotac Hal] vettfrfpog tS[v *“ l tepa; wt> [iWx; wo A«|p*aioij x[«& -A Unum] cuvjAfl™ (i.Tralles 81, a.d. 215-217; the same titles fully preserved at 74, but omitting "metropolis of Asia") One might discount "sacred" in a late list like this ,4 but for the pointed addition "by decree of the Senate"; this suggests a granted title, and of late Republican date if I am right that no such grant occurred after a. d . 22. This honor may have been new under Republican rule but was more likely a Roman confirmation of a Hellenistic privilege. One could only speculate on an occasion .5 Nothing emerges about Tralles from the evidence on the Carian expedition of Antiochus III in 204-203; the city flourished under the Attalids. It supported Caesar against Pompey; repaired with imperial aid after the earthquake of 26 BC , it became Caesarea Tralles. Tiberius spoke in favor of the Trallians at a hearing before Augustus; its topic, however, is unknown (Suet. Tib. 8). 4. So Ms Win** sometimes on coins of Tralles: e.g., BMC Lydia 342 no. 105. 5. F. Piejko, Chiron 18 (1988) 55-69, restores in Royal Corres. 41 (concerned with tax relief) a confirmation of inviolability of a temple of Apolb at Tralles; he attributes the letter to Eumenes II and the original recognitbn to Antbchus Soter (281-261). The text he composes is arbitrary and at points impossible; see instead the important comment of Pleket at SEG 38.1170. Page 418 Stratoniceia Stratoniceia was one of the great cities of the interior of Caria, "autochthonous and mother-city of Caria ."1 Founded probably in the 270s by Antiochus II through the synoecism of smaller cities, it possessed a large territory. Controlled variously by the Seleucids and Rhodes over the next century, Stratoniceia was liberated from Rhodes with the rest of Caria in 166. The city cultivated the goodwill of Rome: we are not told how the Stratoniceians regarded Aristonicus ,2 but in 81 BC . their loyalty to Rome was said to be ancestral;3 unlike many in Asia, they opposed Mithridates in 88 (unsuccessfully) and the Parthians in 40 (successfully), gaining high regard at Rome.4 After 40 a consul-designate saw to the restoration of their "ancestral freedom and constitution" (_ . . . rcAipLov te xal ftaXrcELaTvJ^trStOn. 509). Two temples in the territory of Stratoniceia came to be recognized as inviolable, Hecate at Lagina and Zeus at Panamara. Pergamum supplies a parallel for this double achievement, and perhaps Chalcedon. In imperial times the inviolable status of the two was evoked with pride: t?Jv tg5v H]avT|j£|j^ldU xal xa .1 xal xiv^frurv aiawoGai* <&v xort tepdi EavXa x«L txeuxdt #] St 1 tffc ic&v xupStiv *Pb%tait#v haL^aavrD itpiKpaVEL^; ^vapytEx;' 1. Sahin, I.Straton. 15.2; parallels at Robert, Etudes anat. 304. 2. Robert, Villes 261, assigned Aristonjcus' last stand to the Stratoniceia in the Caicus Valley. 3. I.Straton. 505.3-5 (Sulla): [otix ^yvoo€|iev Opw;] j6po[y]^v4»v mivis tit Sbtaiafjip6^ tt^v fujeiipa]* x*l iv [navrl 4. App. Mith. 21; Dio 48.26 names Stratoniceia alone as resisting the Parthians, although besieged. Page 419 <><><><><><><><><><><><> our city has from the start been preserved from many and great and continual dangers by the providence of its very great presiding gods Zeus Panemerbs and Hecate, whose temples the sacred Senate by decree designated as invblabb and having the right of asylum because of the manifest miracles they accomplished in behalf of the rub of the great Romans... (I.Straton. 1101.2-4, ca. a.d. 200; cf. 512, quoted bebw) In a.d. 22 the Stratoniceians appealed to the Senate concerning both temples: the Aphrodisians and Stratoniceians offered an edict of Caesar the dictator on account of ancient services to his faction, and a more recent one of the defied Augustus in which they were praised because they bore the Parthian invasbn without wavering in their byalty to the Roman peopb...5 Stratoniceia's extraordinary honor of two inviolable temples seems to have been linked in both cases to the city's loyalty to Rome in the first century B . c . The Temple of Hecate at Lagina Strabo knew the temple of Hecate as the most distinguished in the territory of Stratoniceia Lagina was a fertile plain seven kilometers north of the city; its life was dominated by the temple of Hecate, the inhabitants constituting a deme called the Eventually legend traced the name AS * tva to the act of refuge in Hecate's temple by a hare.8 The walled precinct, some 150 m by 135 m, was large enough to accommodate permanent dwellers, d (or oocod^c (Laumonier 346). From the temple itself much of the sculptured frieze survives, illustrating elements of Carian legend, including Hecate's defeat of the Giants.9 This temple dates from the late Hellenistic period, perhaps after the Roman favor of 81 BC ,io and little material evidence from the site is older than about 200 BC The cult is first 5. Tac. Ann. 3.62.2; cf. p. 585. Augustus' edict does not survive, but he is known to have helped with the reconstruction of the tempb of Hecate (I.Straton. 511). 6. 14.2.25 (660). The cult is surveyed by A. Laumon'ier, Cultes indigenes an Car'ie (Par's 1958) 344-425; cf. T. Kraus, Hekate (Heidelberg 1960) 24-56. 7. Robert, Etudes anat. 555-561; M. Sahin, The Political and Religbus Structure in the Territory of Stratonikeia (Ankara 1976), with J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1979, 466. 8. Steph. Byz. s.v. *BxaT^m« with Laumon'ier 345. 9. A. Schober, Der Frbs des Hekatebns, IstForsch 2 (Baden 1933); Robert, Etudes anat. 552-555; Etudes de numismat'que grecque (Par's 1938) 101-104. 10. So Robert, Etudes anat. 427 n. 2; after 129 B .c. according to Laumonbr 357. Page 420 mentioned in a text dating under Rhodian rule (197-166 BC ): a priest of Hecate is restored by the council to the priesthood of Helios and Rhodes .11 The inviolability of the temple is unusual in being a new grant under Roman rule. Mithridates, actively opposed by the Stratoniceians (I.Straton. 505.80-82), had to take the city by force and imposed on it a substantial tribute. Sulla's victory brought grave hardship upon most of the cities of the province but rewards to the few that had remained loyal to Rome. And it seems clear that Hecate herself had intervened against Mithridates. In the documents of 81 BC she is 'e™^: these epithets are specific and pointed, implying a miraculous appearance in time of dangeras Zeus of Panamara would do a generation later .12 There followed the recognition, by all the Greeks and by Rome, of her temple as inviolable and her games the Hecatesia as a quadrennial Panhellenic festival. The enlarged games were combined with the Rhomaia, as at Oropus, Xanthus, and elsewhere during this period. 13 Sulla left Asia in 84; given the fighting in Italy, it was not until March 81 that the Senate, prompted by ambassadors from Stratoniceia, ratified Sulla's benefactions to their city. Stratoniceia is the one sure example of a city in solo provinciali seeking asylia from the Greek world at large and not just Rome. The new political reality seems reflected, however, in the fact that only Rome's recognition was inscribed on the temple wall, the Greek grantors being reduced to a list. We have the remains of two letters of Sulla to Stratoniceia, a senatus consultum, and a decree of the city; this complex inscription, because most of it does not concern asylia, will not be reproduced here in extenso. Fragments listing the Greek grantors reveal that more than one copy of this list was made. 210. Rome Fragments of thirteen blocks containing five columns of writing; parts were copied as early as the mid-nineteenth century, and the whole was constituted by Cousin and Diehl in 1885. Sahin, I.Stratonikeia 505 (= Dittenberger, OGIS 441; Sherk, Roman Doc. 18). The first letter (lines 1-14), of uncertain date, praises the Stratoniceians for their ancestral loyalty to Rome and now again in the war against Mithridates 11. I.Straton. 504. The episode probably reflects the hostility engendered by Rhodian rule and its symbols; compare the Stratoniceia n exiles' complaints to the Senate (Polyb. 30.21.3, 30.31), and the known acts of rebellbn in Car'ia and Lyc'ia (Robert, RN VI. 19 [1977] 32-33 [Op. min. sel. VI 194-195]). Possibly an allusbn to the culi as early as the fourth century B .c.: Robert, Etudes anat. 570. 12. See especially Robert, Etudes anat. 521. 13. "Hecatesia" abne in Syll3 1066, a let of Panhellenb vbtories (cf. L. and J. Robert, Claras I 52 n. 259). See R. Melbr, ©eaPomh, Hypomnemata 42 (Gottingen 1975) 176-177, for the omissbn of the Rhomaia here. A let of priests begins with "the first pentacteris held after the war" (against the Parthians), I.Straton. 609. Page 421 and mentions a civic embassy. The second (15-17) briefly conveys to Stratoniceia a decree of the Senate. This decree, proposed by Sulla as dictator and dated late in March of 81, describes the Stratoniceian ambassadors, who have brought a crown to the Senate, and their city's steadfast loyalty to Rome (18-48), and grants that the city enjoy the same laws and privileges as in the past and that it possess those places that Sulla added to its territory (49-58); the temple of Hecate is to be inviolable (59-61); and the governor is to make good the losses suffered by the city during the war, including the restoration of captives (60-66). After first praising the serviceable actions of the Stratoniceians (67-86), the Senate confirms these things, with rather greater detail on the right of Stratoniceia to tax those places added to its territory (103-109), but briefly on the temple (115): The civic decree that follows on the stone provides for drafting and inscribing a list of those who have recognized the inviolability of the temple and the Panhellenic games of Hecate, with allowance for latecomers to be added (I.Straton. 507.1-8): xal xal Suva a]- luv k&A T^>6yp-si^iov Tfiv[fiE] r fitsc tSv xai xal Jywxwv xfyf te dauMav toG U pou xal t4(v) dyfiva t&v uB^pevov xaxit itevmexipl&a ' E xLlTT'j l StilTtipai 1 ErL 1^1 DIVE“ XdL 4 P&3£1T|& 0ESL EOEp- y^TtSt" Bi £w6f4ai[a] xal itjv d-oleBeypfvtjv fxrX.) Of the list of recognizers (I.Straton. 508) three fragments survive, one of which (B) is a second copy inscribed by another hand (cf. BCH 9 [1885] 473 n. 1): A: t - * - ]c [KjtfCvo^ 12 Stfrtrffvtceia ^ 4v M«xeBovC«4 ‘HpdxXeLtt % ir .L TWl A&TpWlr 16 Efipfjpcx; 'ThioSs K&s ^EqicatM; Mayvi^jia. Page 422 5a Hfopai *4 Tpcoi^i; AtXyol "HK 56 'AvsiyovIi^ ■28 'HpaEa McyiXT] AiSXE&rfptiSV ATyvov Alytpfli B: [Jgupttt Aipum 4 N Oaa TeyiaL 1* *6 Miyapa DupCH; ATyiva i~ ■- w ^ iv Maxc&ovtaei C: ATidpEi-a ft 7ip[A<] 40 + AvTCY<5v?TLCt ^ iv [y^j-l] MuillvflpUL Maxeftfrvtei Jldmapa 4 SAv6o< xfjfQ Bowa-rfas Ittvapa 44 Gffivx TX^ Kopwe w Alimpa [---I u [M]Gpa AifpwjdJ 4 a 'Opt* [n6c] ippidte Nuoa icXeCixu* [ft xjpdc 1 1 EUi ’LoaiXj&Ji x]dX? T^rfhzi There is some geographical grouping; as Robert observed, simple proximity can account for the early appearance of cities in Caria .14 If the Stratoniceians began their Panhellenic quest at once upon Sulla's declaration (around 84), such a list might have been drawn up as part of their argument before the Roman Senate in 81, as precedent and as proof of their worth.is Finally, some inscriptions derive from the aftermath of the Parthian attack of 40 BC . In one (I.Straton. 512), because of their piety the people have been repeatedly saved from clangers and have become free and autonomous i^vno) 16 and possessed of the greatest good things, for Hecate has stood by them in all these clangers ^Tl)C iv KHOl TOTJTOI^ otjv- 14. BCH 108 (1984) 526 n. 159 (DAM 514). 15.A similar list of cities, whose object is bst, has been found on Andros (p. 589). 16.1n imperial times an embassy to Rome obtained the restoration of the city's freedom, N V 1 (I.Straton. 220a). Page 42: noptoTot^vij:)- there is reference to "those who committed impiety against our land (?) which is sacred and inviolable," ^ o5c]«v upfe* Kj«iaoyXov- 17 the miraculous power of the goddess **&*«*) is clear to all men. In another (511), damage to the temple (*fc ' £ *^ W as made good by Augustus. And there was now a restoration of land sacred to Hecate (510). The Temple of Zeus at Panamara The temple of Zeus at Panamara was discovered in 1886 on a hilltop by modern Bagyaka, twelve kilometers southeast of the city proper.is A complex site with attendant shrines (of Hera, Artemis, and others), it has a situation typical of the mountain temples of Zeus in Caria. With its substantial walls, the sacred place was a virtual fortress; it had a special epistates under both Philip V and the Rhodians .19 The god was called both Zeus Karios and Zeus Panamarios (with variant spellings ).20 No inscription seems earlier than the late third century B . c . In the earliest we hear of a biennial festival of Hera (I.Straton. 1); the annual Panamareia of Zeus and the Mysteries are first attested only under the Empire. Philip V visited the temple himself in 201 and made a dedication (I.Straton. 3). In Roman times it was said that "Zeus of Panamara, greatest and most manifest, protects the city always, and the most pious and patriotic men wish to serve as his priests ."21 Foreign cities were by then invited to attend the Mysteries of Zeus, and some of these invitations survive. 22 The date of the inviolability of the temple is unclear. The likely occasion is the aftermath of the Parthian invasion in 40 BC ; but several texts that seem earlier refer to the "asylum." A. Decree of Stratoniceia? Complete at left; "petites lettres de bonne epoque" (Cousin). 17. Compare I.Priene 17.17: tattoo™? (the Gauls). 18.For a general survey see Laumonier 221-343. 19.I.Straton. 4 and 9 (called a x 6vau, (Mp.oom 51 xotl ot c&jnf&rmrot xal qntan&tpt&t Svipet; 22.I.Straton. 22-39; cf. L. and J. Robert, Claros I pp. 53-55. Page 424 J. Hatzfeld, BCH 51 (1927) 58 no. 1 (copy of Cousin) [SEG 4.243; Sahin, I.Straton. 19]. f - - - ..- - - -1 [ - - - jouvou^l - ------ - ] [ * - - j AfwroXaol ------- - ] 4 [-J e[- -- -- -- -- ----- xal 6 hrfljr*- & £[^pcrcovixi«™ - - - -- xh Irpdv x6 tv J IIsVfflijipOLC Ur^j - - -....... - - * ] tEwjL SeC t6 5w[Xov? - -------ffTiiXllv] 8 te dcwEE&Fi’u«t tv [tol tepui xq\* &i6<; iv tih iTCiq>ci*WT&]- t&ai z6xtAL, iip s xa[l AvttYpaqn^orcai th ttvxbfpxrtrl dvaTf&i)vai ^tav £v] gatlin. 16 : TANEQ Hatzfeld; Hiller; [-t ijv fit iiipxv iv - - toO itpu]fdvtw[t ggf-jjp The date is again uncertain: "epoque macedonienne" (Hatzfeld), "s. Ha?" (SEG). Here too the provisions for inscribing exclude a foreign recognition. There is talk of miracles, of someone's piety toward the god, of the most ancient and inviolable and tax-exempt temple, and of a proclamation, with little space remaining for the substance of the decree. Perhaps therefore the city merely approves and inscribes something that has been proclaimed by delegates from the deme of Panamara, for that important deme is found once addressing itself to the city by means of a decree and a delegation (I.Straton. 7, below). Inviolability seems already to be a fact; the praise of the temple, which has the ring of Roman imperial date, will have been background to some addition or restoration of honors of the god. C. Decree of Stratoniceia At some date one Leon, a former priest of Zeus ,23 persuaded the city to enlarge the festival of Zeus and seek the participation of some foreign cities He showed the people a decree of Panamara and quoted from old books to illustrate the previous honors and inviolabilities enjoyed by Zeus and the Panamarans (I.Straton. 7.3-6): [ * - * - - ^^][pto^ra 4 iio&oCf£ Xat lx T£ [t]u(v] xot\ “c&v Apgaluv xsl [ vq $ t&c SrvJwSev n^ciu; y.v\ H xal riavoqjjtfpeOcriv 23. Nilsson, GGA II 2 54 n. 2, thought of the historian Leon (FGrHist 278), of Hellenistic or Roman date; but he reportedly came from Alabanda, whereas the man seems to be Stratoniceian, the bcal priest. Page 426 The date is once more uncertain (second century B .c, Laumonier 237). The association of enlarged games and inviolability is familiar, here sequential as at Miletus. The plural <*««« apparently is occasioned by the two possessors indicated, the place and the people. During the Parthian invasion Stratoniceia stood by Rome, and Zeus intervened to protect Panamara and drive off the enemy; a famous inscription describes the miracle. 24 In 39 B . c . the Romans rewarded the city by confirming earlier privileges. 25 The substance of one fragment of the s . c . is almost entirely lost (I.Straton. 11 = Roman Doc. 27). But an s . c . on another stone, whether a part of the same act or of a subsequent one, included a provision for the temple of Zeus. 211. Rome Two fragments of a white marble stele at Panamara, preserved at left; h. 0.32, w. 0.55, th. 0.095; lettering badly worn. Hatzfeld, BCH 51 (1927) 59-61 no. 3 (squeeze and copy by Cousin) [SEG 4.246; Sherk, Roman Doc. 30; Sahin, I.Straton. 12]. ATA[ - - * *- xfjc allows?----- - ] t 6 u; cto , w, c[----- - ] 4 t J\ [nfiwoCqt ^o)(axtd-qf) « idmti tcn^J -pOTjOf]]- tratvres Ttp&q tou^ TPiptrd&VTO’ TOUTOU - --* — * — *-I & fat $ id t[e] |i£[Ytcnd eLol Mextvfi'jvcy]* Ttc r M Tdiin:^ tic dEilouc &1313&C [ - — feMx]- SiirVCi Srcvgc ira v« tI tuxiv, Toturo: K&via &ucabK f(e cc0|- tow; S-c^Ojjj^va c\i epiqj£va [tt cCvai xa\] redvia wpvoc S^eiv 1£ o[ - - - ] ntoreeis? -aftiiuv 1 ift tcjp&v to0 At^] 16 [iqw JT«¥sspe]<%rou; xvx{Xv Yjjd^v &tnd£®TQ [ndvr-ff Kupta &tn±l£v£w? - - - } The scope of the grant is then specified (55-58): £ lepift ette x[ol] t^gv&c £h&-ic AEppoSEtern; TiiXeL QXapao^y A^po- 5 c.cFt^to[v] txtivQ t 5 txzwo xb 56 voq SfruXov [EJcrctJ TOUtU tfi feuultaj TauTyi t£ ficuS ttaLflQ'vtjf £ -ftLXakj Xfll fi £et<><><><><><><><><><><> The temple/precinct of the goddess Aphrodite that exists in the city of Plarasa-Aphrodisias, that temple/precinct is to be inviolable with the same law and religion as is the temple/precinct of Artemis Ephesia in Ephesus; and in a circle from that temple/precinct in all directions for 120 feet, that area is to be inviolable. Strictly speaking, this does not make clear whether the privilege is a new creation, a confirmation of an old one, or an expansion of the boundaries of an old one. The analogy and precedent offered for the right of asylum is the case of Artemis of Ephesus, in the capital city of the province, which Caesar himself had probably restored as inviolable. This is the only inscribed grant outside of Egypt that specifies the dimensions of the asylum; perhaps this too should be taken as evidence for the Roman origin of the privilege. The size stipulated is small compared with the mile or more at Ephesus, Oropus, or Didyma in the first century BC The site itself suggests that an inviolable perimeter of 120 feet from the building will have extended to no significant building in the vicinity. The temple had of course a peribolos wall; to the west of the building lie traces of wall about 120 feet distant, to the east perhaps nearer.5 Two boundary stones of the temple precinct survive from the Augustan period, unfortunately neither found in situ; Robert recognized the character of the text. I give the better preserved (A), underlining what survives only in the other. 213. Temple of Aphrodite: boundary A: Block copied in 1893 by Kubitschek; h. 0.6, w. 0.62, th. 0.32; letters 0.025. J. M. R. Cormack, BSA 59 (1964) 22 no. 16 [Robert, AntCI 35 (1966) 401-413 (Op. min. sel. VI 25-37)]. B: Marble block now in the Aphrodisias Museum; h. 0.36, w. 24, th. 0.34; letters 0.02. Reynolds no. 35. Photograph: Reynolds 24.2. Cf. Herrmann, Chiron 19 (1989) 137 n. 15, 154 n. 75. P 'AippoCtiijj lEgAsJjaof- tx; ixptvctv & ufyae l [Kwfoop? 6 mat -6 4 [niVcou? AfrroM p&Tfoo K a Loop] 5. See Reynolds p. 84; more recent excavation has shown that the precinct was more symmetrical; cf. de la Geniere and Theodorescu. Page 431 seal ff| a]ijvxXrjt|o]«; x>«*; *©&cXijto|u] xa L . tA Spxift, xdl tA^ Osji]^ Avn,yp«KpAc T Aq*poA[t]- rjLfi.>v ndheox; AcjgXou is xa0L^i->otv (xtX.) This would be straightforward, but line 11, with the word crucial to us, has been written somewhat smaller; the mason has been taken to have added this as an 6. Robert, Etudes anat. 299 n. 2. 7. MAMA VIII 430, with Robert, Hellenba XIII (1965) 172. But the exclusbn of iron from temples is a well-attested item of ritual purity (cf. Sokobwski, LSCG Suppl. p. 115), and no more than that may be involved here. 8. Reynolds no. 43. Several other texts state the titles of Aphrodisias, but none mentions asylia (nos. 9, 42); the fragmentary no. 49 shows the city defending its traditbnal privileges before an emperor: [» » * t& fiWvOfKjJxa it ai3aoxpaxiSp[w]v xalov/yxJiyjTciv Page 432 afterthought. The resulting word order is indeed strained, but the published photograph shows that the writing is only slightly smaller and has not been fitted in between existing lines; it cannot be a later addition. Applying the word to the polis is an apparent contradiction of the fact that it was the temple that enjoyed asylia. But this is paralleled in the civic titles seen on coins of imperial date (see p. 36). Page 433 Sardes Sardes, the seat of Lydian kings and Persian and Seleucid governors ,1 was the city of Artemis. Already under the Achaemenids, there was a special link with Artemis of Ephesus .2 Her temple was at the western foot of the acropolis, facing across the Pactolus River. In Roman times, at least, the temple was not within the city walls. This was the great monument of Hellenistic Sardes .3 Built between 270 and 220, the temple escaped major damage in the decisive event in the history of Hellenistic Sardes, the siege of 215- 213. The goddess possessed substantial lands and other wealth (I.Sardis 1); a text of 1 BC mentions "those who reside in the temple of Zeus Polieus and Artemis" (8.134); her priestess was prominent in the life of the city (50-54, statue bases). Under the Attalids we find a supervisor of the temple appointed by the crown (I.Sardis 4). Achaeus' capital was plundered and burned by Antiochus III, who then undertook to repopulate and rebuild the city.4 Around this time the structure of the temple was substantially altered, when a second cella was added to accommodate the cult of Zeus. It may be to Antiochus' program of reconstruction that we should attribute the original recognition of asylia, as at Amyzon a decade later. But in the several inscriptions that survive from this program there is no mention of inviolability. No Greek grant survives, in fact; we have rather an act of Caesar, dated eleven days before his murder, and the brief mention in Tacitus. The coins and inscriptions of imperial date reveal various other titles, but not explicitly asylia: "metropolis of Asia, Lydia, and Greece" (through Pelops); 1. G. M. A. Hanfmann and J. C. Waldbaum, A Survey of Sardis (Cambridge, Mass. 1975); Sardis from Prehistoric to Roman Times (Cambridge, Mass., 1983). 2. I.Ephesos 2; Ar. Nub. 598-600; Autocrates frag 1; architectural similarities of the two temples: Survey 75-76. 3. See Survey 53-87; 79 on the uncertain date of remodeling; 109 on Building I.; cf. Sard's 119-120. 4. P. Gauthier, Nouvelles inscriptions de Sardes II (Geneva 1989). Page 434 "first"; "neocoros"; "friend and ally of Rome"; "autochthonous"; "sacred to the gods. "5 This last, despite its vagueness, might well reflect granted inviolability. Tacitus, who does not name the god in question, shows us the Sardians in AD 22 adducing "a grant by the victorious Alexander." We know that in 334 Sardes surrendered voluntarily to Alexander, who accordingly allowed the city freedom and "the use of the traditional laws of the Lydians" (Arr. Anab. 1.17.4). Perhaps this grant was the prime text put before the Senate in defense of the traditional rights of Sardes; for the Sardians' purpose Alexander's favor need not have concerned asylia isto nomine, and in my view cannot have done so at that early date. Tacitus' silence does not prove that the Sardians did not also cite later authorities that addressed asylia directly; and indeed it would be surprising if they did not cite Caesar's edict. The inscription makes clear (line 2) that Caesar expanded the boundaries of an existing right of asylia; this was not a new grant but a confirmation and enlargement. Sardes had opposed Mithridates in 88 BC (Oros. 6.2.8) and probably never lost its privileges, as did cities that acted otherwise. 214. Rome: Julius Caesar Marble stele, badly worn, found 500 meters from the temple of Artemis on the road to the city; h. 2.02, w. 0.45-51, th. 0.28; letters 0.014-17 in lines 1-10, 0.011-13 in lines 30ff. P. Herrmann, Chiron 19 (1989) 127-164 [AEpigr 1989, 684; SEG 39.1290]. Squeeze (from Herrmann). Photograph: Herrmann pis. 1-6. iv T P^i}i r*ic* Kataap 4 TLAp Ttat „ 1J7I2.TCH; T& v£)iircav, Swadxwp pieu, Ttpg-SpfiUCT&VTMV l [k] -ftiu EMoU |H]qw tw M^votpEXaUj 3 (puoti M AT^irpcpftJ- ou xoU Mevdv^poUp NaGtatoik;. v'a-cat i [(Twenty lines craved, stray letters Legible (at n end p 30 ]) [rJAp]9fc Ka]r9ap adtdXp^wp kql fcKx£Tw[pJ 32 [i]t Sii p(ou ieMd^a[v{ 5. See especially Head, BMC Lycia evi-eix; I.Sardis 13.12 (wMx*™ ^pcopior^ 63-68, with Robert, Hellenica I (1940) 56-59 (®Mjc$«v xml icpi t«v 0 eGw); Herrmann, Chiron 23 (1993) 238-243; cf. Nonnus 41.356 (Sardes the oldest of cities). Autochthony and freedom were linked by Lycurgus (Leoc. 41). Burrell ("Neokoroi," 376-379) considers that the second neocoria was for the temple of Artemis. Page 435 ytijv&v Mctfikw' livd "i[f]v) no[X]™kv wv EapfravAv tv t% qjCXifdJs- x&O Iiqu 10G 'Pt^mltav Eli mve&c ytrf ovt'vm 36 xal xfj[v-- --Jy rcConv xopc] XoO E*^M9V ^p&TT^ 5 uny wl OUfcXlfctil 3 top(a)(r/JlrjeoEs£ AfT^t^q lojnv kkI t 4 v vg{6v) 4® §lxclEw isiirn t? SsiotliaLjiDvloi $ Swata XCtl td lepfcv cite Xnl tyxvos 'E[if£]olai; ica[l] ih kipAj'v xal 1&v vn[6v] Totg Qiucrtv 141*^ [njp£q(kCTeu) ix^X^uflot xcil t3s [zb i&v] Foucart's restoratbns, except the folbwing: 2 Dittenberger: Foucart. 4: Rostovtzeff ap. Welles: Foucart, a ] Dittenberger. 5 R'gsby: T l°° Foucart, 4^ ( or t[av sx^H) Dittenberger. 6 Dittenberger: c X” e ) Foucart. 12 Dittenberger. <><><><><><><><><><><><> The inviolability of the Persian [Goddess] among you I confirm for you on this condition, that by this grant what is traditional among you is in no way altered, provided that you enjoy this because you have actually received written statements from the [kings] and from my ancestors. As there were two decrees [given] to me by your envoys whbh were nearly identbal, I have dictated one order in answer to them, and have commanded that it be written out in a typos and given to your two [ambassadors] and that the names of their felbw ambassadors [be written there]. 8 . This is argued in more detail at Asia Minor Studien 17 (1994) 77-83. We do not know the westward extent of the territory of Hieracome; but Thyateira stood only sixteen kibmeters to the north (TAM 859), and the bng narrow territory implied by the attributbn is a difficulty. Page 441 Earlier scholars thought the author to be a Hellenistic king; Robert preferred a Roman emperor but did not give his reasons. The crux is in line 5; I summarize here the case argued in Asia Minor Studien. The chief worry of the author, and the argument that convinced him, was precedent. That is a common theme of emperors (whose "ancestors" were their predecessors) but rare in the letters of Hellenistic kings. If we restore in 5, the author is drawing the familiar distinction between the Hellenistic kings and the Roman emperors, as Valerian does at 218.10-12. Other features seem to be Romanisms: ecthesis of the two sentences, (9) (cf. iussus), the reference to dictation, and without article (1). (10) should not be a "summary" as Welles thought (which would be of little use to the recipients but may render exemplum, hence a Latin double dative ("written out as a copy for your ambassadors"). The undiplomatic and bureaucratic manner is not that of a king concerned to keep the loyalty of his cities, but of an emperor amid his paperwork. A village four kilometers from Sarigam has yielded a certainly Roman enactment from the time of Claudius (Hellenica 61-62; TAM 1404); its lettering can well be described as "thick." It may have been carried there from Sarigam, as was a dedication to Claudius (TAM 1398). Claudius therefore had dealings with this place, and it is possible that he is the author of our letter. 10: Foucart's notion that there were two embassies has caused heavy weather. Welles suggested that one came from the city and one from the temple .10 That is constitutionally impossible; in fact there were merely two ambassadors. The question rather is why the city passed two decrees; but second thoughts and second decrees must have been common enough in Greek government-Thucydides offers some famous examples. 9. The letter has been truncated in that it lacks the greeting and farewell; but that was done by the inscribers at Hieracome rather than by the author. 10. Folbwed by L. Boffo, I re ellenistici e i centri rel'givsi delf Asia Minore (Pavia 1985) 95. Page 442 Nicomedia Nicomedia was founded in the 260s BJC . to be the capital of the Bithynian kings, incorporating ancient Astacus and its vicinity. The site, at the head of the Olbian Gulf of the Propontis, has yielded a good many inscriptions; but public documents remain few, and almost nothing survives of Hellenistic date.i The city's chief divinity was Demeter. Libanius, who visited in the 340s, contrasts Nicomedia "the city of Demeter" with Nicaea "the city of Dionysus ."2 Arrian of Nicomedia served as priest of Demeter and her daughter, "to whom the city is dedicated";3 he reports the civic myth that the Mysteries of Demeter and Kore originated here, spread thence by the local hero Iasion, who had become their .4 The Mysteries have left some trace in the inscriptions^ and Demeter is often seen on the civic coins, holding her torch. A festival Demetria was held in imperial times, Panhellenic by the third century.6 I assume that inviolability was in her honor. In the 220s BC Prusias I of Bithynia was angry with the Byzantines for sending theoroi to the Pergamene games of Athena but disdaining his festival, the Soteria; neither festival, it seems, was Panhellenic, and the Byzantine gesture betokened 1. F. Dorner, TAM IV. 1 (1978). Cf. W. Ruge, "Nikomedeia," RE 17 (1936) 468-492; S. Sahin, "Neufunde von antiken Inschriften in Nikomedeia" (Diss, Munster 1973). 2. Or. 1.48; cf. 1.51: he lived five years ^ Atonp*, \ Q / a t Nicomedia. 3. FGrHist 156 t 4 (from Photius): ***** to Atfciwoc iffc cdiffe, aU t^v the earlier phrase at Arr. Cyneg. 35.2: His priesthood is mentioned in a purported inscription, thought to be spurbus: TAM IV 402. 4. Arrian FGrHist 156 f 107; he makes Iasbn and Dardanus descendants of Priam and brothers of Harmonia, whom Cadmus later married (f 64). 5. TAM IV 42: 6. Recueil general 1.3 553 nos. 281-282, Ai^-rpm vvith agonistic crown (under Elagabalus). Page 443 special friendship for the Attalids and a corresponding insult to Prusias.7 We do not hear again of Soteria at Nicomedia; perhaps the festival commemorated some royal victory and did not survive the dynasty. It need not have honored the chief divinity of Nicomedia; Demeter is not known anywhere with the epithet Soteira (although Kore was so called at Cyzicus). One of the civic tribes was named * Ie P< 4 ; this may have been the tribe in whose district the temple of Demeter stood.8 That the temple was in the heart of the city we know from the Life of Saints Indes and Domna, martyrs under Diocletian, which reports that a very great temple of Demeter, the greatest goddess among the Nicomedians, was next to the theater.9 The theater could be seen from the Nicaea roadfrom the south (Liban. Or. 61.10); it must have stood against the south slope of the hill behind the modern city, with the temple beside it.io The earliest coins of Nicomedia, under the late Republic, offer no titles, as is usual in Hellenistic Asia Minor; those of imperial date proclaim only the city's neocories and its titles "first" and "metropolis," but not asylia.n Two inscriptions, however, give its titulature more fully than any coin, and these are our only evidence of the inviolability of Nicomedia: In or after the time of Commodus (a.d. 180-192) Nicomedia erected at Delphi a statue of a famous citizen, the flutist T. Aelius Theodotus (FD III.6 143; TAM IV 34): f\ |jY)Tp6nQXic xd, isp&TT] B^lA^vEbc II6vtou 'A&ptav^j wojcfipoc l spa rad SlctuXoCh f IXi) xed (fi}v(id)&£v Ttjj 'Ptu^aEwv. At Nicomedia itself the city dedicated a statue of Julia Domna, who wintered there in a.d. 214/5 (copied by Count Vidua in 1817: Inscriptbnes antiquae [Paris 1826] tab. 5 [CIG 3771, IGR III 6, TAM IV 25]): Bei&uvlart; tc xctl Xldvrou A8pLav#| Eeowjpiavfi 6U; veuxrSpo^ N{ci]xo^^5cLa, if xd npACErj lep& xd fiouXot, 9K1) Juorf) xd fivtoOc tto (1^9 t « ‘PwiiaUov, A third inscription, heavily damaged, probably gave much the same titles .12 7. Polyb. 4.49.3; for games to which allies are invited see Staatsvertr. Ill 537, and p. 363. 8 . TAM IV 258, with J. and L. Robert, Bull, epgr. 1974, p. 297. 9. So the versbn of Symeon Metaphrastes (Migne, PG 16.1073b: i^foa^xo^iTjTo eanp6v iep*v A^xpcn; Kap' tea;); the rather fuller recension pubfehed by Kleopas-Koikylides, BE«™vnaX«wn»iv ‘Aytuv (Jerusatem 1907) 77, does not add to the topographical informatbn on this point (*9 M eeaTp^ i«p6v piywrov nap* ctiko*; XeYoptvr^ few; A^ippoi;) The martyr is then ordered to be taken out of the city, 1^ 10. C. Bosch, Die kleinasiatischen Munzen II. 1 (Stuttgart 1935) 216-218, offers a reconstructbn of the central city, placing the temple facing south across the agora, where a dedication to Demeter was found (TAM IV 54). 11. On the competitbn for titles between Nicomedia and Nicaea see Robert, HSCP 81 (1977) 1-39 (Op. min. sel. VI 211-249; 238-239 on the two inscriptbns). 12. M. Zahrnt, ZPE 36 (1979) 215-218 [SEG 29.1345]. Page 444 Thus for the date we have no better than a terminus ante quern toward the end of the Antonine period. The origin of the status may lie in the rivalry of the Bithynian kings with Pergamum in the late third or the second century BC , or in the first century B . c . amid the competition of Roman commanders. Military history is as usual unedifying. In 149 BC the Nicomedians, besieged by an Attalid force seeking the overthrow of Prusias II, allowed in a contingent who found and killed the king in a temple of Zeus (App. Mith. 7); and in 86 the city was plundered by the troops of Fimbria (Diod. 38.8.2). Page 445 Nicaea Nicaea, the great neighbor and rival of Nicomedia, was the city of Dionysus .1 Dionysus had founded the city, naming it for the nymph Nicaea; both are frequently seen on the coins .2 As at Nicomedia, evidence of Hellenistic date is slight. In the imperial age Panhellenic Dionysia are attested; and by the time of Hadrian the city held neocories in the names of Dionysus and of Heracles, as we know from several inscriptions that list various civic titles, but not inviolability: vE(ox<4po5 tov SefjoLcrroiv drab- Atovdoou xal 'Hpxx^ou;, itpuT)|Bi6i/v!a; xnl IldvTGu, fj m 3 Inviolability at Nicaea is attested by a single bronze coin of the second century a. d , M. Aurelius as caesar | Dionysus standing with thyrsus, pouring a libatbn on an altar; Aiovd™ Nux«*;) but rather reflects an aspect of the story of Dionysus as founder of Nicaea, a possible occasion for the unusual situation of a god offering a libation. A label is here offered for the particular image, which may well derive from a statue or painting in the temple .9 It was told already at the beginning of the Hellenistic age that Dionysus had fled Hera to an altar in Phrygia, where he was purified by Rhea. 10 As with Nicomedia, we are rather well informed on other titles of Nicaea, which appear to have outweighed asylia in the minds of these competing cities in Roman times: we learn of this status only through the rarest of documents. I assume that the grant was not new at the time of our one testimony but derives from the Hellenistic age, whether under the Bithynian kings or the Romans of the late Republic. 5. On the topography of Nicaea, of which little is known, see ruge 240-242. 6. Of a suppliant at Plut. Mor. 299d; a house guest at Plut. Arat. 49.1. Plato Leg 931a says that a statuette is the more potent for being placed on the hearth (Sf*™* **<**“). 7. Cf. Jessen, RE 5 (1905) 2823; H. Schwabl, RE 10a (1972) 312. 8 . For tcnrin = altar see Robert, RPhil 84 (1958) 32-33 (Op. min. sel. V 172-173); so at Herodas 4.10-11 the conceit Ocol en'jv bcrtlTyv xa\ for 9. Parallels for Dionysus pouring a libation: E. Simon, Opfernde Gotter (Berlin 1953) 47-57 (vase paintings of classical date); Nilsson, Dbnysiac Mysteries (Lund 1957) 99-106; a statue carried in the famous procession of Ptolemy II (Ath. 1980; FGrHist 627 f 2); cf. Ath. 471c. Apolb is so portrayed on coins of Side, and cf. M. Cremer, IstMitt 38 (1988) 181-182. 10. Callixenus FGrHist 627 f 2; Apolbd. 3.5.1; cf. E. E. Rbe, The Grand Processbn of Ptolemy Philadelphus (Oxford 1983) 99-102. Expiation is one context in whbh we hear of gods sacrifbing: e.g., Plut. Mor. 418b (Apolb for killing Python). Page 447 Aezani The great city of northern Phrygia was Aezani, "well-born and ancient," as a Roman governor called it, its citizens claiming Arcadian descent .1 As befits Arcadians, their chief god was Zeus, whose sanctuary faced on the agora; the extant building, of Hadrianic date, is the best-preserved temple in Turkey .2 Zeus was born here, and the city held a neocoria in his name; we hear of a panegyriarch in Roman times .3 Additions to the god's lands made by kings Attalus and Prusias were confirmed by the Romans.4 The coins of Aezani, while rich in their testimonies to the city's cults and traditions, never mention asylia. The title is known to us from two inscriptions on statue bases dedicated by the city in the third century a. d , Le Bas-Waddington 875 [IGR IV 581], a statue erected by the council and people of lefa; xal] douXou xal [veaxdpoju toG Aiix; [A thrive l]t5v n^ern; Le Bas-Waddington 988 [IGR IV 567], a statue of Caracalla erected by f r poopjfyxal A v£ xvab xo[ ------ ] <><><><><><><><><><><><> your ambassadors presented to me a letter of Augustus Caesar, in which he wrote: "he has granted inviolability and immunity (?) ..." Accordingly, wishing to increase the privileges of your city, I grant, in keeping with... Line 7 is troubling (( T l ■ )?fl * * - ■ 1 lapis). LSJ's is cited from the Etym. Magn., which gives as from and comparing the paroxytone But there the w ord migh t well want emendation: in light of the attested noun x r^ eia and adjective In any case &TP ia r if it existed, does not belong in the formulary of a document. Finally, one expects a direct quotation to be in the first person. I wonder then if Augustus' statement might have been wjvxe ^ms^^% lv v a, "We have granted you nearly ..." If that or something like it is so, then nothing survives to suggest that this document concerned inviolability. 5. I assume the consul of a.d. 15 rather than his father (who governed Asia ca. 12 b.c), because a ruling of Augustus seems more likely to have needed citation after his death than before. If that is so, his governorship will certainly have been subsequent to the Senate's review of asylia in a.d. 22/3 (cf. Syme, Roman Papers IV 350). Page 449 Perge Perge in Pamphylia was the city of Artemis, whose temple was among the most famous in the world .1 Callimachus calls Perge her chief city (Hymn. 3.187); Cicero calls the temple "the oldest and most holy of Artemis" (Verr. 2.1.20). A hymn in mixed dialect sung at her service was famous (Philostr. VA 1.30). The goddess was oracular (unde fata petuntur) and informed Artemidorus of Perge, the Ptolemaic official on Thera, that he would live to be ninety .2 The scholar Polemon describes the pilgrims who came to the temple seeking help.3 The worship of Artemis Pergaea spread to a number of other cities, and we hear of wandering mendicants in the service of the goddess.4 The temple was rich with votive offerings, and the goddess issued an abundant coinage in silver and bronze in her own name, 1. B. Pace in Anatolian Studies ... Ramsay (Manchester 1923) 297-314; H. Oppermann, "Perga'ia," RE 19 (1937) 683-689; A. Akarca in Excavatbns and Researches at Perge, TTKYay V.8 (Ankara 1949) 62-68; Robert, BCH 102 (1978) 541 (DAM 237); I. Kaygusuz, TTKBelleten 44 (1980) 249-256 (an early inscriptbn); T. S. MacKay, ANRW XVIII.3 (1990) 2048-2078. Artemis and Athena represent Perge and Side on homonoia issues, BMC Lycia 141-142. On the city generally, K. Lanckoronski, Stadte Pamphylbns und Pisidiens I (Vienna 1890) 33-63; W. Ruge, RE 19 (1937) 694-704; S. Jameson, RE Suppl. 14 (1974) 375-383; A. M. Mansel, AA 1975, 57-96; Seyrig, RN VI.5 (1963) 38-51 (Scripta numism. 42-55). The inscriptbns are reproduced in Merkelbach and Sahin, EpigAnat 11 (1988) 97-170; an important collectbn of coins, Y. Akyay, luArkMtitm 13-14 (1967) 246-286. 2. Ps.-Ascon. 237 Stengl; IG XII.3 1350; cf. O. Palagia in taMxuv, Lakonian Studies ... H. Catling (London 1992) 171- 177. 3. Robert, Hellenba V (1948) 64-69. 4. See Oppermann 687-689 for references; on Cos, Segre, Iscr.Cas ED236, EV179. 5. The dedications: Cb. be. cit.; Phibstr. VS 2.6; Migne, PG 117.568 (a menobgium deriving from a bst life of two Pamphylian martyrs, whose deceive act was to overturn "the idols" in the temple of Artemis; that the is the temple at Perge is an old assumptbn). The (Footnote continued on next page) Page 450 Perge held the valley of the Cestrus River, or at least its right bank. The city itself was some twelve kilometers from the coast. The temple of Artemis was elsewhere, "near the city on a high hill" according to Strabo (14.4.2 [667]); the site has yet to be discovered. Because the adjective is repeatedly applied to the goddess herself rather than the city, we may suspect that inviolability was granted to the temple rather than the city and country, as was typical of a rural shrine. Our evidence for asylia at Perge is all of imperial date.6 Under Domitian (a.d. 81-96) a tower in the countryside (at Lyrboton Kome) was built by a priestess of Demeter and dedicated to the emperor and to Artemis, who is called * 06^.7 In the early second century a statue was erected of a priestess of Artemis, lEjpfitavTifc Tfy; n^u£'-u< dotiXoiJ B g Between 198 and 214 a nymphaeum in the city was dedicated to Artemis and the imperial family: Tfl seal cci>toxpdtTf*p-m, 9 At an uncertain date a prominent citizen, who begins the list of his services with the priesthood of Artemis, obtained by his embassies to Rome the restoratbn of something for Artemis: rj\iVTCl eL; 1 Pujlt|V Xtt[L]| [rfl Tlrjp] ?.iepjX£]etv [x]al t ]^Q If Wilhelm's restoratbn is correct, this bss and recovery of asylia still need not date before Domitian (as Woodward thought), for such bsses might be quite short-lived. Nor does the omissbn of Perge from Tacitus' account of the appeals of a.d. 22/3, given the many other omissbns, prove that the original grant of asylia occurred later than 22/3.11 On coins, Roman Perge was more disposed to advertise its neocories. As noted above, many issues are labeled ’Aprttnftoc tispTdfws already in the Hellenistic perbd, and in imperial times as well. We first see the fuller Apriiji&oc in the 240s a.d. and thereafter intermittently into the 260s (near the end of (Footnote continued from previous page) coins: BMC Lycia 119ff. On the date and character of the Hellenists issues: Seyrig, Scripta numism. 47-52; Robert, Monnaies antiques en Tbade (Paris 1966) 45-46. 6 . See generally A. M. Woodward, CR 46 (1932) 9-11. 7. As interpreted by Woodward (SEG VI 672; McCrum/Woodhead, Documents of the Flavian Emperors no. 144; Merkelbach/Sahin 158 no. 151). 8 . Lanckoronski no. 39 [IGR III 797; Merkelbach/Sahin 127 no. 48], found reused in a church in the city. 9. Mansel 69-70 [Merkelbach/Sahin 112 no. 14]. 10. Lanckoronski no. 33 (restoring <^]« 1 '), emended by Wilhelm, AEM 20 (1897) 65-66 [IGR III 796; Merkelbach/Sahin 127 no. 47]. 11. So C. P. Jones, HSCP 80 (1976) 236 n. 43; see E. Bosch in Vorlaeufiger Berbht... Side 1947, TTKYay V.ll (Ankara 1951) 69, who observes that Tacitus' omissbns are meaningless. Page 451 the civic coinage). 12 In some types that give the ethnic ncprau^ rather than the name of the goddess, is inscribed in the gable of the temple. 13 An unusual literary testimony: in the Acts of Saint Ariadne, set at Prymnessus in Phrygia, the civic benefactbns of the saint's master are portrayed, as Robert saw, in language apparently borrowed from an inscribed honorific decree; these include his sacrifices to Aixwwvvn .14 Robert reckoned the phrase to be a pastiche, with a scribe's addition and taken from the cult of Artemis at Prymnessus, but ncpYotiqt AcfiXip accura tely echoing that at Perge. Some testimonies, however, imply that the city rather than the temple possessed the title: A series of acclamations in praise of Perge inscribed under the emperor Tacitus (a.d. 275-276) begins Several texts apply "sacred" to the city, as one of a string of epithets (but not "inviolable"). Its force might be no more than rhetorical: 'rtji; IcpSc XalvEejxdpou ITepYatwv ttpA xat Jtwl nEpfoCuv n£Jos'17 On SOme COinS, Up& n^pYT] 18 Artemis of Perge was honored with games, surely already in the Hellenistic period if her coinage was federal; Strabo mentions an annual panegyris. Coins of the third century show a link between the games, by now Panhellenic and equal to the Pythia, and the goddess's epithet the adjective kj*x*n* serves to identify the games of Artemis, thus ’AmjXiatn^LHnEpTatwvciepdig a prize crown labeled resting on a table labeled ’a*jx(*; 2 o a crown resting on a table labeled &<*;*«* with inscribed below (viz. von Aulock 4757); crowns resting on a table labeled ne P r«f*v with acyclic. above and upoi otxo^evixoE below (4715). Finally, an inscribed acclamation has efeM* A^xwtnoem.zi We can see, amid these attendant adjectives, 12. BMC 129ff.; on some issues nepYcfc g inscribed around the border while is in the architrave of the temple portrayed (e.g., BMC no. 51; Imhoof-Blumer, RevSuisse 4 [1908] 66 no. 3; SNG von Aubck 4731- 4732). 13. Imhoof-Blumer, KI.M. 333 no. 35; von Aubck 4759. 14. A travers FAsie Mineure (Par's 1980) 248-256. 15. Kaygusuz, EpigAnat 4 (1984) 1-4 [Merkelbach/Sahin 115 no. 22]; commentary by C. Roueche, CambrPhibISoc Suppl. 16 (1989) 206-228; P. Wees, Chiron 21 (1991) 353-392. 16. Lanckoronski no. 34 [IGR III 793; Merkelbach/Sahin 126 no. 46]. 17. Lanckoronski no. 10 [Merkelbach/Sahin 125 no. 43]. 18. Inv. Waddington 3409; NC III.19 (1899) 105 no. 30; Imhoof-Blumer, KIM. 332 nos. 32, 34; von Aubck 4729, 8529. 19. RevSuisse 66 no. 4. 20. BMC 136 no. 84, with Woodward 10 n. 9. 21. Quoted, Merkelbach/Sahin 116. Page 452 that the games were called the "Asyleia," a neologism deriving from the habitual epithet asylos applied to Artemis of Perge, which indeed we might even capitalize, "Asylos." Thus the status is applied to the goddess rather than to the city and country by most testimonies. The apparent exceptions come in highly rhetorical settings: the acclamations recorded in the late third century, and the word "sacred" amid laudatory as well as official (granted) titles. I think that these exceptions are rhetorical exaggeration; certainly the claim to be the "sole inviolable" city is not to be taken literally, but the elative F^. 221 would conclude that the original and formal grant of asylia was expressly for the temple and not the city and country. For the date, we have no better than a terminus ante quern late in the first century AD I assume the Hellenistic period; but Pergaean evidence of that date is quite meager: the temple coinage shows no titles, but that is to be expected in Hellenistic Anatolia (compare the issues of Athena of Pergamum). The city apparently was free after the end of the Attalid kingdom, but little of its history is known. 22. Roueche, however, takes this to mean "only" in Pamphylia (cf. J. Nolle, Side in Altertum I, IK 43 [Bonn 1993] 90); for such elatives in acclamations see H. S. Versnel, Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman Religion I (Leiden 1990) 224, 243. Page 453 Side The rich harbor city of Side occupied a small peninsula, walled where it joins the mainland; the port, although artificial and poor, was much used as one of the few possible anchorages along the coast of Pamphylia. The region flourished especially in the third century A . D „ with the growth of Roman military commitments in Syria .1 While the founder Apollo was prominent, the true patron divinity of Side was Athena, called iji KvtMTTptti j n an inscription of the third century .2 Strabo, whose account of Pamphylia occupies a single paragraph, is content to report: "Side, a colony of Cyme; it has a temple of Athena" (14.4.2 [667]). The goddess, in military dress, dominates the coins from the fifth century BC . to the end of antiquity; she normally represents the city on the homonoia coins of imperial date .3 The evidence of the third century pointedly illustrates, here as at Perge, the city's Panhellenic games granted by Gordian ,4 as does Athena's epithet Inviolability at Side is revealed by two documents. First, a bronze coin of the time of Aurelian ( AD . 270-275): Bust of Aurelian | Athena of Side, helmeted, in her left hand a palm, with her right holding a token over an amphora, Mr**®**a*!*™ (p WTE 7 ) 5 1. A. M. Mansel, Die Ruinen von Side (Berlin 1963); RE Suppl. 10 (1965) 879-918; J. Nolle, Side. Cf. Robert, Hellenica V (1948) 69-76; Seyrig, RN VI.5 (1963) 57-64 (Scripta numis. 61-68); Nolle, Chiron 16 (1986) 204-206. 2. Bean and Mitford, Denkschr Wien 102.3 (1970) no. 19.7 (Nolle, Side p. 195). 3. For the coinage see S. Atlan, V.23 (1967) on the earliest; TTKBelleten 31 (1967) 483-511 on the Alexanders; 39 (1975) 575-611 on the coins of Amyntas. 4. Cf. P. Weiss, Chiron 11 (1981) 317-346, with J. and L. Robert, Bull, epgr. 1982, 450. 5. BMC Cilicia 296 no. 128A; cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Kl. Munzen p. 347. For the agonistic type see Robert, Hellenica VII (1949) 107-108; RPhil 32 (1958) 21 (Op. min. sel. V 161). Page 454 The palm and amphora evoke the games and prizes of Athena. Second, in the third century Side erected a statue of the Roman Senate; most of the inscription on the base is occupied with naming the organs of government responsible, together with their titles (Nolle, Side no. 26): pouWjj xal h e&otss©^ BfjJ- Seal ^ XaLj Q x[al [fjou ££axL£ veux6[tpou Cl94||- jt]&v a 6 As to c lepot xa[l |i£Y^XT|} fye]pgw[n vct^xopoufoti + A0t|v^c] i3 [xfi e-Jctji AatiXqi xal VE6*[xopoCkja $k\- £ i{j iu x& Ie[p$] ■sOvffr 5EITCVLOTF^l«jS, Concerning the status and titles of Side, the coins are rather modest. No title of any sort appears before Gallienus; thereafter coins mostly advertise the neocories, but occasionally their alliance with Rome and their "mystic" contest. The inscriptions on stone are also reticent, showing usually **w«*i*, and £v*°5«*.6 One approaches the detail of that quoted above, without, however, calling Athena "asylos" (Side no. 44): bujortfj [E(&1] jjjdqrifq] xprt vfctixopoum iGj [fj .: the city describes itself as ^ ‘feeJoxaijootpfiuv Konav^uv up&) xai&m)Xo[c * - - ]_ 3 The coin, being pseudoautonomous, cannot be easily dated: Dbnysus (?) bust, 'kpoKctiospAuvKojjaviwv | Goddess standing, IEPA.... (Rec. gen.2 I 108 no. 8; "time of Septimius Severus?") The most active year of the mint was the local year 162 = AD 195/6,4 during which the coins almost all show for the first time a monumental temple of a goddess, presumably Ma; but these give the city no title. 1. Ruge, RE 11 (1921) 1126-1127; B. Remy, Pontica 1 (Istanbul 1991) 104-107. 2. The other pseudoautonomous issues (Rec. gen. no. 7), which lack "Hierocaesarea" as well as any title, are assigned to the 30s a .d. 3. Ramsay, JP 11 (1882) 153 no. 14, from a bcal copyist [IGR III 106]. ^ Rigsby: Ramsay. 4. In the Recueil, eight of the nineteen issues come from this year. Page 460 Cilicia The inviolable cities of Cilicia were numerous;i the status seems to arrive toward 100 B .c„ somewhat later than in Syria-Palestine. Various of the cities were intermittently under Seleucid kings, often rivals of one another, or under the lesser dynasts after the collapse of Seleucid authority in Cilicia in the 90s ,2 and the title spreads amid their growing competition for the loyalties of the cities. Aegeae Aegeae held the fine harbor that looks eastward across the Gulf of Issus toward Alexandria/Iskenderun and the road through Mt. Amanus to Syria .3 In imperial times this was the city of Asclepius, whose miracles attracted to his temple pilgrims from all the world.4 The inviolability of Aegeae is attested 1. For MAMA III 65 see p. 589. See generally G. Dagron and D. Fe'esel, Inscriptbns de Cilicie (Paris 1987), and F. Hild and H. Hellenkemper, Kilikien und Isaurien, TablmpByz V (= DenkschrWien 215) (1990), whose bibliographies should be consulted for all the cities that folbw. On several Cilbian civic festivals see R. Ziegler, Stadtisches Prestige und kaiserlbhe Politik (Dusseldorf 1985) 19-57; and Tyche 8 (1993) 203-219 on civic eras. 2. No Seleucid mint seems to have operated in Cilicia later than 93 b.c. : A. Houghton in Festschrift fur Leo Mildenberg (Wetteren 1984) 102. 3. See Robert, JSav 1973, 161-211; 1978, 145-150 (Op. min. sel. VII 225-282); P. Weiss, Chiron 12 (1982) 192-205. 4. Cf. CIG 5616, Asclepius and Hygieia the 0501 literary and numismatb testimonies at Robert, Op. min. sel. VII 248-268. Note, however, the puzzling "ancestral goddess," ^ mentbned in an inscription of the second century a.d. (Robert, DAM 77-90, at 84-85; line 24 of the inscriptbn). Page 461 by coins of the late Hellenistic period; issues of imperial date show a good many other titles, but not asylia. These later titles reflect the patronage of individual emperorss and the legendary origins and political prominence of the city: for their Argive descent through Perseus, and "Macedonian," also and eventually and, almost unique among civic titles, flwvWdear to god,"6 presumably Asclepius. The games of Asclepius were made Panhellenic in the third century uj Nevertheless, the image of Asclepius is not seen on the coins until imperial times, and it may be that some other cult occasioned the recognition of inviolability in the Hellenistic period.8 Of the numerous bronze issues of late Hellenistic date9 some show with no titles; these are followed by bronzes with the titles "sacred and inviolable," then "sacred and autonomous": A. Tyche bust | Horse's head, Atv^w t* Bloesch nos. 103-107. B. Athena bust | Goat, inscription as A; a smaller denomination. Bloesch no. 108. C. Tyche bust | Horse's head, Bloesch nos. 113-172, 204-208; Ziegler, Miinzen Kilikiens, Vestigia 42 (Munich 1988) 171-172 nos. 1365-1368. D. Athena bust | Goat, inscription as C; a smaller denomination. Bloesch nos. 173-189; 209-210; Ziegler no. 1369. E. Heracles bust | Club and bow, inscription as C; a still smaller denomination. Bloesch nos. 190-203, 211-212. Then titles vanish until the developed imperial age, when Aegeae begins to display other honors. A terminus ante quern for the end of the title of inviolability on the coins might be given by Hellenistic Aegeae's several extant silver issues, which are without titles, only we would expect the silver to exhibit 5. As elsewhere in Cilicia: J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1970, 407; Ziegler, Prestige 67-120. 6 . Found also of Hermoupolis Magna in Egypt BGU III 924, 937; CPR VI 73; SB 9358). The word probably had an antiquarian and poetic ring (cf. Homeric 9^°? deavdimat feoioi); it had been applied to cities in classical epinician; cf. LSJ s.v.; F. Dirlmeier, Ausgewahlte Schriften (Heidelberg 1970) 99. Compare as a title at Gaza, the superlative at Nicaea. 7. Robert, Op. min. sel. VII 251; Ziegler, Prestige 51. 8 . So Robert, Op. min. sel. VII 225 n. 119, against K. Latte, Kleine Schriften (Munich 1968) 735 n. 10. But against Robert's view that the vogue for Asclepius was a late phenomenon, note Alexander's celebration of Asclepieia at Soli in Cilicia: Arr. Anab. 2.5.8; cf. Curt. 3.7.3. 9. Assembled by H. Bbesch, ANSMN 27 (1982) 53-96, who would assign most of A-E to the years 110 to 83 b.c„ the remainder to "60/50-47." His chronobgy is artificial; and especially for the latter group (his meager Perbd 5, here the second citatbns under C-E) it seems to me to have little foundation. Page 462 titles if the city had any. These coins, dated by the Caesarean era, are first seen in 44/3 and come down to 30/29 .10 An exception is found in two issues of bronze: F. Bust of Alexander the Great | Bust of Julius Caesar, Al 'r* atwv kf 4 ? ™i®hov6f»* date (?) = 87 = a.d. 40/1.11SNG Levante 1691, 1692; RPC I 4036. If these are rightly dated, they contrast not only with the silence of the other coins of imperial date, which would not be significant, but also with that of the post-Caesarean silver. Perhaps therefore these two issues represent a genuine alteration of the titles of Aegeae, a brief restoration in the first year of Caligula (the heralding of Alexander and Caesar may be relevant). Or else we must take the silence of the silver as meaningless, or Zn as not a date. For the initial grant of asylia the style of the bronzes (A-B) suggests a date of roughly 100 bc, so perhaps in the context of the loss of Seleucid control in the 90s. If the distribution of extant issues is any evidence, the recognition of autonomy followed fairly quickly upon that of inviolability .12 The silence of the silver should indicate that the city lost both asylia and autonomy toward the mid-first century: probably at the hands of Pompey rather than Caesar, since it is after Caesar that Aegeae is seen to enjoy both a new era and the right to strike silver. If this is so, then Aegeae gained asylia and then autonomy amid the dynastic rivalries of the late second or early first century and lost them in Pompey's settlement in the 60s. Hierapolis-Castabala Castabala, some thirty kilometers inland on the Pyramus River, was the city of the goddess Perasia, who is attested already in Achaemenid times. Originally a version of Cybele, eventually equated with Artemis by Greek authors, Perasia is regularly shown on the coins of Hierapolis; her priestesses attracted notice for 10. See O. M0rkholm, ANSMN 32 (1987) 57-60, and A. Houghton and S. Bendall, ANSMN 33 (1988) 71-85, refuting Bbesch's assignment to early I b.c. (when these coins would certainly have borne the titles of inviolability, like the bronzes of that period). A further example: M&M 569.17. 11. Levante's interpretation for the date, which must be called uncertain; one issue has MI left, Zn right; the other only Zn left. 12. Houghton and Bendall argue reasonably that autonomy came after the end of Seleucid rule and before the invasion of Tigranes, i.e., in the period 93-83 b.c. Page 463 their ritual dance on hot coals .13 Robert suspected that the temple stood on the hill at the eastern end of the main street. It is uncertain when Castabala acquired the Greek name Hierapolis (it is already so on the earliest coins, under Antiochus IV ca. 170 B . c ); the name signals the importance of the cult to the life of the city. In the first century B . c . the city came to be the capital of the dynasty of Tarcondimotus .14 The civic bronzes with imperial obverses, and thus datable, attribute no titles to Hierapolis. The pseudoautonomous issues, not closely dated, seem to begin in the second century BJC . and may come down as late as the Roman Empire. Of the nineteen pseudoautonomous issues identified by Robert (Deesse pp. 66-99), six show the title of inviolability, with two images: A. Tyche bust | Eagle, Robert 67 nos. 3-6;is Ziegler, Miinzen 160 nos. 1285-1287. B. Tyche bust | Perasia seated on a throne, same inscription. Robert nos. 7, 13; SNG Levante 1571-74. We have two absolute dates. Hierapolis, like many other Seleucid cities, was allowed a pseudoautonomous coinage by Antiochus IV around 170 BC (Robert nos. 1-2), and as everywhere else, these coins claim no titles. A terminus ante quern, equally unsurprising, is provided by an inscription from the site, the base of a statue of Tarcondimotus as toparch:i6 6 b r lepon^twv t»[v] Tipta; iul IIu^igjl tT|% ttpSi; xql[L] douXtiU- ToqpxOvSE^^Tdv £tidv(ivAta]- it ton f v5s>yOv O^t^qy, iv Tv&m\i t(e nAXetJ xa| xal nap 1 firefly teiJ- Tij[cJ j4£ytaTTf<; wrrjEuMtilvov, K[£xpvxa] xal aoTOc xa0 5 & xal ft nfp]A %i&v ui^ioxpd]- (6 tgpsx £tc£k[pl)v!iv &auX0v ffvii’ AtA&oTov ^ AioSi^?]- tou xou VlBqvLuvoq t 6 v \zpio, tou EafpdmiAo;] Xal Xijs v Icj[i4}g [^] I^pa ^p^ot[^iav, ?$ptjcr]- X&>ft|Gxa[ra] El. $4tt(pipavwt Tdw^ tt Geopt Xtx?fttJ- go TtaJpc^Oovxa seal flEpjiiE [Eat; jhxcmj)- ficvciv cOoEpcm&tBC xal UporcpFrc£[(nara x4 xwy] OeCiv tetpiia |mti£*vTa xal t&y tAjs[ov t&i]- m irei^eXcEf Keokfrouvra Anofee$£tJc[vo5 Tipav? *&]- 24 t&v pksuXojisL dxefottp xal afrcol Te[l|jbv] TV ItETXXfaOTE TCftXXut poXXov Xs[tA5k3¥J X&p4V TEL[4.j^ xal KflTfflXoYI^ Tt^l S^[jl4iH £v] intt &LaTup<4cFEdii tSv Awv naj- tffl [p]aifest¥ XEcpaXifc aOvoD te xal Tuvafuc^c xat] [utj&v tpifiirv xal ttfft Gfwtp^o^Jotn; a^TEt otiaEa^] [ r t , . . ]rr|* * . ]OTPIO[ * - 2: The editors suggest as possible “e 1 dvav ^]““^ or 3 Rigsby: - - * 1 edd. 4 V «H edd.) and T^ifiTjjivov Rjgsby. 5 Rigsby: s® 4 * xctl *« 4 edd. 6 Rigsby: l ToC ■"v*™ edd. 7 R'gsby: • ■ . ■ ] or (xf^tvo? x6] or ™[o™ t 6 tep&vj edd. 12 Gauthier: edd. 22 end Rigsby. 29: TOHS. <><><><><><><><><><><><> 24. I am most grateful to the editors for discussing this inscriptbn with me in advance of publication. Page 468 (4ff.) [... as?] the temple has been [honored?] by the kings [on account of] their piety toward the [goddess. (?)Therefore I have listened to the] request of [quaestor] Lucullus and grant that [your temple] of Isis is to be inviolable. Lucullus, quaestor pro praetore, to the magistrates, council, and people of Mopsuestia, [greetings. The] temple of Isis and Sarapis, being [most revered] and distinguished, famed in every [city] and country and found worthy of the greatest honor among you, I myself, in keeping with the decision of the commanders before us, [have decided] to be inviolable. Dbdotus son of [Dbdo]tus grandson of Athenbn, the priest of Sa[rapis] and Isis, I have found to be valuable ... distinguished, and I approve of him for attending to the gods most generously and [do]ing the most pbus services and increasing most devotedly the honors of the gods and adorning the place [through his personal?] supervisbn; so I wish to [honor?] him. Inasmuch as you yourselves have granted him an honor far more worthy because of his dignity and renown with the people by providing, at the farming out of tax contracts, immunity on his person and his wife and three sons and the [property] he possesses ... Some features of this text have made me wonder whether it might be of imperial date (hence Flavian or later), an unknown provincial quaestor Lucullus acting for the legate and being ratified by the emperor. Lucullus uses only his cognomen, and his superior grants him no more (a humble gesture first on record of Agrippa, Roman Doc. 66);25 line 15 might evoke as precedent "the emperors before us," the words emperors themselves often use. But the editors' assignment to the famous Lucullus and to Sulla is persuasive; and it is difficult to envisage a provincial governor (less still his aide) complacently granting asylia on his own authority rather than referring the question to the emperor. As to the cognomen, this is our one letter by a quaestor in the Republic: modesty befits quaestors .26 And it ill befits any imperial magistrate to speak of "the emperors before us" (meaning our time), for fear of being thought to use the royal We. But which Roman "commanders" might have recognized asylia at Mopsuestia before 86 BC remains a problem. 2 - 3 : E.g. “pi I! douyta< p orT&U|p6Y 4: For the structure cf. I.Cret.III w 9.139 (with Kern, I.Magn. p. 253) tin 1 ad[tMv T]t«vtuv Tt <5s5o[ii£vov? - * - J_ 5: So Roman Doc. 58.78; or else as at Royal Corres. 69.7. 25. Contrast the traditbnal usage of more dignified individuals under Augustus: Roman Doc. 66 , 69, 71. 26. A magistrate in the 50s b.c. mentioned toC (Roman Doc. 51.8, context bst), perhaps a quaestor of his commander. Lucullus' fetter gives no hint that his decisbn is provisional and dependent on that of Sulla; but the Mopsuestians evidently understood that, for they waited until they had received Sulla's fetter before inscribing both. Page 469 6 ; cf. 135.7 1 dfroo^ewi &iwtxrjjx$Mti6v xai poo^v■ Syll .3 672.6 1 iTtaHo^^oj^xi^ioo^va, But the restoration is somewhat long. 8 : For Sulla it is a temple of Isis, for Lucullus of Isis and Sarapis, while the priest is of Sarapis and Isis. Isis was served chiefly by priestesses, Sarapis by priests; in the present diplomatic dealings between the city and Rome, the male apparently took the lead. 15-16: For imperator generically of a field commander with imperium we have from Sulla's time Roman Doc. 23.36 (cf. 6): poi (the Senate speaking). What Roman commanders earlier than 86 BC . (and later than the mid-second century BC , given the first appearance of asylia on the coins) recognized the inviolability of Isis of Mopsuestia? A province called "Cilicia" was first voted in 102,27 and three commanders are known before 86, including Sulla himself in the 90s; but the apparent silence of his letter about this (unless we have awwafew in line 2) suggests that he is not one of those who had already granted Mopsuestia's request. No province Cilicia was needed, however, for the Mopsuestians to approach a Roman with this request (compare Teos, Magnesia, and Colophon, long before a "province" of Asiawith Magnesia allegedly reconfirmed by Sulla); but what campaign, military or diplomatic, might have put Mopsuestia in contact with the Romans before 102 is not obvious. 18-19: Woodward, JHS 58 (1938) 111, on IG 112 1074 suggested itojJtreJj-v*. - - 6c eOatJlicuctTa xxA crfuvxeXtooa - - - b The Hellenistic bronze coins first show inviolability only after the city had reverted to the name Mopsuestia. At least some of the issues described under A-D will be earlier than the Roman confirmation of 86; but a more certain chronology remains to be found. A. Zeus bust | Fire altar, m upfc. Von Aulock (1963) no. 5 (six issues). B. Apollo bust | Artemis, same inscription. SNG Levante 1315-1316. C. Numerous issues of the late Hellenistic period in several denominations with various types (Zeus | Fire altar; Tyche | Zeus; Apollo | Artemis), Von Aulock nos. 7-10; SNG Levante 1308-1314, 1317-1318; Ziegler, Miinzen 122 nos. 929-930. D. King or hero | Tripod, same inscription. Von Aulock no. 6 (eight issues); SNG Levante 1306-1307. 27. On the early province see P. Freeman in The Defence of the Roman and Byzantine East, BAR-IS 297 (Oxford 1986) I 253-275. Page 470 Under the Empire, pseudoautonomous bronzes, roughly mid-first through second century a.d., are without titles with the exception (as at Aegeae) of three issues of the mid-first century a. d .: E. Zeus | Corybantes (?), Von Aulock no. 12 ("time of Claudius"); SNG Levante 1323; RPC I 4055. F. Tyche bust | Apollo, w= 118 = 50/1, same inscription. Von Aulock no. 13; SNG Levante 1324; RPC I 4056. G. Apollo | Artemis, *p = 51/2, same inscription .28 Von Aulock no. 14; SNG Levante 1325; RPC I 4057. On bronzes with emperors on the obverse (Tiberius to Gallienus) the title of inviolability occurs only in A . D . 93/4 and 94/5: H. Domitian | Standing male (Mopsus or Apollo), Mo+e^v t*^ date = 161 = 93/4. Von Aulock no. 27; SNG Levante 1326.29 I. Domitian and Domitia | Tyche, same inscription. Von Aulock no. 30. J. Domitian | Standing male, same inscription but date = 94/5. SNG Levante 1328.30 The next issues come under Hadrian, when the first of the imperial epithets appears: ■Aipwvfiv later and others. Inviolability and autonomy do not recur after 94/5. Thus the coins document the city's inviolability during the late Hellenistic period and in the first century AD ; thereafter asylia is supplanted on the coins by the greater glory of titles indicating imperial favor. This silence of the later coins is supplemented by two inscriptions. In AD 140 the Mopsuestians made a dedication in Rome to Antoninus Pius, who had decided in their favor at a judicial hearing about the city's privileges (IGUrbRom 124): Pjep-fiTfl xal xfp; KiXixIct^, lepa.; xal xal ■AoOXertJ Xu l abTdv6^rau xal ^CXi^ xal -.. zffZ aikou J30aui iip^aavros aikj} xk ££ 5 Exam, Likewise a statue of Antoninus Pius erected in Mopsuestia (Dagron/Feissel 134 no. 86 = IGR III 915: 28. Von Aubck no. 15 (RPC I 4058), a smaller denomination of the same year, apparently lacks titles. 29. A smaller issue of the same year (von Aubck no. 28) has no titles. 30. Again contrast 1329 (von Aubck no. 29), a small denomination of the same year without titles. 6 SityHK 'ASputvcov MoOeokuv Ispas xal £^ei/ft£p^c Med foruXov xu\ a6x^vdijay T qt\tft xul caw^xoy *Fu±i«C«v, Page 471 We can conclude that the silence of coins after the first century is without meaning and Mopsuestia probably possessed inviolability throughout the Roman period. As to the beginnings of the status, we cannot date closely the autonomous series A-B; any better date than the estimate from style will depend on identifying the kings on two possible royal issues. Von Aulock no. 1 (King? | without titles) would give a terminus post quern for asylia if we could identify the king .31 Again, von Aulock considered the bust on D to be a king, probably Antiochus X ca. 95 BC ;32 this would establish a terminus ante quern for both asylia and autonomy. But it is not at all certain that either of these images is of a king rather than a god or hero. Whatever the exact date, the recognition of inviolability appears to have come after a significant relaxing of Seleucid authority over the city, marked by the city's abandonment of the royal name. The number of issues with only asylia suggests that at least several years separated the grant of inviolability from that of autonomy. Soli-Pompeiopolis Soli, to the east of Elaeusa and possessed of a good harbor, was an important city already under the Achaemenids, and a mint from quite early times. Tigranes of Armenia razed the city in 83 B . c . and transferred its population to Tigranocerta; Pompey refounded it as Pompeiopolis, which is seen to use thereafter an era of 66/5.33 The coins reveal diverse cults, with none noticeably dominant. The Hellenistic bronzes under the name Soli claim no titles, giving only and thus should constitute a terminus post quern for the recognition of asylia; but they cannot be closely datedthey may not extend as late as Tigranes in 83. 31. Von Aubck took the obverse to show Antbchus IV; but Morkholm, Antbchus IV of Syria (Copenhagen 1966) 126 n. 35, thought the rientifbatbn wrong and the coin later. 32. Hill (BMC 103) thought this Antbchus IV, Imhoof-Blumer Alexander Balas; either is impossibly early for the titles "sacred and autonomous." Levante suggests Mopsus. At bast some issues of D are subsequent to some of C: cf. Robert, Deesse 96 n. 5 (on the countermarks). 33. W. Ruge, RE 3a (1927) 935-938; Hellenkemper/Hild 87-99. For Seleucid silver issued at Soli (down to the 130s b.c.) see O. Mprkholm, ANSMN 11 (1964) 58-62; H. Pfeiler, SM 19 (1969) 42-43; A. Houghton, NC 149 (1989) 15-32. Page 472 A terminus ante quern is given by the base of a statue of Pompey from the site, perhaps from 66/5 or at any rate before he left the East in 62:34 xpb; «TjToxpd^[Qpa] Ilbfci umoXnwv -rift xat xcd iXeuSf psw; xetl xbv xdcmp xol marcpShva lift n6Xeu<. The coins stand in contrast: from the earliest issues of the proud new city35 they show no titles throughout their history, with one exception: Julia Mamaea | Asclepius, Hygieia, Telesphorus, no^KnuAtnav Lgp(ac) X(»j) «i3tov6C|ju>u) date = 298 = a.d. 232/3.36 Thus we have no evidence that the Hellenistic city Soli (isto nomine: down to 83 BC ) gained inviolability. It is quite possible that "sacred, inviolable, autonomous" came whole cloth from Pompey upon the creation of his new city Pompeiopolis in 66/5 B . c . So too later Nicopolis upon its foundation by Augustus apparently was similarly honored. Rhosus Rhosus stands at the southern extreme of the Gulf of Issus, atop a hill projecting into the gulf from a fertile plain. Its harbor made it an easy point of crossing from Syria to Aegeae and the interior of Anatolia; myth also links the city to Cilicia rather than Syria. Demetrius Poliorcetes and Seleucus I conferred at Rhosus in 300 B . c .37 In Hellenistic times, however, its fame was rather overshadowed by its neighbor to the north, Alexandria ad Issum, which lay nearer the road through Mt. Amanus into Syria. The ruins of Rhosus, described by Heberdey in 1892, have not been further explored.38 The earliest coins of the city have been assigned on the basis of style to the middle of the first century BC . Two bronze issues are known, and both show already the title of inviolability: 34. IGR III 869; I have collated the squeeze in Vienna (letters 0.04 h.). 35. An early example is BMC 152 no. 48: Pompey | Athena Nicephorus, novHj]u>jmXiTwv ; date fc™* ‘s = 16 = 51/0 B .c. 36. Imhoof-Blumer, Zur gr.-rom. Munzkunde (Geneva 1908) p. 220; cf. Inv. Waddington 4523 (reporting IEPAEATTON...). 37. Plut. Dem. 32. Earlier, the city had voted honors for Harpalus: Ath. 586c, 595 d (FGrHist 115 f 254, 137 f 30). 38. Reisen in Kilikien, DenkschrWien 44 (1896) 20. For the coins and the civic era see Seyrig, Syria 27 (1950) 32-34 (Ant. syr. IV 98-101); E. Levante, NC 145 (1985) 237-243. Page 473 Either Tyche bust, or shield decorated with a walking bull Draped hieratic male statue standing on a base, holding a thunderbolt and a knife or an ear of grain, flanked by bulls, datfXou 39 The sporadic later coinage shows that Rhosus inaugurated a civic era in 42/1 B . c .; this would reflect a benefaction by Antony, who arrived in Syria in 41. And two documents dating soon after reveal that autonomy has been added, surely the benefaction commemorated by the era of 42/1: In December 35 b.c. (year 8 ), Octavian wrote to the city: 'Ptixriiwv tepa? xal dtnjXoy k« 1 ctutov 65101 ; Sp^ouoi J3oiAf r i _ 4 Q A bronze issue of 27/6 b.c.: Tyche | The hieratic statue, ^kp®* x,al auTo-^w^ year 16 (rpc I 4077). Most of the coins of imperial date give Rhosus no titles. 4 i A few are exceptional: Tyche | The hieratic statue, ^ year 177 = AD 135/6.42 Commodus | Either goddess bust or a seated Aphrodite, ’P«o*«w IMPAS, both types year 219 = a.d. 177/8.43 Finally, an undated coin that might be late Hellenistic or imperial: Zeus bust | Tyche bust, IEPAE.44 On these last the full title of inviolability has been abbreviated; the undated issue is a small denomination, but those under Commodus are not. Accordingly, Rhosus was declared sacred and inviolable before 42/1: around the middle of the first century if the style of the first coins is rightly estimated and if they coincide with the granting of the status. So far as can be seen from extant evidence, both asylia and autonomy continued without interruption through imperial times. As to cults, the most distinctive image on the coins is of a draped male cult figure associated with bulls. This was probably the patron god of the Rhosians, apparently a descendant of the storm god, the bull Baal, who dominated the area of Mt. Amanus in the Bronze Age. 39. Imhoof-Blumer, Monn. grec. 440 no. 8 ; SNG Copenhagen 36.386-387; H. C. Lindgren and F. L. Kovacs, Ancient Bronze Coins of Asia Minor and the Levant (San Mateo 1985) no. 2117; Hunterian III 210 no. 1. 40. Sherk, Roman Documents 58.3-4, 86 (Seyrig's reading of the date). 41. Imperial obverses under Claudius, Trajan, Caracalla (see Seyr'g Ant. syr. IV 99-100); a pseudoautonomous dated to 106/7 (Weber 7992; Hunterian no. 2). 42. Seyr'g, RN VI. 10 (1968) no. 273 (Scripta numis. 349). 43. BMC Galatia 268 no. 2; Seyr'g Ant. syr. IV 100. 44. BMC no. 1 ("first century bc?"). Page 474 Epiphaneia Epiphaneia stood at the head of the Gulf of Issus and about ten kilometers inland. Its early history is unknown; its name is taken to reflect a refoundation by Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175-163).45 A Pompeian era is evidenced by the coins, on which no cult seems to predominate. Issues are few before the time of Trajan (after which they show no titles). Inviolability is known from the following bronzes of the first century AD : A. Antiochus IV | Artemis, IEPAS, date ^ = 99 = ca. a. d . 31. SNG Levante 1805- 1806. B. Tyche bust | Zeus Nicephorus, same date. Several issues: Hunterian III 198 nos. 1, 2; BMC Galatia 242 no. 1; SNG von Aulock 5551; SNG Levante 1807-1808; Lindgren/Kovacs, Ancient Bronze Coins no. 2050; RPC 14067, 4070.46 C. Athena bust, helmeted | Nude standing Apollo, branch in right hand, left on column, inscription as B, undated. BMC no. 2; Copenhagen Lycaonia 130. D. Domitian | Tyche, IEPAI, date = 161 = ca. A . D . 93. Ziegler, Miinzen 178 no. 1411. Evidently the beginning of the coinage in the 30s occasioned a diverse celebration of the city; yet another issue of "year 99" shows Tiberius | Tyche and no civic titles (RPC no. 4066). The issue showing Antiochus IV (A) had been assigned to the Aradian era, thus 168 b.c.; Seyrig refuted this usage, and that date would in any case be too early for asylia in Ciliciaand the coincidence of two different years 99 improbable. Rather, the city is honoring its founder posthumously on this occasion. I assume that inviolability is not new with the coinage in the 30s and derives from a late Hellenistic or Republican recogmtion. 45. At Gozeneler Harabeler, cf. Hellenkemper/Hild 102-104; see in general Heberdey's discussion at Reisen 17-24. Pliny HN 5.27.93 says the original name was Oeniandus; for Antiochus IV see V. Tscherikower, Die hellenistischen Stadtegrundungen (Leipzig 1927) 41. For attribution of the coins to Cilician rather than Syrian Epiphaneia and to a Pompeian era, see Seyrig, Syria 27 (1950) 25-26 (Ant. syr. IV 91-92). 46. At Hunterian no. 2 MacDonald reports a possible date "Cpo" (107 = ca. a.d. 39), but he was quite dubbus about the reading; it does not seem to be confirmed among the several specimens. Page 475 Tarsus Tarsus, metropolis and "greatest city in Cilicia" (Diod. 14.20.2), stood on the Cydnus River at an important crossroads linking Anatolia and Syria .47 The city issued coins already in Achaemenid times; it was honored by the Seleucids as "Antioch by the Cydnus" and eventually became capital of the Roman province of Cilicia. The Tarsians gave first honor to Heracles/Sandon, worshipped throughout Cilicia but one of the founders of Tarsus (Amm. Marc. 14.8.3). His ritual pyre is often seen on the coins.48 The city is rather modest in its display of titles on coins, which nowhere show asylia; we see regularly "metropolis," eventually two neocories, and the many epithets from individual emperors .49 These are attested also in the inscriptions. For example, a monument to Severus Alexander gives an ambitious roster, without mentioning asylia; it ends, however, with an "et cetera" (ZPE 15 [1974] 32 no. 1 = IGR III 880; cf. 879): AXi^avBfiavf) l£e.GUT)pM(]v^ AvtwveivLavJ] [A^ptavi)] T&paos; ^ xa[l Xal XoXMottj tov y irwpxEUW^ KiXifxJlat "IottUptat AuxaovEat mu 1 [3 veux6pa[<] k |i4vr^ TrretjiTflifcv^ yiflK tc xal KiXuaqpxfafLc] inapjfixuv Ka ^ x[ot]vopw>i^ xaX tripos tiAe [L]otdlli~ xal xhL fredpcau;. Inviolability is revealed by two other inscriptions: Dagron/Feissel 73 no. 29 (lettering first century ad), statue of a benefactor erected by & 6 Totpciltjv Tff[q] ifipporcfiAEfiij tcjv xcrc^t KiXixEoiv [tcjpat xcrLA^ujXJmi^ 74 no. 30 (under Severus Alexander), a dedication by vfxvfy TopoiK; fj ke. 1 ^EyicrcTj haL xuAXCott] tSv xpi&v [Ki^lJxEh^ 'IffftypicK Auxouvfn; xal ftk [ AXfEcrv6pt&v]9j- Avttjvfii- vec>K6pot; lep& [x«l ILoyXo^ - - - ]. I assume that the status, attested already in the first century AD , derives from the late Hellenistic period. 47. Ruge, RE 4 a (1932) 2413-2439. 48. See Philipp, RE 1a (1920) 2264-2268; C. P. Jones, GRBS 25 (1984) 177-181. 49. Ruge 2425-2426; Burrell, "Neokoroi" 491-495. Page 476 Seleuceia on the Calycadnus The Calycadnus is the largest river emptying out of Rough Cilicia; the royal foundation Seleuceia stands at the point, several kilometers inland, where the river is crossed by the major road leading from the coast toward Iconium in the interior. This was the greatest city of Rough Cilicia, founded by Nicator himself.so The coins do not suggest who might have been the chief divinity. A rich coinage is extant from the late Hellenistic period, royal silver down to ca. 94 BC , and civic bronze that is not closely datable; Houghton takes the bronze to succeed the silver. Only the bronzes give the ethnic, and these show no titles: up* *ai or meuxtov alone. Then, at an uncertain date, the bronzes cease, and Seleuceia did not mint again until the time of Hadrian. From Hadrian to Commodus, Seleuceia issued both pseudoautonomous and imperial bronzes, which for the most part show no titles of any sort.si The testimonies for the title of inviolability are as follows: A. Hadrian | Heracles, ** ^SNG Switz. Levante Cilicia Suppl. 188. B. Sabina | 10, tm(v) Jpy WaddingtOn 4458. C. Apollo and Artemis,K^mpo*) AApunoc AD 136/7 | Athena attacking giant, BMC Lycaonia 131 no. 17; Inv. Waddington 4457; Imhoof-Blumer, KIM. 575; SNG Levante 720. D. Antoninus Pius | Athena Nicephorus, IEP. BMC no. 20; Ziegler, Miinzen 62 no. 418; SNG von Aulock 5822. These variations clearly are sporadic; IEP and IEPAS stand for the full title. More important, two silver issues under Pius (BMC nos. 18-19) are without titles. These few coins are sufficient to imply that Seleuceia possessed inviolability throughout imperial timesbefore Hadrian we have no coins, while the absence of the title on other issues is meaningless. Here as elsewhere, my assumption is that the status derives from the Hellenistic period. If that is so, and if the silence of Hellenistic issues can be trusted, then the recognition came after the end of the extant Hellenistic coinage. The last coins of Hellenistic Seleuceia thus give us our terminus post quern for asylia, probably the early first century BC . 50. Keil and Wilhelm, MAMA III pp. 3-22; G. E. Bean and T. B. Mitford, Journeys in Rough Cilicia, DenkschrWien 102.3 (1970) 196-198; A. Houghton in Kraay-Markholm Essays (Louvain 1988) 77-98. 51. Apart from the four issues listed here, the only title attested at Seleuceia is which appears on many issues of the third century a.d. Page 477 Selinus-Trajanopolis The site of Selinus, at the western extreme of Cilicia, is typical of the coastal cities of Rough Cilicia; its acropolis falls steeply to the sea, while the city itself spreads down into the valley to the west. 52 Of its cults and its Hellenistic history little is known. Selinus issued its earliest extant coins under Antiochus IV of Commagene ( A . D . 38-72); the reverses show mtvowUov with no civic titles. 53 After Trajan died here in August 117, the city was refounded as Trajanopolis, and both names appear on the fairly abundant bronzes that follow, down to the mid-third century. The city was granted ins italicum,54 presumably on the occasion of its refoundation. The title of inviolability occurs only infrequently on these coins (and no other titles are claimed). The types show a temple of the god Trajan, and not surprisingly the Apollo of nearby Side; but otherwise no cult is clearly dominant. No more than IEPAS is guaranteed by the coins, as at Mallus and Olba; and a number of issues across the whole period of the mint are without any titles. I cite a selection in order to illustrate the range of images and abbreviations: A. M. Aurelius | Temple, with statue of Trajan, labeled t<». lsvm(oXi™.) IEP. SNG Levante 460 (for the extreme abbreviation cf. Inn. Waddington no. 4486 under Macrinus). B. Faustina Junior | Two goddesses standing, title ^ IEPAS. Ziegler, Miinzen 32 no. 178; M&M 325 (July 1971) no. 28 (for the type cf. Inv. Waddington no. 4485). C. Caracalla | Standing Sidetan Apollo with raven, title ^ IEP (left) AS (right). Imhoof- Blumer, JHS 18 (1898) 164 no. 7. D. Herennia Etruscilla | Standing Dionysus, title IEPAS. SNG Levante no. 469; Ziegler no. 185. If this inscription is more than rhetorical and implies a grant of inviolability, neither the cult nor the occasion for the grant is evident from the meager testimony of the coins. In the absence of earlier evidence we cannot discount a Hellenistic recognition of Selinus; but an obvious possibility is that the cult was in fact Trajan's and the occasion of the grant of asylia was the refounding of the city in his namethat Trajanopolis is possibly a new recognition in imperial times. 52. Wilhelm, Reisen 149-151; Bean/Mitford 153-155; E. Rosenbaum, G. Huber, and S. Onurkam, Survey of the Coastal Cities of Western Cilicia, TTKYay VI.6 (Ankara 1967) 29-35 with photographs. 53. Imhoof-Blumer, KLM. 486; SNG Levante nos. 456-458; Ziegler, Miinzen 31. 54. Dig. 50.15.1.11, from which it is often claimed that Selinus became a Roman cobny (Kornemann, RE 4 [1900] 552; von Premerstein, RE 10 [1918] 1240; Magie II 609); but there is no hint of colonial status in the coins, which like the inscriptbns remain entirely Greek and which reveal an spjtH in the time of Caracalla (Imhoof-Blumer, KLM. 526). Page 478 Mallus Mallus, the city of the hero Amphilochus, stood beside the Pyramus River twenty-five kilometers inland, bordering on Aegeae to the east and Tarsus to the west (Dio Chrys. 34.11, 43-46); in 1950 the site was discovered near Kiziltahta.ss The finds have not been published, and the coins of Mallus, which begin in Achaemenid times, remain our best evidence for its cults. Its territory extended south to the coast and included the village Magarsus at the mouth of the Pyramus, with its temple of Athena Magarsis, who is often shown on the Hellenistic coins. This goddess figured prominently in the foundation legends of the regionMagarsus was built by Pamphylus, and the heroes Mopsus and Amphilochus were buried here. 56 In Roman times, however, the great god of Mallus seems to have been the founder Amphilochus, son of Amphiaraus; his oracle, the truest in the world according to Pausanias, was of great repute, communicating by means of dream visions .57 Amphilochus and the Mallians were Argive, so already Alexander, himself of Argive descent, in his passage made a point of sacrificing to the hero and to Athena.58 The city became a Roman colony in the third century, and one subsequent issue has agonistic types and the inscription Mallo colonia dei Amfilochi .59 The Hellenistic coinage consists of Seleucid silver across the second half of the second century BC . from Demetrius I to Antiochus IX (inscribed M or m®x) and some civic bronzes (Maxtor), all without titles. The coins that suggest inviolability are all from A . D . 217/8: A. Macrinus | Tyche with two river gods, m*x(x*«6v) date 11 ( 01 *) 8*? = 284 = ad 217/8. Several issues: Imhoof-Blumer, JHS 18 (1898) 163; SNG Levante 1284; 1283 (undated); Ziegler, Munzen 119 no. 907; 908 (undated). B. Diadumenian | Amphilochus, nude, with serpent, same inscription and date. Imhoof- Blumer, JHS 164; SNG France 2 Cilicie 1927. C. Diadumenian | Temple with Athena, [m«x{h>tAv)] same date. SNG Levante 1285. I am uncertain whether the phrase "sacred city of the god Amphilochus" should be taken as evidence of a granted status, inviolability, or merely as a 55. Ruge, RE 14 (1928) 916-917; H. T. Bossert, Belleten TTR 14 (1951) 664-666; L Robert, CRAI 1951, 256-259; MacKay (n. 21) 2113-2115; A. Houghton, Festschrift Mildenberg 91-110. 56. Lycoph. Alex. 444.; Lucian Alex. 29, Deor. con?? 12; cf. Bethe, RE 1 (1894) 1938-1940. 57. Paus. 1.34.3; Plut. Mor. 434d; Dio 72.7.1; Clem. Strom. 1.34.4; cf. Protr. 2.11.2. 58. Arr. Anab. 2.5.9; Strab. 14.5.17 (676). 59. Hill, BMC p. cxxiv; SNG Levante 1296; Lindgren/Kovacs no. A1545B; Ziegler, Prestige 51, and in Asia Minor Studien 8 (1992) 181-183. Page 479 rhetorical expression that forms part of the evocation of Amphilochus, parallel to colonia dei Amphilochi. 01 ba Olba, home of Zeus Olbius, stood twenty-five kilometers from the sea, some 1,000 meters above sea level amid the spectacular gorges of Rough Cilicia. Legend traced its origin to Ajax of Salamis, who during his passage to Cyprus founded the temple of Zeus (at Uzuncaburc four kilometers west of Ura) and began the Teucrid dynasty that we meet first in the third century BC 60 The coins exhibit only one title, and this for a brief time in the early first century A . D . The city Olba issued bronzes in the late Hellenistic period, which show emblems of Zeus and the ethnic without titles. Under Ajax, high priest and toparch, the coins are of the Lalasseis and Kennateis, with no mention of the city Olba. Then under his successor Polemon, dynast and king under Tiberius, these ethnics are preceded by another, IEPAS. There follows a hiatus in the coins; by the end of the first century AD , an independent city has been founded at Uzuncaburc, Diocaesareia.6i Olba continued to exist (as did the koinon of the Lalasseis and Kennateis), striking coins from the time of Hadrian to that of Philip, which frequently show Zeus Olbius. Over time both cities came to enjoy various honors: the imperial epithets familiar in Cilicia (Hadrianoi, Antoninianoi), colonia, "metropolis"but IEPAI does not recur. The great temple of Zeus that we see at Uzuncaburc appears to date from the early second century BC and may have been built under the patronage of Antiochus IV .62 To judge from the archaeological record, Diocaesarea prospered at the expense of Olba once this area passed into the Roman province of Cilicia in the 70s AD . 60. J. Fraser, Golden Bough3 V (London 1914) 143-152, with an evocative description of the site; Wilhelm, Reisen 84-92; T. S. MacKay, "Olba in Rough Cilicia" (Diss., Bryn Mawr 1968); C. Borker, AA 1971, 37-54; A.-M. Verilhac and G. Dagron, REA 76 (1974) 239-242. For the problems of the pre-Greek toponym Ura see R. H. Beal, AnatSt 42 (1992) 65-73. On the Lalasseis see Syme, Roman Papers VI 293. The coins: G. Hill, NC III. 19 (1899) 181-207; G. M. Staffieri, La monetazbne di Olba (Lugano 1978); NumAntCI 16 (1987) 229-249. A statue base from the site registers for some city the title of inviolability (see p. 589). 61. Probably sponsored by Tiberius, as he was given a statue as founder and savior of the city (Wilhelm, Reisen 84 no. 160, from the temple). See Kirsten, AnzWien 110 (1973) 347-363. 62. Caroline Williams, AJA 78 (1974) 405-414. Both Seleucid and Teucrid patronage is revealed by the inscription Reisen 85 no. 166 (late II/early I B .c): one of the Teucr'ds, as high priest, renews roofing, apparently abng the peribobs, that had been dedicated by Seleucus Nbator. Page 480 Thus the coins that suggest inviolability at Olba are bronzes of Polemon. If the years 10 and 11 are era dates rather than regnal, these coins date to a. d . 20-22; if regnal, probably in the period 28-35. All have the bust of Polemon on the obverse, and on the reverse the inscription suvi*™* Trope*™ Ttj< iepaz x«l Kevv&™v w*i AoM<><><><><><><><><><><> [... as we have always preferred] to increase our concourse [with you] and for there to be a lasting memorial to the [generosities of the kings,] and [wishing also to appear useful] to you and to those who [come to our city, so that] you not be without a share in both the common benefaction [of inviolability and the one 15. Rouvier no. 2204; BMC 264 nos. 328-330, with p. cxxxvi. 16. So also the inscription at Chehab (1962) 19: Sei^fe wphiohs (ni A . D .). 17. AnzWien 59 (1922) 11-13 (Kl. Schr. 1.2 77-79) [SEG 2.330]. Page 484 that] has happened [now, our obtaining of freedom,] we have taken care to make clear... This reconstruction is in my view strained and unconvincing; I suspect in 8 some more banal expressionfor example, xotv ^ to* "the common benefaction that has come about for our citizens." However this may be, the titles at the head suggest that inviolability is already a fact and not the new item that is now announced.is At Didyma in **102 the Tyrians erected a monument to CJulius Quadratus: T&v Typtctfv xml (kruXgy xnt ^gcve{xi]£ xal x&v xax & KotX^v Dupin'* mi SXX&>v 71 dXeuu xal _]_g In ad 174 the Tyrian residents at Puteoli wrote a letter to Tyre, addressing their mother city with almost the same titles as in 102 (IGR1421, omitting "Coele-Syria"). Finally, making a dedication at Puteoli, of unknown imperial date, Tyre calls itself xal ScruXcn; x[al atfrAvotjuKK; _ 20 The consistency of the silver coins and the information added by the inscriptions show that the silences and variations in the bronze are meaningless .21 We can conclude that Tyre possessed inviolability from 141/0 BC to at least ad 195/6 with no known interruption. Nor need we doubt that the status continued into the third century when Tyre had been promoted to a colony .22 We have finally two bronze tesserae (diameters 2.9 and 2.7 cm), struck on both sides as though a coin, with a Phoenician inscription: 23 on one side, I mlqrt | b sr, "to Melqart in Tyre"; on the other, hyrw | 'sis, which has no meaning in Phoenician. One tessera bears a date in Greek, LHN = year 58 = 69/8 BC 24 Seyrig convincingly argued that the second side transliterates the Greek title of 18. Cf. Royal Corres. 71-72 (Seleuceia: p. 486). A unique Tyrian double stater of gold is dated to 104/3: this is evidence for yet another great event, at this date probably aid from Ptolemy Lathyrus (so A. B. Brett, AJA 41 [1937] 456). The letter of Teos to Tyre SEG IV 601 gives Tyre no titles; this may be older than 141/0, however. The titles of Tyre do not appear in the two purported letters of Antony at Jos. AJ 14.314, 319, where we would expect them if the letters are genuine (cf. Octavian's letter to Rhosus, p. 473). 19. I. Didyma 151, with C. Habicht, GGA 213 (1959) 163-164, for the date. 20. IGR I 419, with J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1949, 196. 21. Note that no coin, silver or bronze, of any date has either ci$tq*6poo or |v«u«j>x(5tK| Strabo 16.2.23 (757) says that Tyre was granted autonomy by the kings (no doubt the liberation of 126/5 B .c.) and that the Romans (presumably Pompey) confirmed this grant. 22. On the types of the colonial coins see B. Servais-Soyez, in Studia Phoenicia I, Or.Lovan. Anal. 15 (Louvain 1983) 97-106. 23. A. Fuchs and J. Schwartz, GNS 30 (1980) 68-69 (dated); Seyrig, Syria 28 (1951) 225-228 (Ant. syr. IV 205-208), who, with the dated example not yet known, thought that the technique of his specimen placed it somewhat before 126/5. 24. Fuchs and Schwartz calculated instead from 141/0, which is not an attested usage of Tyre. Page 485 inviolability, linked by the Phoenician conjunction waw: "hyr and asulos."25 We might take this as evidence for associating inviolability with the cult of Heracles; but strictly speaking the tesserae merely state the civic title when naming the city, as might be done in a context not associated with the god .26 Thus Tyre was declared sacred and inviolable in 141/0, soon after the usurpation of Tryphon .27 Tryphon failed in his attempts to win over the great cities of Phoenicia: his enemy Demetrius II struck tetradrachms at both Tyre and Sidon throughout the years of Tryphon's rivalry .28 It seems certain, therefore, that in 141/0 the status was granted by Demetrius, and surely as part of his effort to retain the loyalty of the city that was his effective capital. Seleuceia in Pieria Seleuceia at the mouth of the Orontes was the first city founded by Seleucus Nicator after his defeat of Antigonus Monophthalmus in 301, the seat of his first mint, the site of his tombin short, his capital city. 29 The rise of Antioch would come only in the generation of his son Antiochus; but apparently Seleuceia continued to be regarded as the origo of the dynasty .30 The great god of the city was Zeus Olympius, whose emblem, the thunderbolt, is often seen on the coins .31 On our present evidence, Seleuceia was at least the second (two years after Tyre) and possibly the first city outside of the Aegean to be declared inviolable. In the mid-second century B . c . Alexander Balas allowed certain cities of the kingdom to issue bronze coins under their own names; those of Seleuceia (most showing on their reverses the winged thunderbolt of Zeus) give the city no titles, *&™*£<#* ^ mepi™, 32 These were issued as late as 147/6, which accordingly is a terminus post quern for the granting of the status. The evidence for the inviolability of Seleuceia can be summarized as follows: 25. A. Catastini, RStFen 13 (1985) 9-10, urged that waw be taken instead as part of what precedes and that the Greek so transliterated was which he translates "residence of the holy one"; this is not possible Greek. 26. Thus the letter to Delphi, and the civic titles of Seleuceia in Royal Corres. 71. 27. On the chronobgy see H. R. Baldus, ZNG 20 (1970) 217-239. 28. See Seyrig, Notes 11. 29. So E. Honigmann, RE 2a (1923) 1185-1186, folbwed by G. Downey, History of Antbch in Syria (Princeton 1961) 56-60. 30. See Royal Corres. 71.15, with Downey 59 n. 25. 31. Rigsby, TAPA 110 (1980) 233-238; note especially App. Syr. 58: fieiv CfiixCHC xef(tgv6v£0ETC f , xal 6p)|axEuauoL Xml uuMoucn xal iuv XEpauvfix, 32. BMC Galatia 269-270; Coll. Houghton (ACNAC IV) 410; cf. Rigsby 242-248. Page 486 A. Under Antiochus VII, Seleuceia was again allowed to strike pseudoautonomous bronzes; one issue is known, dated to Seleucid 184 = 139/8 BC : Antiochus VII bust | Seated Zeus, 41 n^u. icpscxai iouxcu date (P^te 8 ).33 B. Some smaller bronzes are undated: Zeus bust | Winged thunderbolt, ^ niepbt ; IEPAZ .34 Newell's brief remark on the style and date of these coins has guided subsequent scholars in the view that Seleuceia was declared sacred ca. 146-144 (B), inviolable in 139/8 (A). But style cannot establish such a fine distinction in date, nor is the inscription on the small coins (B) sufficient to show that the city possessed less than the full title of inviolability. Rather, whatever their exact date, I take the latter to carry an abbreviation for reasons of space; hence our earliest secure date is 139/8. No coins of Seleuceia are explicitly dated in the generation after 139/8, although some or all of the undated bronzes (B) may belong in this period. Then comes an inscription: C. On 29 Gorpiaios of Seleucid 203 (= 6 September 109 BC ) Antiochus VIII or IX wrote to Ptolemy IX announcing the liberation of Seleuceia: ***««?«« He refers to the citizens as x«t (Royal Corres. 71). D. From Seleucid 204 (= 109/8 BC .)35 Seleuceia reckoned a civic era, and an abundant new coinage is dated by it. Tetradrachms (Tyche bust | Enthroned thunderbolt) are extant between 106/5 and 84/3; of the rare fractional silver, the earliest dates probably to 107/6.36 The bronzes, though quite sporadic after the 80s, come down 33. ZOV 29 (1912) 99 no. 27; an example (from Newell's collection) in the ANS in New York (pictured here). See Newell ap. Welles, Royal Corres. p. 292 (imprecise in implying that there is silver with the title as well as bronze); folbwed by Seyrig, Notes 13 n. 21 and 21 n. 49. 34. Seyrig, RN VI.8 (1968) 8 no. 265 (Scripta numism. 348); Antbch-on-the-Orontes IV.2 (Princeton 1952) p. 69 no. 726; H. C. Lindgren and F. L. Kovacs, Ancient Bronze Coins (San Mateo 1985) no. 2121; BCH 110 (1986) 406-407 nos. 78-79. Newell thought them stylistically cbser to the issues under Balas and therefore placed them earlier than coin A of 139/8. The layout of the small bronze is, however, quite similar to that of the small silver dating to 97/6 (e.g., Seyrig. Scripta no. 267). 35. As the year 204 began almost one month after Antiochus' fetter to Ptolemy, his decisbn about Seleuceia took a month or more to reach the city (for such delays see A. Aymard, Etudes d'histoire ancfenne [Paris 1967] 223-226). Bellinger, "End" 69, assumed that the author was Antbchus VIII and that he was in Seleuceia, having been expelled from Antbch where Antbchus IX issued coins in 203 = 110/109. Antbchus IX replaced Antbchus VIII at Antbch in the course of 110/109 (A. Houghton, SNR 72 [1993] 91-92); note that Antbchus VIII also controlled Beirut in the Attic year (July/July) 110/109 (I.Debs 1551). We do not know where either brother was at the moment of this fetter, but the author apparently was not in Seleuceia. 36. Tetradrachms: BMC Galatia 270-271; SNG IV Fitzwill'iam 5959-5960, VII 1368; Dewing Coll. 2654; Seyrig, Tfesors pi. 34; ANSMN 31 (1986) pi. 32.5; for the dates, Seyrig, Syria 27 (1950) 29 (Ant. syr. IV 95). Fractions: BMC no. 24 (year 3 = 107/6, if the date is placed as on the (Footnote continued on next page) Page 487 to the time of Augustus.37 And an isolated silver issue was struck under Augustus (Augustus | Thunderbolt).38 These coins are inscribed CeWrfw Tfc itps* with the exception of the fractional silver, which gives |ik>,tux^tfj?|mJT()v iv rhoV*[Si Aodw. The dated coins are found from 126/5 through 118/7. An undated issue (still under the name Antioch) also shows the titles.51 One undated bronze (Dioscuri | Cornucopia) gives only IEPAE.52 Seyrig thought the style earlier than the "sacred and inviolable" coins (the fian is beveled as on the untitled issues) and concluded that this coin reveals a preliminary declaration, "sacred," some years before the addition of "inviolable"; he suggested that "sacred" derived from Tryphon ca. 140 B . c . The layout of the inscription is as on the untitled bronzes, with ’AvtK>x^x&v t|-, e r jght of the cornucopia, to the left, and now IEPAE added below. Even if we follow Seyrig in placing this issue earlier than the "sacred and inviolable" issues, I would urge that IEPAE implies the full titulature and that the artist merely has not yet solved the problem of adjusting the layout so as to fit on the coin the fully written title (name on the right, adjectives on the left). We need not assume Seyrig's interval of fourteen years: I suggest that this version, if in fact it came 47. Seyrig, Syria 39 (1962) 193-207 (Ant. syr. VI 100-114); a connection with Heracles: FGrHist 788 fi; a dedication to Zeus Soter: SEG 19.904; to Hadad and Atargatis: SEG 18.622, with J. Teixidor, The Pagan God (Princeton 1977) 52-59. 48. Newell, The Late Seleucid Mints in Ake-Ptolemais and Damascus, NNM 84 (New York 1939) 2-40. 49. L. Kadman, The Coins of Akko Ptolemais, CNP IV (Jerusalem 1961); Seyrig, RN VI.4 (1962) 25-50 (Scripta numism. 261-287, at 263). 50. Seyrig, Scripta numism. 264-265; cf. 365 no. 411. Kadman no. 28, read by him as ejl ? = 181 = 132/1, has not been confirmed. His no. 29, r*f>= 130/129, was reread by Seyrig asW= 120/119; but note the report of another specimen dated Auktbn F. Sternberg 25/6 Nov. 1976 no. 690 (the dies are not the same as Kadman no. 29). 51. Seyrig, Scripta numism. 266-267, who assigned it tentatively to the first century b.c. 52. Babebn, Perses no. 1506, with Seyrig, Scripta numism. 264, who first saw the title. Page 490 first, was quickly abandoned, immediately followed by the issues with the full title dated to 126/5. The fate of the city's privileges over the next two generations is uncertain, and details must await a more reliable chronology of the coins. Royal silver down through 107/6 gives the civic name only in monogram, and in this situation, as earlier, there are no titles (Seyrig, Scripta numism. 265-266)this does not indicate that the title had lapsed. Around 103 bc, besieged by Alexander Jannaeus, the city appealed unsuccessfully to Ptolemy Lathyrus; it was then besieged and taken by Cleopatra III and severed thereafter from Seleucid rule (Jos. AJ 13.324-351). The Seleucid name was abandoned, and the title "autonomous" was gained, as we know from some bronzes of the first century BC and from an inscribed decree of Rhodes .53 The bronzes, dated "year 9" (L 0), show on the obverse the Dioscuri, on the reverse Tyche and flanking her these monograms: IE NO A PAY fa To the left is the familiar monogram of the city, regularly used in the second and first centuries whether the legal name was "Ptolemais" or "Antioch in Ptolemais"; the monogram on the right appears to contain IEPA *&***&»>. The inscription concerns a Rhodian whose honors included being crowned by the city of Ptolemais: ^ ispa* x«t **1 This text, probably of the 60s bc, guarantees that the monogram on the coins implies the full "sacred and inviolable and autonomous," as does on coins of various other cities. The first half of the first century B . c . is obscure to us, with no coins securely dated. 54 Sporadic issues dated by the Caesarian era to the third quarter of the century display inviolability, or as brief as kpsc<*), but no longer autonomy (compare Ascalon, apparently deprived of autonomy by Pompey); these are found through the regime of Antony and Cleopatra (Seyrig, Scripta 270-271 no. 20) and down to 27/6 BC . (RPC I 4743). The city was refounded under Claudius as Germanicopolis and soon after became a Roman colony:55 the coins now show no titles. This might represent an abolition of asylia in the time of Augustus (again compare Ascalon), but more likely it is only 53. V. Kontorini, RN VI.21 (1979) 30-41; Inscriptions inedites relatives a Rhodes (Louvain 1983) no. 3 [SEG 33.644]. 54. See the important article of Kontorini for the problems. We have also an issue still of "Antioch in Ptolemais the sacred and inviolable" and another of "Ptolemais the sacred and inviolable," each also from a "year 9." 55. Cobny by Nero's time: AEpigr 1949, no. 142. Page 491 the selective advertising that is typical at cities that came to be honored with a Roman connection. Strictly speaking, 126/5 is no more than a terminus ante quern for asylia. Before that year, however, Ptolemais had been the seat and mint of Demetrius II and Cleopatra Thea; but in 126 Demetrius was defeated near Damascus by Alexander Zabinas and repudiated by his wife, who closed Ptolemais against him (he fled to Tyre and was killed). She issued coins in her own name at Ptolemais and then found it expedient to associate with her rule her son Antiochus VIII; coins follow, still in 126/5, issued by the two jointly at Ptolemais. The declaration of the city's inviolability fits well in this period of competition, granted probably by Cleopatra alone, as she sought to assure herself of support.56 These events, the same in which Tyre became free, are consistent with the first dated coins of Ptolemais showing inviolability. Sidon Sidon, the great rival of Tyre, paid special honor, like all Phoenicia, to the divine triad Baal, Astarte, and Eshmun .57 At Sidon, however, first place seems to have gone to Astarte. In a rare early inscription the fifth-century king Ashmunazer displays his devotion to her (ANET 3 662). From the late second century BC to the time of Hadrian, one of the favored images on coins struck at Sidon is Astarte standing on a ship's prow and holding a crown, labeled "the goddess of Sidon," sa*™*- fc&i.ss The author of the Oxyrhynchus hymn to Isis, surveying the world, equates his goddess with Astarte at Sidon (POxy. XI 1380.116). It is a fair guess that when in the 120s Sidon was declared inviolable, Astarte was the honorand. Seleucid issues struck at Sidon first show the civic name under Antiochus IV and sporadically thereafter during the next half century, in both Greek 56. So Newell 20; Bellinger, "End" 63-64; Seyrig, Scripta numism. 265. 57. W. Baudissin, Adonis and Esmun (Leipzig 1911) 211-213. On the temple of Eshmun, M. Dunand, MUB 24 (1971) 19-25. Sidonians resident at Athens in the third century b.c. founded a temple of Baal (IG 112 2946). Festivals of imperial date: Robert, Op. min. sel. II 1029-33, VII 703. On the city see E. Honigmann, RE 2a (1923) 2216-2229; the coins: J. Rouvier, JIAN 5 (1902) 99-134, 229-284. 58. The earliest example is of 133/2 (BMC Phoen. 181; Babebn, Rob no. 1174; Rouvier no. 1262), the latest at the end of the Greek coinage in a.d. 117/8 (Rouvier 1475). Bickerman, Institutions 153, misinterpreted in 133 as a civic title ("divine") and thought that "sacred" was added in 122/1; Seyrig, Ant. syr. Ill 4, wrote that at least two years separate "sacred" from "inviolable" at Sidon. Page 492 or abbreviated) and Phoenician. Under Antiochus IV, Sidon takes space to claim in Phoenician to be "mother of Cambe [Carthage], Hippo, Citium, and Tyre" (Rouvier 1213). But before 122/1 there is no claim of inviolability: Ei&uviuv as late as 134/3, SI in 128/7 (Rouvier 1269, 1265); %&<*** ^ instead of the ethnic in 127/6 (Rouvier 1271). There is then a hiatus of several years, and when in 122/1 we next see a coin struck at Sidon, it bears the title of inviolability: Cleopatra Thea and Antochus VIII | Ptolemaic eagle, Eian and IEP left, a£ right = 1 e p(“ 0 d a te «tXr|pcn jq XI. 4 1114. 76. I.Debs 1551; photograph at BCH 31 (1907) 445. Page 495 brothers, and at a moment evidently difficult for Antiochus VIII .77 During the Seleucid year (October to October) 111/0 he had controlled Antioch and Tarsus; his brother ruled both in 110/9,78 while Antiochus VIII apparently coined only at Ascalon; he was once again in control of Antioch in 109/8 (and also of Damascus as well as Ascalon). The Delian inscription reveals that in the Athenian year (July to July) 110/9, he held Beirut. It is possible, therefore, that, driven from Antioch in 110, he fled to Beirut, or at least won the city over (or kept its loyalty) by benefactions that included inviolability, and that this was itself the occasion of the statue on Delos. Tripolis Phoenician Tripolis, at modern Al-Mina, with a good harbor and a rich territory on the road into Syria, was important already in the fourth century B . c .79 Of its cults we know very littlethe coins show especially the Dioscuri, but also Astarte and Zeus Hagios.so The city's privileges derive from the last years of the war of the brothers. Antiochus IX held the city ca. 106 B . c . (Jos. AJ 13.279) and issued tetradrachms there at least in 105/4.81 At some point in the subsequent ten years, Tripolis began an era of liberty. Thereafter come occasional issues of silver tetradrachms; six such issues are known, each quite abundant, scattered from year 3 to year 32, that is, roughly from 100 to 70 BC . They all have the same form :82 Dbscuri busts | Standing Tyche, t P woXkGv ^ i 77. See the chart at Bellinger, "End" 87. Since the first editor (Roussel), 110/9 has been thought the actual date of the grant; 122/1 at Bickernnan, Institutions 153, is a lapsus (110/9 in n. 7). 78. In its adhesion to Antbch VIII, Beirut seems the exceptbn among the several Phoenician cities whose byalties we know: Antiochus IX held Ptolemais throughout these years, and Sidon in 113/2 and 111/0. See Bellinger 87 (but excluding Tripolis, which was not a royal mint: A. Houghton and G. Le Rider, BCH 112 [1988] 406-408); A. Houghton and W. Museler, GNS 40 (1990) 60-61. 79. R. Dussaud, Topographie historique de la Syrie (Paris 1927) 75-78; Honigmann, RE 7a (1939) 203-207. 80. The coinage of Hellenists Tripolis was put in order by Seyrig?? Syria 27 (1950) 38-43 (Ant. syr. IV 105-110); cf. Rouvier, JIAN 6 (1903) 17-46. 81. A. Houghton and G. Le Rider, BCH 112 (1988) 406-408. 82. Some illustrated examples: Weber no. 8068; Jameson no. 1774 (year 3); BMC Phoenbia no. 4 (year 8); BMC no. 2; Fitzwilliam no. 9509; SNG Salting 1.1 45 (year 11); BMC 5; Babebn, Perses no. 1874 (year 18); SNG IV 6066; Seyrig, Scripta numism. 357 no. 333 (year 30); Glendining Sale Nov. 25, 1953 no. 109; cf. BMC 7 (year 32). Page 496 While this silver does not fail to cite the titles of inviolability and autonomy, the several bronze issues that seem earlier than Pompey apparently omit them.83 In 64/3 or the next year, the city began a Pompeian era, and henceforth to the end of antiquity the coins of Tripolis display no titles, 84 with the exception of in the third century ad 85 That this is mere chasteness on the part of the coins is proved by a statue of a provincial governor erected on the Acropolis in Athens around A . D . 130.86 TpEJwXiTtSv Ti^, Tifc Ispaq vayap^I- cA SpjfovTt; xotl tFj xnl 6 Sijpix; (xd.) Thus, the coins are selective in their testimony. The silver gives a terminus ante quern of ca. 100 bc. for inviolability and autonomy. It seems to me likely that at this relatively early date in this part of the world, inviolability preceded autonomy, as at Tyre, and the two honors were not granted simultaneously. Both the new era and the right to issue silver tetradrachms will reflect autonomy, hence granted between 105 and 95. Before that we are without evidence at Tripolis. Other examples from this last generation of the second century BC . suggest that asylia might have preceded autonomy by some years. The competition of the brothers Antiochus VIII and IX is a possibility, as we have seen at Beirut ca. 110 BC . Antioch Antioch, the Seleucid capital, was the city of Apollo, ancestor of the dynasty; the temple was in the sacred grove at Daphne outside the city. Here the royal house sponsored a panegyris, attended by foreign theoroi.87 83. Briefly treated by Seyrig, Ant. syr. IV 108 n. 3. SNG IV 6068 is dubiously read: (TemoXrcGw) iep(a$) ctu(xov(Hwu} year 9 = 90s B .c. At Babebn, Perses 1879, t p iiioXitJ,v IK A; taken as a date LTKE by Rouvier (no. 1679). 84. Certainly the series dated by the Seleucid era and beginning in 30/29 is without titles (Seyrig, Ant. syr. IV 107; cf. Scripta numism. 357), likewise issues earlier under Cleopatra in 36/5 b.c. (RPC I p. 646). 85. E.g., BMC cxxii; 225 no. 133; SNG IV 6080. Neocoros has been alleged once, at Rouvier 1754. 86. IG 112 4210.1-5 (I have collated a squeeze at the Institute for Advanced Study). 87. FGrHist 87 f 21; J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1955, 122; 1965, 436. Note, however, that in the first century b.c. when asylia was granted, the civic coins are entirely dominated by Zeus. On the cult of Zeus at Antioch (whose temple was in the city proper) see G. Downey, History of Antbch (Princeton 1961) 67-68, 75-76. Biblbgraphy on the city at J. Lassus, ANRW II.8 (1977) (Footnote continued on next page) Page 497 Around 170 BC the Jewish high priest Onias fled to the temple of Apollo for safety ** &™xov on |y to be lured outside np«xfletv and killed by an agent of Antiochus IVwhich caused an outcry among the Antiochenes.88 The author of 2 Maccabees is here applying the language of Ptolemaic Egypt to the normal immunity of a Greek temple: his words should not be taken as evidence of some prior recognition of asylia (that would make Antioch by far the earliest instance outside of the Aegean area). Strabo, however, in describing the grove at Daphne with its of Apollo and Artemis (16.2.6 [750]), might well reflect the granted status, which by then had been confirmed by Rome. Antiochus X expelled Seleucus VI from Antioch in 94 BC ; during some of 93 he was in turn supplanted by Seleucus' brother Antiochus XI but succeeded in returning and holding the city until his expulsion and death in 92; in 92/1 the city was taken by Demetrius III.89 That Antioch was an object of competition is obvious. For the development of civic privileges we have the following items: A. According to Malalas (234), Antiochus XI (hence in 93 BC ) built temples for Apollo and Artemis in the grove at Daphne, erected two gilded statues there, and "granted the privilege to whoever took refuge there not to be expelled from these temples," rcpovtj]jiQt tqIcj xaTatjreOYoucTw £xei Ttpi? [ii| Ix^iXAeoSat tl va hi tuv afi™v IcptSv i , This account admittedly is murky, and we can hardly believe that Antiochus XI had the time (or the need) to build temples of the chief gods of Antioch; but the specific claim of the granted privilege looks to be a Roman way of saying that Antiochus declared the temple at Daphne inviolable. B. In 92/1 Antioch obtained the right to issue bronze coins. These show only one title, AvriHsxiwv ^ from 92/1 to 48/7.90 (Footnote continued from previous page) 54-102; for the coins see Newell, "The Pre-Imperial Coinage," NC IV. 19 (1919) 69-113; Seyrig, Syria 27 (1950) 5- 15 (Ant. syr. IV 72-82). 88. 2 Macc. 4:33-34, with C. Habbht, 2. Makkabaerbuch, Jud.Schr.hell.-rbm.Zeit 1.3 (Gutersbh 1976) 221. Queen Berenice fled to Daphne in 246 B .c. before being murdered (Justin. 27.1). 89. This chronobgy is a probable reconstructbn; the relevant coins are not dated: Newell, "The Seleucid Mint of Antbch," AJN 51 (1918) 111-118. A coin of Cleopatra Selene and her son Antbchus XIII was struck probably in Antbch in 92 after the death of her husband Antbchus X: Bellinger, ANSMN 5 (1952) 53-55; but the mint and date are uncertain. 90. An example taken by Dieudonne as 103/2 B .c. would be exceptbnal and is surely mistaken (RN IV.30 [1927] 13, folbwed by Downey 130): the alleged Seleucid 210, SI, reads in the wrong direction, and SNG Copenh.Syria no. 70 with Eli shows that it is not a numeral. Seyrig tacitly rejected Dieudonne's interpretatbn in omitting these coins from his account of the earliest issues of Antbch. Seyrig (IV 81) deduced from the absence of issues after 70/69 until 64/3 that coinage rights were abolished by Antbchus XIII when he replaced Tigranes in 69, and were restored by Pompey; but the activity of the mint is sporadic enough that this hiatus may be fortuitous. The city used a Pompeian era of 66/5. Page 498 C. Antioch sided with Caesar against Pompey. In June 47 Caesar visited the city; according to Malalas (216), before arriving Caesar issued an edict in which he declared the city free, Malalas claims to quote the opening words, Avttoxety pir ( Tp 07 t 6 X£t xal ^eruXu xal aOrovd^i xal dpxotfofl XC(i itpoxaGr^vj) tij? iva-coXf^ This reads like 3 heading rather than the opening of a letter, and it appears to be an accretion of a later age or a literary context (so especially the final two titles, but also "autonomous" when this is the object of the edict). In any case, Malalas is specific in stating that what Caesar now granted was freedom, not inviolability. D. Bronze coins extant from 48/7 to 41/0, dated now by a Caesarian era, show ■Avno^wv Tijc tupptw&E**; Up®; xat iouXou xai aiAov^ou;- likewise a weight of year 7 = 43/2, from which no coins seem to survive (IGLSyrie III 1071.i). We find condensations: on the smallest denominations of 47/6 and 46/5, only pw 0 * 4 **** (Newell nos. 4-10); on a coin of 42/1 Avrto^ojv ^^por.6^ aiAov^ou ( no . 12 ; RPC 14222), yet the titles in full on other issues of this year (condensed again in 41/0, no. 13); similarly a™**™ x«i 0 n a drachma of 47/6.91 In these years Antioch also issued silver tetradrachms, the pseudo- Philips, which lack ethnic and titles but have the monogram fr, which might represent ttUTfovAfiou) _ g2 E. An issue dated suddenly again by the Seleucid era, 272 = 41/0, shows Tf 5 uj but [xifc fcjpsfc, fed] must be considered a possibility. 100. See Seyrig, Syria 27 (1950) 26-32 (Ant. syr. IV 92-98); Mprkolm, ANSMN 28 (1983) 89-107. 101. Mprkholm 93. Most years are represented; Mprkholm reports a year 1; year 2 is represented in bronze by BMC Galatia 248 no. 10; for year 34 (48/7), Seyrig Ant. syr. IV 93 n. 2. 102. For this I am indebted again to Arthur Houghton. 103. Seyrig, BMusBeyr 8 (1949) 53 no. 3 with pi. 5 (Scripta varia 383) [IGLSyrie IV 1271c, by lapsus omitting a-mjXau 5ccilJ i 104. IGLSyrie IV 1271d; the one-digit year must have been 10, 20, or 30. 105. BMC Galatia 249ff., the earliest extant of year 2 = 47/6; on the late titles see Seyrig, Syria 40 (1963) 30-32 (Ant. syr. VI 132-134). Page One coin shows a temporary change in year 7: E. Tyche bust | Nike, (Seyrig, Ant. syr. IV 97). This attests the loss of the Caesarian name in 42/1, and probably also the titles, if we can treat this issue on a par with the "pre-Julian" issues that do give titles. In year 8 the coins revert to the normal -roux^v ™ still without showing titles. F. In ad 109/110 the city erected at Ephesus a statue of A. Julius Quadratus, governor of Aj 'Iou [Xl] tuw tSv XjoiL tSv Upa£ xal f) Tt6hl£ (I.Ephesos III 614.10-13). G. In a» 132 it erected a statue of Hadrian in Athens, our fullest list of its honors: xnl ia&kotj xa\ mjvyc^EBo^ gitXarj^ avpyu&xou xoww- ^ xwv rail Aao&txifiav tSv npb% xffc Iqpoq voO E Pfiu|jatajv N i£aip£rra; x£r£i^i|A£viq ht K&urrwXlttL Accordingly, Laodicea had been declared sacred and inviolable and autonomous by the tin of the earliest civic coins in 81/0; it probably lost these privileges along with its Julian nan during 42 under the regime of Cassius, but these were restored by Antony upon his arrival Syria in 41. Certainly "autonomous" came with the civic era and the right to coin: it dates from 81/0. J question for us is the origin of its inviolability, for which the coins need give no more than terminus ante quern. As Seyrig stressed, the victory of Tigranes changed drastically the respective fort??mes of Laodicea and Seleuceia. After his arrival Laodicea, which had struc no civic money before, became the only source of silver tetradrachms in the region, when Tigranes made it the chief port of northern Syria. It is easily possible that, unknown to us want of coins, asylia was gained before 81/0, preceding autonomy by some years, as was common; this seems more likely than that the two were granted in a stroke in 81. Even at that, asylia may yet derive from Tigranes, granted in 83 or 82; but little Larisa inland had title by 86/5, and perhaps the asylia of Laodicea should also be placed earlier than Tigram Apamea On its strategic plateau overlooking the middle Orontes valley, Apamea was the military headquarters and one of the residences of the Seleucid kings. 106. IG 112 3299.2-6 (0AAE); I have collated a squeeze at the Institute for Advanced Study. Syngeneia derives from the nomen Julia according to D. Musti, Ann Pisa 11.32 (1963) 237. Page 503 Here the kings pastured their horse and elephant herds; and the elephant is the most common emblem on the late Hellenistic coins of Apamea. The Belgian excavations have revealed much about the Roman city but little of its Hellenistic predecessor. 107 Seleucid Apamea is known mainly from its coins, which also are sole witness for the city's inviolability. Here as elsewhere in the region, in the 160s and 140s occasional local bronzes were allowed by the crown; these show on their reverses Zeus in armor and the ethnic without titles. 108 The more abundant civic coinage of Apamea, still in bronze, begins only toward the end of the Hellenistic period. 109 The types are predominantly Zeus bust | Elephant; but we find also Tyche, Athena, Demeter, and Dionysus. The first series runs from 76/5 to 68/7, with most years represented. Then after a hiatus of a generation, coins are extant again from 43/2 and continue sporadically into the 20s BC Thereafter they are less and less frequent, ceasing entirely in the early years of Tiberius, but for some issues (including a silver tetradrachm) under Claudius after the city was refounded under his name. 110 Thus the right to coin was granted by Tigranes of Armenia and then canceled by Pompey, whom Apamea resisted in 65/4 .111 The privilege was restored by Caesar, whose era is seen on the two issues extant before the Parthian invasion (43/2 and 42/1). On all extant coins from 76/5 through 41/0 B . c „ the inscription is From 40/39 through 30/29 it is ^ ^mv 6 l io U . 1 i 2 After 30/29 it reverts to "sacred and inviolable" and continues so until the end of this series in A . D . 14/5. The coins of "Claudia Apamea" are without titles, 107. IGLSyr'ie IV 1311-1375; Fouilles d'Apamee de Syr'ie I- (Brussels 1968-); J. and J. C. Baity, ANRW II.8 (1977) 103-134; Burckhardt's descriptbn is still valuable, Travels in Syria (London 1822) 138-139; an evocative photograph of the citadel and its valley at M. Dunand, De FAmanus au Sinai (Beirut 1953) 115; on foundation legends, A. S. Hollis, ZPE 102 (1994) 153-166. 108. With royal obverses: e.g., SNG VI 1105(Alexander Balas, 150/149 B .c); with autonomous (showing Tyche): BMC Galatia 233 nos. 1-2. 109. The sequence of issues, after a beginning by Seyr'g, Syria 27 (1950) 15-20 (Ant. syr. IV 82-87), was established by M. El-Zein, "Geschichte der Stadt Apameia" (Diss., Heidelberg 1972) 138-197, and by RPC I pp. 631-634 without reference to El-Zein. 110. See the table at El-Zein 191-197; further examples at SNG IV 5948-5950. Before Claudius, the dates are by Seleucid era except at the beginning of the second series (coins of Caesarian 7 and 8 = 43/2 and 42/1); evidently the Caesarian era was abandoned after the Parthian invasion and the benefactbns of Antony. 111. Jos. AJ 14.38. Seyr'g attributed abolition of coinage to Antbchus XIII, who was installed in place of Tigranes in 69/8. But he was dead within a year (see Bellinger, "End" 83), probably before the issues of Apamea in 68/7, it is merely the sporadb character of striking that explains the absence of coins from 67/6 to the personal arrival of Pompey early in 64. 112. El-Zein 175; RPC I 4335. Page 504 Thus the city was declared sacred and inviolable in or before 76/5 B . c . As at Laodicea, the grantor may well have been Tigranes, in power here after 83 BC When in the 60s the city lost the right to coin, it may have lost the right of inviolability as wellwe are without evidence from the generation that follows. If asylia was abolished, Caesar restored it in the 40s. In 40 Antony added autonomy, as reward to the Apameans for resisting the Parthian invasion. 113 In 29 Octavian canceled what Antony had added but no more (compare his treatment of Ephesus). The titles were supplanted by the imperial name under Claudius; this represents not abolition of the title but selectivity of display. In Roman times the great god of Apamea was Bel. By the third century his shrine was oracular (ILS 4333); the priest Aur. Belius Philippus makes a dedication on the orders of ™ 6 8 o 0 ji EY [oT O ui r [o U Bi^ Q u -11 4 Th e Hellenistic coins are dominated by Zeus in armor, an unusual image, who is probably the Bel of the imperial texts. After the early start by the old capital Seleuceia (by 139/8), the other cities of the Orontes Valley obtained inviolability in rapid successionAntioch (93), Larisa (by 86/5), Laodicea (by 81/0), Apamea (by 76/5); it is surprising that little Larisa to the south seems to have anticipated both Laodicea and its traditional enemy Apamea. Temple of Zeus, Baetocaece The temple of Zeus of Baetocaece in Phoenicia occupies a small upland valley, modern Husn Suleiman, east of the island of Aradus and some thirty-five kilometers inland. 115 The impressive ruins have been studied since the eighteenth century. The standing temple with its peribolos wall derives from Roman imperial times; traces of its predecessor, a smaller temple, cannot be closely dated. 113. Dio 48.25. The coins of 41/0 (still "sacred and inviolable") abandon the Pompeian era and revert to the Seleucid, reflecting Parthian control; some issues of years 2 and 3, "sacred and autonomous," are assigned to a brief civic era, 40/39 and 39/8, by RPC. 114. J.-P. Rey-Coquais, MAS 23 (1973) 66-68; further references at IGLSyrie VII pp. 78-79; Seyrig, Notes 9;J. C. Baity, JRS 78 (1988) 94-95. The Apamean theophoric name Belius also at E. Schwartz, ACO III (1940) 109.23 (monastery of the blessed Belius, a.d. 518). 115. R. Krencker and W. Zschietzschmann, Romische Tempel in Syrien (Berlin/Leipzig 1938) 65-101; J.-P. Rey- Coquais, Arados et sa peres (Par's 1974) 61-64, 108-121, and in Societes urbaines, societes rurales, ed. E. Frezouls (Strasbourg 1987) 191-198; the inscriptions are at Rey-Coquais, IGLSyrie VII 4028-4041. Page 505 The dozen dedications from the temple, all of imperial date, reveal by their occasional epithets (Keraunios, Olympios) a weather god, the local Baal-Shamin. He is called Zeus in our one Hellenistic document (218.18); in the later texts he is normally identified merely by the toponym "the most high god of Baetocaece."ii6 probably means "the house of the castor oil tree" (kiki), which is cultivated in these hills. The inscriptions attest to the vitality of the katochoi of the god especially during the middle years of the third century a. d „ the period when they obtained confirmation of the temple's rights. This confirmation was commemorated by the most famous inscription from the site, a collection of acts displayed on the peribolos wall beside its main entrance. Four events are represented: the confirmation by Valerian of the traditional rights of the temple around 260 AD; a Seleucid memorandum granting inviolability and other privileges; a "decree of the city sent to Augustus" in which civic magistrates are forbidden to tax or requisition goods traded at the festival of Zeus; and the dedicatory statement of the katochoi of Zeus around 260. Clearly the temple was widely patronized; its bimonthly fair (line 26) is characteristic of a popular rural shrine. Seyrig in fact thought it the federal temple of a league of cities. The evidence for this is weak, however, and at the times represented by the inscription, the silences are telling: in the Seleucid memorandum, the king alone controls the temple and village, which appear to be on royal land; in the civic decree, the city alone (Aradus, in Seyrig's view) controls it.117 The king Antiochus cannot be identified. For the date of his grant we cannot of course rely on palaeography. It has traditionally been assigned to the last years of the dynasty, as it was taken to betoken the enfeeblement of the central government. Whatever one thinks of that argument, a date in the late second or early first centuryns will be consistent with other grants of inviolability in the Hellenistic East; also with the existence of a satrapy of Apamea (line 21). Antiochus' motive as stated is purely religious: he has been impressed by the "power," the miracles, of the god. The past owner of the village is dead or disgraced, and Antiochus, to increase the honor of the temple, gives the 116. The exceptbn is at 218.40, where perhaps the katochoi were influenced by the Hellenistic text that they were using. 117. Seyrig, Syria 28 (1951) 191-206 (Ant. syr. IV 170-200); RN VI.4(1964) 28-47 (Scripta numism. 98-117). Rey- Coquais, Arados 125, invokes as possibly relevant a fragmentary inscriptbn from Husn Soleiman that mentions "seven cities and seven villages"; this text does not appear to have been published as yet. Seyrig's assignment of the decree and hence Baetocaece to Aradus might be doubted. Aradus never put civb titles on its coins, so we do not know whether it claimed invblability. 118. In defense of this date see Rigsby, TAPA 110 (1980) 248-254. Seyrig argued for a date early in the third century b.c., on the grounds that the temple is on Aradian territory and Seleucid rule ended there in 259 b.c. (the "era of Aradus"): but nothing suggests that Aradus owned the temple at the time of the Seleucid memorandum, whbh does not mentbn a city. Page 506 region over to the god rather than to another mortal .119 The fiscal immunities seem the primary reward; the spirit of the act is not unlike that of Sulla for the Amphiaraeum at Oropus (6). Even the favor conjoined with making the temple inviolable, making the village immune from billeting, is mainly an economic benefaction. These fiscal benefactions do not amount to asylia; the same pair, exemption from taxes and troops, is met at the Artemisium of Ephesus at the end of the fourth century B . c . (I.Ephesos 1449). The specific meaning of asylia is not spelled out here. Because the king is not dealing with a sovereign state (a Greek city), it may be that here as in Egypt asylia meant the exclusion of the police powers of the crownthe right of asylum in the Roman sense. Thus the grant to Baetocaece stands apart from other Seleucid recognitions and is similar instead to those in Ptolemaic Egypt: civic prestige is not at issue here, and what the temple gained was immunity from the royal authoritiespolice powers, royal taxes, billeting of royal troops. We are not in the legal world of the Greek polis. It seems that (at least by this date) the royal government here as in Egypt did not treat the temples on royal land as regularly immune. If this policy was relatively new, and we have no other evidence for the Seleucids, it may reflect the influence of the Ptolemies that was so pronounced in this last half century of the Seleucid dynasty .120 To round out the story I include the later documents, even though asylia does not come into the civic decree of Augustan date, whose economic emphasis, the fiscal independence of the temple from the city, is even more pronounced than in the royal memorandum. The temple has now passed into the territory of a city, perhaps upon the liquidation of the Seleucid monarchy by Pompey and the distribution of the crown lands. The present text reflects the tensions between the city and a temple that it had only recently acquired, perhaps by a Roman decision. Clearly some appeal from those involved with the temple has reached the governor, who likely consulted Augustus; the victory of the temple authorities was capped by their sending the city's decree of acquiescence to Rome. 218. Seleucid king On the peribolos wall of the precinct, to the right of the main entrance, inscribed in an inset of h. 213, w. 105. 119. Cf. Bickerman, Institutions 181, for such assignments. Antbchus of Commagene stipulated that "the villages which I have dedicated to these gods it is wrong for anyone to appropriate or alienate or transfer or damage in any way, either these villages or the revenue, which I have dedicated as an inviolable possessbn of the gods" (IGLSyrie I 1.192-200 = OGIS 383). 120. Welles (p. 285) thought to see late features and Ptolemab influence in the vocabulary: jn line 17, and singular in 18. The express ^ before the name of a god (18) is a usage more characteristb of imperial times than earlier. Page 507 R. Chandler, Inscriptiones antiquae (Oxford 1774) 88-90 [S. Donati, Ad novum thesaurum (Lucca 1765) 147; Franz, CIG 4474; Orelli, Inscriptionum latinarum II (Zurich 1828) 3657 (a, e ); CIL III 184; ILS 540 (a, e )]; Waddington, ap. E. G. Rey, Archives des miss, scient. lift. II.3 (1867) 337 and pi. 3 (squeeze) [Le Bas-Waddington 2720a; Dittenberger, OGIS 262 (be); IGR III 1020]; H. H. Jessup, Pal.Expl.Soc.Report 2 (1873) 32-38 (poor copy of lines 1- 21 by D. S. Dodge); H. Lucas, BZ14 (1905) 21-25 (squeeze) [Laum, Stiftungen 209; Schroeter 61; Welles, Royal Corres. 70 (all BC )]; Rey-Coquais, IGLSyrie VII4028. Photograph: Rey-Coquais pi. XI. Cf. Seyrig, Ant. syr. IV 170-200; Scripta numism. 98-117; H. Kreissig, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft im Seleukidenreich (Berlin 1978) 53-54; Rigsby, TAPA 110 (1980) 248-254; A. Baroni, "I terreni e i privilegi del tempio di Zeus a Baitokaike," in Studi ellenistici I, ed. E. Gabba (Pisa 1984) 135-167. (A)Imp. Caesar Publius Licinnius Valerianus 4 Pius Felix Aug at Imp. Caesar Publius Licinius Gallienus Fius Fel. Aug. et Licinnius Cornelius Sabninus 8 Valerianus nobilissimus Caesar Aurelb Marea et a lie: regum ant'qua benefbia, consuetudine etiam insecuti tenporis adpro- bata, is qui provinciam regit, remota 12 vblentia parte adversae, incolumia vobis manere curabit. (b) dnurroX?! ’Avu6xov PgoiMwc 16 X^P eiv " vt^i arf hep* Or* mO mjVTttaafflfjfincu fc) |iot reepl wwt ic IscpES?) Snocvtoc x&v scat xoG 90 fcoO JtJfniipxErrai djv fjv flpdttpflV A?|p^iplou xoO Mvacrabu Iv Toupywva nepl oaxpcmEatp oGv tok mjvx^poycjL xal xalhixoum rakn wax^t xofrc wpwplo^ioic toil toG iwmSxoc txmsc YC-vfyj&mv, Eft tut; if] dtiv ivrocD&a xcd £™l x^P<®£ dYopi^Sv TCpaSrjq^^e-va xerft 3 £{x]£fft^ t*pa|ifjv[sv Ttp^ t& ^StAXeirca tn&ipxiv itSei iou; dv urfa i {i}ftpwxu vtjtcik, ^iL^eX^tifvou xw Tqc k^Xek^ jG pi^TOU ^nixfipoyvtq^ f[ dx^oDvio^ 7tfxxpda£fc jsopox^ x«l t^Xdu^ xul far^elac tlv&c ?J ^nouTf^ftLCdC' dvBf^noBa fit xal xzxpxnobot Kai Xemtd nuXetaSw iv x** 5 ^ t£Xom^ f} inr^ pctac Tt^dc Anattfa™^- (e) 40 e4 x^io^ot teylou otfpavEou Ai 6 <; Tijc wv Ee~ jjnaw* rbv Bgihi G^otf e!^ xal t&v t 6 *cv £Xjeu£c~ plots TfjV B&tcm dwypottp^ Tudmufv Epc^xa^av. <><><><><><><><><><><><> (a) (lOff.) The ancient benefactions of the kings, which are supported also by the custom of subsequent time, he who governs the province will maintain intact for you, for the threats of the opposing faction have been set aside. (b) Letter of Antbchus the king. King Antbchus to Euphemus, greetings. The folbwing memorandum has been issued. Therefore let it be done as indicated as regards what must be carried out through you. (c) Report having been submitted to me about the power of the god Zeus of Baetocaece, it was deeded to grant to him for all time that from which the power of the god in fact arses, the village of Baetocaece, which formerly was hed by Demetrius son of Demetrius son of Mnaseas in Tourgona of the satrapy of Apamea, together with all its appurtenances and properties according to the existing surveys and with the current year's harvest, so that the income from this (village) may be spent on the monthly sacrifices and the other things that contribute to the increase of the temple by the priest selected by the god as is customary, and so that tax-exempt festivals may be conducted each month on the 15th and the 30th. And the temple is to be invblable and the village exempt from billeting, no objeetbn having been reported. Anyone who contravenes any of the aforesad is liable to prosecution for impiety. Copies are to be inscribed on a stone stele and placed in the same temple. It will be necessary accordingly to write to the accustomed persons so that things be done in keeping with what has been made clear. (d) Decree of the city, sent to the deified Augustus. And all merchandise must be brought up through the agency of the bcal and rural agoretai in order to be sod at each monthly festival, so as to be at the uninterrupted disposal of the worshippers who come up, with the city agoretes to oversee and not to interfere or bother on excuse of requisition, tax, and any abuse or extortion; slaves, cattle and other animals are to be sod in the place on the same terms, without tax or any abuse or extortion. Page 509 ( E ) The katochoi of holy heavenly Zeus have posted the imperial rescript, to be respected by all, of the emperors' piety toward the god and liberality toward the place. This composite inscription is rather like those from Ptolemaic Egypt, except that BD are historical documents, part of the case made to the emperors in the third century. The chronological sequence is c , the king's decision; B , his letter of transmittal to a royal functionary (with a heading added by the katochoi, line 15); D , an extract from a civic decree under Augustus (with an added heading, 32); a, the imperial confirmation ca. 260; and e, the dedication of the inscribed monument. For various details and references see the valuable commentaries of Welles and of Rey-Coquais. 7-9: Saloninus was Caesar from 258 to 261: Wickert, "Licinius 46," RE 13 (1926) 238-239. "Aurelius Mareas and the rest" are presumably the katochoi who petitioned the emperor. 17ff.: A memorandum was submitted to the king, who responded with his own memorandum to a royal agent (references at Rey-Coquais p. 61). Such were the internal procedures of the Seleucid state, like the Ptolemaic. A city, by contrast, would have addressed the king through an embassy and been answered directly by his letter. It was not a city (Aradus or whichever) but the temple, on crown land, that initiated this event. 19-20: Attribution of the miraculous power of a god to the place itself is a familiar sentiment in all religions. Diodorus, on his native city, says of the precinct of Iolaus (4.24.5): "Such is the sanctity and awe of the precinct" that boys who do not perform the expected ritual become mute v xt 21: Most scholars have followed Wilamowitz in seeing Tourgona as a toponym. 121 1 take the phrase about the satrapy of Apamea to go with the place rather than the person; but see Rey-Coquais p. 62.1 imagine Demetrius to have been a courtier of some rank (he is given no ethnic), and I doubt that such persons were "registered" by satrapy, if indeed anyone was. Rey-Coquais cites a Ptolemaic document for the region, C.Ord.Ptol. 22 of those surveyed), but this means no more than their civic ethnics. The attested dates (meager evidence) for a satrapy of Apamea are between the mid-second century and the early first, before which we hear of the satrapy of the Seleucis (cf. Rigsby 253). 22: For parallels for "the appurtenant places" of a temple see on 223.21 and Rey-Coquais p. 27. 23: Troubling to include assignment of the growing crops will have removed this important matter from any litigation. 121. F. Piejko, Berytus 30 (1982) 98-99, suggests an error for or ivrtK 6p(wv 'A(—). Page 510 25: That the priest was chosen by the god rather than by a city government is consistent with the absence of any civic authority over the place. 26: To Rey-Coquais's examples of tax exemption for festivals (62 n. 11) can now be added Worrle, Chiron 18 (1988) 424 (Heraclea by Latrnus); Gauthier, I.nouv.Sardes II 3.11 (Sardes). 27: Given a lunar calendar, Greek months often did not reach a 30th day .122 But can mean the last day of the month, even if it is in fact the 29th: so IG XII. 1 4 (Rhodes). In any event, the thirty-day month was common parlance; see T. Heath, Aristarchus of Samos (Oxford 1913) 246; Pritchett, Greek State at War III (Berkeley 1979) 211. 29: Prosecution envisaged is before the crown, as no city-state comes into the questionimportant testimony that there was such a category of law in the Seleucid state just as in a city. The Ptolemaic state had laws concerning hierosylia, cf. C.Ord.Ptol. 53.5, 53 ter.5 I UpowMow ■ p, Kol n VII 313. A. 5“6 I ix SXXmv jtepcSv xal tjqxiv AirodoxEiov 32-33: The heading with is anachronistic; either it was added when the documents were gathered (this is not the stele of line 30) and inscribed in the third century or it derives from a docket in the papyrus version kept by the temple. Few civic decrees have survived from Phoenicia. As inscribed this decree obviously is an extract, for it lacks any preliminaries and begins with se; hence precious constitutional information is lost to us, including certainty about the identity of the city. 35: The source of the conflict seems to be the coexistence of a city and a country magistrate claiming fiscal authority over the temple. This division may derive from the original condition of the temple, as not being in any civic territory. 40ff.: The sentence has troubled readers. Rey-Coquais (pp. 66-67) thought that its difficulties might reflect the modest education of the katachoi or the cultural decline of the third century a. d .i 23 The solution lies in the word The emperors do not in fact grant freedom to the place, and I suggest that the word renders liberalitas rather than libertas (whichever stood in the original Latin). Cf. earlier UPZ 62 (^^pt« = j n the fourth century, Greg. Nys. Horn. 9 Cant. (VI 284.7 Jaeger): Basil Ep. 108 (PG 32.517a): For confusion or equation of libertas and liberalitas, 122. Rey-Coquais, Societies 194 n. 13, deduces that the provision reflects a 365-day Roman calendar and must be a revision of the original text. 123. His translation, "le rescrit imperial de la liberte due a la piete des Empereurs envers le dieu et la bcalite," is properly rejected by Herrmann, Gnomon 45 (1973) 72, who understands "rescript through which the emperors showed their piety toward the god and granted the privilege of freedom for the place." B. Virgilb, PP 222 (1985) 218- 222, argues for an omissbn in the text, and for a personified Pbtas: etc te t&v 0e&v Eitoepeta? xcd t6v i&nov, (tffc-oij t<5hou} iXcuAptac, Page 511 and both translated see TLL VII 1299, 1318-1319; cf. A. U. Stylow, "Libertas und Liberalitas" (Diss., Erlangen 1972) 70-73 (imperial slogans in the third century). Damascus Damascus, the great oasis of Coele-Syria, appears to have prospered especially in the late Hellenistic period. It was the base of Demetrius III (96-88 BC ), who was crowned king here, and the similarity of some coins of a city "Demetrias" to those of Damascus suggests that Demetrius III refounded the city .124 Seyrig did not live to put its coins in order as he intended or to publish the many that remain unpublished;i25 this account of the numismatic evidence for asylia must be tentative. Damascus was the site of a Seleucid royal mint from 138 until 69;i26 these coins do not name the city and thus reveal no titles. Three issues of civic bronzes, however, seem to derive from the first century B .c,i 27 the reverses show variously Tyche, Nike, or a standing male, all inscribed ^ IEPAS. 128 Throughout the imperial age Damascus issued civic bronzes, in no 124. So R. Dussaud, JA X.3 (1904) 198-199. Newell, The Late Seleucid Mints in Ake-Ptolemais and Damascus, NNM 84 (New York 1939) 83, thought that |A| on some Seleucid coins might indicate the royal name; this in fact appears already under Demetrius II in his last year 126/5 (no. 77), and still on the silver of Tigranes in 71-69 (nos. 148-149). The name was discarded before the 30s B .c, SNG Copenh. 36.419 and perhaps as early as the expulsion of Tigranes in 69 (cf. Newell p. 100). On the city see C. Watzinger and K. Wurtzinger, Damaskus (Berlin/Leipzig) 1921; J. Sauvaget, Syria 26 (1949) 315-358. 125. Syria 27 (1950) 34-37 (Ant.syr. IV 101-104). 126. See Newell 41-100; A. Houghton and A. Spaer, GNS 40 (1990) 1-5; Houghton and W. Museler, GNS 40 (1990) 57-62. Tigranes' mint at Damascus: Newell 95-100; P. Bedoukian, Coinage of the Artaxiads (London 1978) 21. 127. Of the three obverses, one has Tyche; one a male formerly thought to be Antbchus XII (88-84 B .c.) but shown by Bellinger ("End" 78 n. 88) to be Apolb; one another male, once thought to be Demetrius III but suspected by Bellinger to be the Nabataean Aretas III, who was invited into the city upon the death of Antbchus XII. This rientifbatbn is also dubbus; and the Damascene coins of Aretas are undated (Newell 92). Hence we have no sure dates for these bronzes; see Newell 41-42. A poorly preserved issue attributed to Damascus: Lindgren and Kovacs, Ancient Bronzt Coins no. A2138A, Zeus | Tyche, ... IEPA£(?). 128. BMC Galatia 289; SNG IV 5069. On one reverse, Tyche is offering an untied fillet, as Newell argued (94-95: rather than holding a sword); an unmistakable image of this gesture and object is at R. Ghirshman, Fouilles de Chapour: Bfchapour II (Pare 1956) 43-44 and frontispiece; also, as a welcoming gesture, in the Palestrina mosaic; cf. Nike with untied fillet on the (Footnote continued on next page) Page 512 great quantity. Apart from "metropolis" granted by Hadriani29 and colonial status gained from Philip I, the only titles displayed on the coins come under Elagabalus:i30 the reverses have IEPAE and within a wreath Se P 6a P ta / the crowned games. 131 Thus no more than is guaranteed by the coins. This I believe is sufficient to prove the full title of inviolability. Unfortunately, the Hellenistic issues cannot be dated with enough confidence to suggest, from their style, a terminus ante quern more precise than the mid- first century BC . The reign of Demetrius III (96-88) is an obvious possibility for the original grant. We do not know how long after his death the city retained the royal name; Aretas or Pompey might rather be the source. The title recurs under Elagabalus after a long hiatus, but the intervening silence need not indicate an abolition of the status. In 14 bc the people of Damascus honored the consul Crassus with a bilingual monument in Rome; the part that concerns us has been restored: 132 tffc xod a[iksv6|jmi xal toO] 'P^ocLyv d Epxavrec? x«Jl +1 - *- ] fioQ - - - xal EeXetixou 10Q E]cXc£ko(u-|* Whatever the precise text to be restored, here is testimony for the inviolability of Damascus in the long period of the silence of the coins. The famous god of Damascus, their was the Zeus known elsewhere as Jupiter Damascenus,i33 a Syrian Hadad associated with the bull and with agriculture. Alate writer called Damascus "truly the city of Zeus and the eye of the whole East, sacred and greatest Damascus" (*<1 *al^k* aix&v 4 ™^ Aa^ox^^ [Julian.] Ep. 392c). The temple, dismantled to build the Umayyad palace, is in its Roman imperial version the largest temple attested in Syria. Zeus's consort Atargatis is represented in some detail on all the tetradrachms of Demetrius III, Zeus (Footnote continued from previous page) early coins of Catane. A Damascene issue of Demetrius III showing a knotted diadem: Houghton/Spaer 2-3. 129. In addition to the coins, SEG 7.224. 130. De Saulcy, Numismatique 42; BMC Galatia 21. 131. The Sebasmia are mentioned on other coins of Damascus and at IG 112 3169/70.29-30 (mid-III ad). Ev&jJoc of cities recurs in southern Asia Minor, at Side (see p. 454), Syedra (BMC Lycaonia 160-161), and Anazarbus (BMC 34ff.; AnatSt 2 [1952] 138, the Acta of Probus, Tarachus, and Andronicus). 132. L. Moretti, MiscGrRom 15 (1989) 209-211, and G. Alfoldy, Studi sull ep'grafia (Rome 1992) 77-93, independently recognized Damascus; I have preferred MorettPs restoratbns where they differ. 133. See R. Dussaud, Syria 3 (1922) 219-250. This epithet is in the main peculiar to Italy (references at H. Schwabl, RE 10a [1972] 296); once, however, at Bostra (IGLSyrie XIII 9013). On an altar from the temple itself, rhetoric typical of the imperial age: (Syria 6 [1925] 354-356). himself then on those of Antiochus XII .134 This cult, at the center of the city, was presumably the occasion of the inviolability of Damascus. Dora Page 513 Dora was the southernmost city on the Phoenician coast, a well-fortified place at the foot of Mt. Carmel. It withstood the siege of Antiochus III (Polyb. 5.66), and here Tryphon fled and was besieged by Antiochus Sidetes .135 Ultimately it was eclipsed by the foundation of Caesarea at the end of the first century BC , twelve kilometers to the south. The coins of Dorai36 show sporadically the title of inviolability. From the first civic issues in the 60s B . c . to the time of Trajan, the coins have no titles, merely (or abbreviated). Then a large number of issues were struck in the local year 175 = A . D . 111/2. Some show only the ethnic; one has a war galley and IEPA (a small denomination), another the hero Doros son of Poseidon and dooxM aorov^ou) wuarfxttotf., in 116/7 we find issues both with and without these various titles, and again in 143/4. Under the Severi, down to the last issues in 210/1, come issues with IEPA alone (two are large denominations) and some with alone. Thus coins of the second century A . D . often cite the title of inviolability, often sharply abbreviated. If the grant is to be placed in the Hellenistic period (rather than 111/2), we can note that Dora was involved in the turmoil of the last decade of the second century B .c, taken by Jannaeus who freed the city from the tyrant Zoilus; Pompey removed it from Jewish rule, and it now began a new era (at 64/3). The original recognition of asylia may derive from that half century. Samosata Samosata controlled a fertile plain and a crossing over the Euphrates where major highways of northern Syria met; it became the seat of the kings of Commagene .137 Although the site had been inhabited since the Bronze Age, 134. Newell 78-92; Houghton/Spaer 3-5. 135. Jos. A?? 13.223: i Macc. 15:11-37. See Schurer II 118-120; EncArchExc I (1975) 334-337; E. Stern and I. Sharon, IE?? 37 (1987) 201-211. 136. Rouvier, ??IAN 4 (1901) 125-131; Babebn, Rob cxxxix; Y. Meshorer, IN?? 9 (1986/7) 59-72, with H. R. Baldus, Chiron 19 (1989) 477-480. 137. Babebn, Rob ccviii; Weissbach, RE 1 A (1920) 2220-2224; M. Mellink, A??A 95 (1991) 135-136; on the royal house, R. D. Sullivan, ANRW II.8 (1977) 732-798. Page 514 its name and foundation as a Greek city are thought to derive from the first of the kings, around 150 B . c . Little is known of the Hellenistic history of the place; it suffered sieges by the forces of Pompey in 69 BC and Antony in 38. The royal coins do not name Samosata, nor did the city itself issue coins in the Hellenistic periodhence we lack evidence about its status then. Some autonomous bronzes, perhaps of the 30s BC , feature variously a lion, Zeus, or the city Tyche, and are inscribed without titles (RPC I 3848-3851). In A . D . 72 the monarchy was dissolved, and Commagene was annexed to the province of Syria. The later civic coins show Samosata with the added name "Flavia" and an era reckoned from 71/2, these usages attest the settlement of troops and no doubt new construction ordered by Vespasian. These bronzes do not in fact begin until Hadrian, who evidently granted the right to coin, which continued into the third century. The coins of the second and third centuries regularly show the title "metropolis of Commagene." But the abundant issues struck under Antoninus Pius and under M. Aurelius and L. Verus add to this inviolability and autonomy: *(Xaou(uv) 4) with the city Tyche seated over the river god Euphrates. 138 Asylia surely will not have come early to this remote district (remote compared with Cilicia and coastal Syria-Phoenicia). If, as I assume, it is pre-imperial, it might derive from one of the two great eastern expeditions of Rome, Pompey's or Antony's; or if the autonomous bronzes are rightly dated to the 30s BC and if their omission of asylia is significant, then it will have been granted by the native kings, honoring their capital city. Of civic cults we know no more than can be discerned from the coins; the most suggestive image is the association of Pegasus with the city Tyche in coins of the third century AD , perhaps reflecting a foundation legend. It is a pity that Lucian tells us so little about his native place. Nicopolis ad Issum Nicopolis, founded by Alexander or by Seleucus I, was situated on the eastern slope of Mt. Amanus, on the road from Syria north into Cappadocia. 139 Little 138. BMC 118; Hunterian III.2 128 nos. 17-22; Copenhagen 36.19-20; SNG IV 5842; Baramki, Coins ... Beirut (1968) 57 no. 187 (sometimes further abbreviated). Early scholars reported the titles also under Commodus and Septimius Severus (Mionnet V 120, Suppl. VII 93). 139. E. Honigmann, "Nikopolis 7," RE 17 (1936) 535-536; Jones, Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces2 (Oxford 1971) 244. The site is assured by the modern toponym Niboli and by the aqueduct inscription. Page 515 is known of its history. Tiberius paid for the construction of an aqueduct for the city (IGLSyrie 164). This is one of the cities said to have been burned by the Persians in the time of Valerian (Malalas 297). Distinguishing the coinages of the several cities named Nicopolisin Epirus, Pontus, Cilicia, Palestine (Emmaus)is at times difficult. For the city by Mt. Amanus, the certain issues are three bronzes that bear an unambiguous geographical marker, "Nicopolis of the Seleucis," dating under Septimius Severus, Severus Alexander, and Philip I .140 On the earliest of these the reverse presents, within a wreath, the ethnic surrounded by rift e e -w!^ T(7ft)_ iepas. The other two give the ethnic and region without a title. Thus a single issue in the time of Septimius suggests that Nicopolis was declared sacred and inviolable, although no more than "sacred" is assured. Of cults, the other two coins show Nemesis with her wheel and Tyche and another figure and a river god; the civic seals have a conventional picture of Tyche above a river god. Dura-Europus Dura-Europus, the fortress-city on the Euphrates, successively Macedonian, Parthian, and Roman, 141 is unique in the Greek East for the wealth of its documentation, represented in largest part by its papyri. The case of Dura is a cautionary tale. A small city of little consequence, it never struck a coin. 142 The harvest of inscriptions, unusually large for a Syrian city, yielded no mention of asylia. Only the chance survival of papyri has preserved the title of inviolability 140. BMC Galatia 265 (no. 1 with title); Lindgren and Kovacs, Aucient Bronze Coins no. 2110. Some clay seals from papyri in the civic archives give the ethnic NuwneAtut&v without a title: D. 0. A. Kbse, ??NG 34 (1984) 63-76 (several bear a date "286," of whatever era); cf. Robert, Hellenba X (1955) 293-294. 141. Rostovtzeff, Caravan Cities (Oxford 1932) 153-219; A. Perkins, The Art of Dura-Europus (Oxford 1973); C. Hopkins, The Discovery of Dura-Europus (New Haven 1979). The recent work: S. Downey, Syria 63 (1986) 27-37; 65 (1988) 343-347; various authors in 69 (1992) 1-151. 142. Some Seleucid issues found in the excavation are attributed to a short-lived royal mint at Dura (270s b.c): WSM 79-81, 402-406; cf. Excavations at Dura-Europus: Final Report VI The Coins (New Haven 1949) 109-110. A further cautbn concerning Dura is that some of the excavatbn records of the Hellenistic finds, from the 1935-36 and 1936-37 seasons, disappeared in the 1940s; we have the summary account at Excavatbns at Dura-Europus: Preliminary Report, Ninth Season I (New Haven 1944) 3-68, and see in particular the articles of Downey and Matheson in Syria 1992 (138 on the bsses, concerning which I am also indebted to the advice of L. Richardson, Jr.). Page 516 and among the hundreds of papyri, only on one. How many other small cities of the Hellenistic-Roman world, which have left us few or no coins and few public inscriptions and of course no papyri, enjoyed this title? The last dated papyrus from Dura is among the most surprising. On the heels of a number of inscriptions and papyri of the second and third centuries in which the city exhibits few pretentions, suddenly, in an otherwise unexceptional document of AD 254, we find a grandiose claim: a divorce settlement is registered xoXuvsty zc*e< 3 xou] Keorfropc^ Mfj icpf [xod] x«i«[iS]tovV[ ¥ ] (p.Dura 32.4-5). We expect the name "Europeans, "143 and "colony" has some other support; the rest is quite new. No other papyrus mentions civic titles; but two inscriptions in the time of Caracalla (a. d . 212-217) were dedicated by the ’AvrwvwiavGvEOpwMtcivpa ^.144 This is rather a sorry claim, the sort of imperial name that was so widespread in contemporary Cilicia; some benefaction by the emperor must lie behind it, but Welles's suggestion that Caracalla gave Dura the title of colony attested in the papyrus of 254i45 is contradicted by the silence of these two inscriptions on that score. Their concern is to flatter Caracalla, so their silence about inviolability has perhaps less weight. The phrase "colony of Seleucus Nicator" in the papyrus is strictly speaking a contradiction in terms, mixing a Roman technical term, colonia, with a Greek historical fact, the founder Nicator.i46 For this, however, we can compare Mallo colonia dei Amphilochi on coins of Mallus in Cilicia (p. 478). However that may be, the title of inviolability is clear. The chief god of Dura is thought to have been Artemis, whose temple in the southern part of the city was one of the oldest and largest. 147 In the temple was 143. Welles's statement on the history of the name (P.Dura p. 5) is incomplete. In this same text individual citizens are called "Durenes," which came into popular use in the third century. But for the city as a whole the Macedonian toponym "Europus" was evidently the official usage throughout antiquity: Semitic "Dura" occurs in only one official text, P.Dura 129, and the one is official only in the sense that it derives from the Roman army, not from the city; and while individuals call themselves Durenes, the ethnic is not found applied to the citizens collectively. 144. Preliminary Report, Third Season (1932) 51-52; cf. Fifth Season (1934) 223-224 (Latin). 145. P.Dura p. 5; the other evidence is a dedication in the temple of Artemis (first half III) in which the dedicants call themselves ****** pouted [9Iea< AeMt*]** (Cumont, Fouilles de Doura 404 no. 50). 146. This was Youtie's reconstruction of the text. Welles had doubted that there is space in the lacuna for EcXpjjmT: Eos 48 (1957) 467 n. 3. As the titles are dative, perhaps the toponym ra ther than the ethnic. Rather than the founder, one might expect a geographic limit; other papyri show fj iv ^ napaim™^ or 'Apapi? (p.D Ura 18, 19, 22, 25), but the photograph in P.Dura does not support either of these against Youtie's reading. 147. See Cumont 195-204; Bellinger, Third Season 18-24; Perkins 17-18. The temple was enlarged in the early third century. Page 517 found a dedication to *v*v&*d revealing word order.i 48 When is Dura likely to have been declared sacred and inviolable? Welles (pp. 5, 167), given the silence of earlier documents, suggested that the grant came from Valerian for Dura's resisting the Persians in A . D . 253.1 have regularly sought a pre-imperial origin; is that even possible here? Dura passed out of Seleucid control in the mid-second century BC , before asylia had begun to spread even among the great cities of Syria. It remained under Parthian rule for more than 300 years, becoming Roman only in A . D . 164, long after the Senate had halted the spread of this status in AD 22. It may be that the title derives from a Parthian grant in this long period, and we should classify Dura with those cities made inviolable by the non-Greek kingsTigranes of Armenia, the royal houses of Cappadocia and Commagene. But the silence of the earlier evidence is impressive, and the date 253 may be right. Byblos Byblos, Phoenician Gebal north of Beirut, was a significant city already in the Bronze Age, thanks to its good harbor .149 The Phoenician kings issued coins there in the fourth century bc, and the Seleucids in the second. The city is said by Strabo to be "sacred to Adonis" (it P & to™ AWvtik, 16.2.18 [755]); Adonis does not appear on the coins, however, which prefer the founder Cronus and others .150 Lucian places the worship of Adonis in the great temple of Aphrodite, 151 which is illustrated on some of the imperial coins. The first coins to show the civic name were the municipal bronzes under Antiochus IV around 170 BC Here as at Tyre and Sidon, the Phoenician inscription gives more than a name: "of Gebal the holy." This continues under 148. Third Season 63 ( a .d. 1/2). The editors trace the word •tocW to Seleucid tradition, which seems unnecessary and which does not account for the primacy of Artemis. Compare above on Amyzon (p. 335). 149. M. Dunand, Bybbs: Son histoire, ses mines, ses legendes (Beirut 1963); the coins at J. Rouvier, ??IAN 4 (1901) 38-58. 150. See Hill, BMC Phoenicia bd-lxv; Seyrig, Notes 12. Phib of Bybbs FGrHist 790 f 2 (Eus. Praep. evang. 1.10.19, 35) for Cronus, who founded the city "and gave it to Baaltis who is called Dbne"; cf. A. I. Baumgarten, The Phoenician History of Phib of Bybias, EPRO 89 (Leiden 1981) 223. A high priest of Dbnysus (= Adonis?): Seyrig, Syria 31 (1954) 68-73 (Anl. syr. V 86-91). See J. Teixidor, The Pagan God (Princeton 1977) 46-48. 151. Syr. d. 6-9; cf. Nonnus 42.516, Aphrodite is >«*»*>!« at Beirut's neighbor, presumably Bybbs. See B. Soyez, Bybbs et la fete des Adonies, EPRO 60 (Leiden 1977). Page 518 subsequent kings, and also on most of the autonomous bronzes that begin in 102/1 and are found with this inscription as late as A . D . 14.152 The inscription as a whole cannot be taken as the proper name of the city ("Holy Mountain"), because the royal issues of the fourth century BC show, for example, "Elpaal, king of Gebal": that is, the adjective does not appear on any issue before the second century B . c . In imperial times the inscriptions are in Greek: only 0 n the few issues of the first and second centuries, then beginning with Commodus regularly IEPAX until the end of the coinage fifty years later. Scholars naturally take this as ^ a translation of the Phoenician. Is this granted inviolability, therefore the first instance outside of the Aegean? Byblos is unlikely for that role. The inscription first appears in rivalry with the different statements of Tyre and Sidon in 170 (p. 37) and must have been grounded similarly in some local myth; I do not believe that any of these was granted by the crown or by Panhellenic recognition. Rather we have an accidental convergence: the Phoenician label, presumably unreadable by the Seleucid and other authorities, resembles what later became a fashionable title of Hellenistic cities in the region, and Byblos was glad to keep it. 152. Rouvier nos. 650ff.; BMC Phoen. 17; cf. Seyr'g, Ant. syr. V 92-94. "Holy" omitted: e.g., Rouvier 676 (17/6 b.c.) , 668-669 (undated). a.d. 14: Rouvier 678, with Seyr'g 92 n. 4. Palestine Ascalon Page 519 Ascalon was one of the five chief cities of the Philistines .1 Here Herodotus saw the world's oldest temple of the "Heavenly Aphrodite" and was told how she had punished the Scythians for desecrating her shrine. This was the Philistines' Derceto, made known to Greeks under this name by Ctesias in the fourth century B .c.2 Her sacred lake and fish attracted Jewish and Christian polemic, and her dove is frequently seen on the city's Hellenistic coinage. It was presumably in her honor that Ascalon was declared sacred and inviolable .3 The coins show that inviolability was acquired in 112/1, autonomy and a civic era of liberation in 104/3. Through much of the second century BC Ascalon was the seat of a Seleucid mint, issuing royal silver marked with the dove and AS or ASKA and dated by the Seleucid era.4 These coins exhibit no titles until the "war of the brothers" at the end of the century. Antiochus IX took Ascalon from Antiochus VIII in the course of 114/3 (we have issues there of each brother) and held it during 113/2. As late as 114/3 under Antiochus VIII and 113/2 1. Jos. A?? 6.8. See Schurer II 105-107; Enc.Arch.Exc. I (1975) 121-130; de Saulcy, Numismatique 178-208. 2. Hdt. 1.105; cf. Paus. 1.14.7. FGrHist 688 f 1; cf. Lucian Syr. d. 14. On the doves of Derceto see Robert, ??Sav 1971, 96 (Op. min. sel. VII 174). 3. Note, however, one Ascabnite's dedbatbn at Canopus, in a.d. 228, of a statuette of "my ancestral god Heracles Belus," "M'M you ‘HpMMi Bip^v dwExijrov (a. Bernand, Le Delta I [Cairo 1970] 242-244 no. 14). Heracles first appears on the coins of Ascabn in Severan times (BMC Pal. 138-139); but the man's claim may be only private and familial. 4. A. B. Brett, ANSMN 4 (1950) 43-54; A. Spaer in Festschrift fur Leo Mildenberg (Wetteren 1984) 229-239. Page 520 under Antiochus IX, Ascalon is without titles .5 In 112/1, however, the city was again under Antiochus VIII, and now his coins show AE/IEP/ aet (or as), thus do^on>); the title continues on the royal silver so long as this lasts, through 104/3.6 So the royal issues; of the meager civic coinage under Seleucid rule, a single fractional issue of silver is extant: Tyche bust | War galley, with above, IEPAX below (BMC no. 14). Given the date, 111/0 BC , IEPAX can only mean the full title Some undated civic bronzes are also extant, with M***^^} and the same images, assigned by style to the late second century B . c . (BMC nos. 8-13). Only one of these issues adds IEPAE; it will come at the end of this series of bronzes, in 112/1 or later, if the omission on the others is meaningful. From 104/3 Ascalon reckoned an era of liberty, seen on the civic coins thereafter. In 103 various cities of Palestine invited Ptolemy Lathyrus to defend them against the ambitions of the new Jewish king Alexander Jannacus. Scholars have deduced that Ascalon was threatened or taken by Jannaeus and then liberated by Ptolemy .7 The silver coinage of Ascalon that followss has the inscription w™^ 0 (^ 0 ^ or further abbreviation, the most unusual being The title must derive from the events of 103; it is last seen in 64/3 B . c .9 Thereafter we find only "sacred and inviolable," which last appears in 39/8. 10 Also to the period between 104/3 and 63/2 should belong some reported bronzes with iepakat 0 r ijepaekati, which must abbreviate all three words. 11 The city continued to coin into the third century A . D ., with a long series of pseudoautonomous bronzes beginning in the 70s A . D . The coins of imperial 5. 114/3: Bellinger, "End" 89; Spaer no. B; 113/2: Brett no. 19; Spaer nos. 16-17; see also A. Houghton and W. Museler, GNS 40 (1990) 60-61. The tetradrachm Jameson 1736 (= Brett no. 11) of 127/6 B .c. under Demetrius II gives only IE left, AS right, which might be "sacred ... Ascalon." But in my view this is not a coin of Ascabn: AS is on the wrong side, there is no dove, and the eagle stands on a prow rather than a thunderbolt. All these features would point to Tyre, but for the lack of the Tyrian monogram and club of Heracles. 6. Spaer (235 no. 18) places one undated issue first, upon the occasion of Antbchus VIII acquiring the city and granting it asylia. 7. E.g., Hill, BMC p. xlix; Brett, AJA 41 (1937) 456; Bellinger, "End" 71. 8. Sporadic issues, with Ptolemaic obverses: Brett, AJA 452-463; Spaer 235, 237: the earliest in 99/8 B .c., Spaer nos. 50-51 (year 6). 9. Auktbn F. Sternberg 25-6 Nov. 1976 no. 536. 10. Silver with Cleopatra on the obverse: Brett, AJA 455; RPC I 4866-4868. 11. De Sauby, Numismatiqus 179 nos. 2-3. More problematic: his nos. 1 and 41 have obverse Apolb, reverse AEKA/IE/dove/PA, dates given as [A? and EA, which may represent LA = 75/4 B .c.; cf. BMC no. 15, IEPAE apparently dated lze = 68/7. H. C. Rebhardt, NC n.s. 2 (1862) 117 no. 56, reported an autonomous bronze inscribed IEP A LT. and dated eee"265": probably an error for lee or lze = 108/7 or 106/5 B .c. A small bronze of 83 B .c. appears to omit titles: INJ 8 (1984/5) 6. Page 521 date are rich in their illustrations of the cult of Derceto (including images of her lake). No coin after 39/8 BC/ however, gives the city titles of any sort; but a papyrus contract drawn up at Ascalon in AD 359 has iv T n (BGU I 316). Thus Ascalon was declared sacred and inviolable by Antiochus VIII in 112/1, autonomous by Ptolemy Lathyrus in 103. It seems that autonomy was abolished in the settlement of Pompey in the 60s. Possibly inviolability was abolished in the 30s by Antony or Octavian; but the silence of the coins should not be trusted. In the case of Ascalon, no titles appear on coins of imperial date, even though the papyrus of 359 reveals both "free" and "colony," which must be older than the fourth century. Gaza Gaza city, some five kilometers from the sea, stands on a rise at the northern edge of the Negev at the beginning of arable land, where the roads from Aqaba and Petra reach the coast .12 The best fortified of the coastal sites below Tyre, it guarded the road from Palestine to Egypt. The place enters history most often for its sieges. Pompey declared the city free, and his agent Gabinius as governor sponsored new construction to the south of the old city. The ancestral god of the Gazaeans was Marnas,i3 who by the Hellenistic age had succeeded the Philistine Dagon as patron of the city. In late antiquity the fame of Marnas rendered his cult a rallying point for paganism; the destruction of his temple, which was in the city proper, was the theme of an imaginative hagiographer .14 Hellenizing myth equated the god with Zeusis and traced him to Crete, taking "Marnas" to mean "Cretan- born"; the city is said to have been founded by Zeus, or by Minos. The Phoenician mim for Marnas (*) signs much of the coinage of Gaza, and also a dedication by a priest of the god at Portus in Italy (I.gr.Ital.Porto 10). 12. Schiirer II 98-103; Enc.Arch.Exc. II 408-415; Benzinger, RE 7 (1910) 880-886; C. A. M. Glucker, The City of Gaza in the Roman and Byzantine Periods (London 1987). 13. See Drexel in Roscher, Lex. 2.2378-2382; A. B. Cook, Zeus III (Cambridge 1940) 549-558. 14. The Neoplatonist Proclus wrote a hymn to Marnas (Marinus V.ProcIi 19); for references to the god in the Historia Augusta and Jerome see J. Straub, Historia Augusta Colbquium 1963 (Bonn 1964) 165-170. Locatbn: Mark's Life of St. Porphyry, ed. H. Gregoire (Paris 1930) 19, 25, 45, 64, 79. 15. From Batanea east of the Sea of Galilee comes a dedbatbn to ^ Mipv* Kupt^. |_ e Bas-Waddington 2412g; cf. D. Sourdel, Les cultes du Hauran (Paris 1952) 44-45. Page 522 The Ptolemaic and Seleucid royal coins struck at Gaza reveal no civic titles. The city's own coinage is meager in the Hellenistic period, consisting of bronzes scattered across the second half of the second century B . c ,i6 these show Marnas | Cornucopiae, or Tyche | Marnas. For some part of this time the civic name was "Seleuceia in Gaza," reflecting a refoundation after the Seleucids regained Palestine in 200 B . c . The civic bronzes are without titles, with one certain exception: Marnas | Goddess wearing kalathos, with patera and cornucopiae, left IEP, right a£. Two issues, one undated, one uc = 210 = 103/2 b.c. : De Saulcy 211 no. 12; BMC Pal. 144 no. 6; Baramki, Beirat Museum no. 2; BMC no. 7.17 The year 103/2 puts the title in the same circumstances as the liberation of neighboring Ascalon. During 103 Gaza and other Palestinian cities called on Ptolemy Lathyrus for assistance against Alexander Jannaeus. After a successful campaign to the north, using Gaza as his base Ptolemy attacked his brother in Egypt; when this attempt failed, he wintered in Gazathe winter of 103/2 or more likely 102/1. Subsequently he was driven from Palestine by his mother and Jannaeus, who put Gaza under siege and eventually sacked it.is Given our certain coin of 103/2, the inviolability of Gaza is likely to be a philanthropon of Lathyrus during his stay there, part of his effort to keep the support of the cities of Palestine. The many bronze issues of imperial Gaza, which give rich illustration to the cult of Marnas, attribute no titles to the city, with a single exception alleged under Gordian III: Gordian | Marnas seated, IEP £.19 Subsequent researchers have not confirmed this coin. Whatever its authority, however, we know that the Gazaeans dedicated at Portus at the mouth of the Tiber a statue of Gordian, the inscribed base of which was copied in the Renaissance; the city calls itself 16. See Hill, BMC Palestine pp. Ixix-lxx. 17. Baramki no. 1 reports the same types and r*c*i*av], to right A£, date LEC = 108/7, described as struck somewhat off the flan at the left. I suggest that this is a poorly preserved example of the coin of 103/2 (where Baramki read AEas A£). 18. Jos. AJ 13.356-364; BJ 1.87; upon the fall of the city the city council took refuge (without success) in a temple of Apolb (364), not that of Marnas. 19. Rebhardt 122 no. 87. The seated pose of the god is unique here among the coins of Gaza. Other issues under Gordian (Rosenberger, Coll. I 75, 79) give no titles. We have evidence that Gaza acquired the title "cobny," despite the silence of the coins, in a weight inscribed *'A** v kc rdO* (date uncertain): Le Bas-Waddington 1904 [IGR III 1212]. This may have been granted by Hadrian, who visited the city in 130; but see Glucker 77. Page 523 4) if) tfflv rn^altjv Upa xal ScruXt* XflA wk6vonw; s Ktcnnj, ^ Eiierejij'ft XojmpA xwl jitydXr^ i£ £Y*{e)X(e) wet*; wO *«*?(«> (teoC. 20 The statue was erected by the epimeletes of the templea temple of Marnas at Portus serving a local community of Gazacans .21 But Gaza itself commissioned the statue, no doubt in response to some benefaction of Gordian. Was this a renewal of asylia? On the title the civic coins had been silent for 300 years; but such silence is not unusual and need not prove that the status had lapsed since the Hellenistic age and was only now renewed by Gordianespecially given the silence of all coins about the autonomy mentioned in the inscription. Nevertheless, the Gazaeans' motive in honoring Gordian is religious and pertinent to Marnas, for they are acting on orders of the god. Whatever the titles of Roman Gaza had been before Gordian, it may be that here as elsewhere he guaranteed them after some challenge. Sepphoris-Diocaesarea Sepphoris in lower Galilee, on a height near Nazareth, possessed a large and populous territory that extended to Mt. Tabor fourteen kilometers to the southeast (Jos. Vit. 346). First attested when attacked by Ptolemy Lathyrus (Jos. AJ 13.338) and a strong place by nature, it was an important city in Roman times, famous for its rivalry with neighboring Tiberias for the primacy of Galilee (Jos. Vit. 9), its pro-Roman posture, and its Jewish learning .22 The site was a prize of war both before and after our testimony for its inviolability .23 Sepphoris struck no coins in the Hellenistic period. Already upon the organization of the Roman province, Gabinius made Sepphoris the seat of one of the five synedria into which he divided Judaea. During the troubled times after 4 b.c., a Roman force destroyed the city and enslaved its population (Jos. AJ 17.289; BJ 2.68). Herod Antipas subsequently 20. Sacco, I.gr.ItaLPorto 5 (= CIG 5892; IG XIV 926; IGR I 387); cf. 10 (the same spimeletes) and 11 for the cult of Marnas at Portus. 21. This is denied by Straub (168-169), who believes that the temple and epimeletes were at Gaza. There would then be no reason for the dedication to be at Portus; and there is I.gr.ItaLPorto 10. 22. Honigmann, RE 2a (1923) 1546-1549; Schurer II 172-176; Enc.Arch.Excan. IV 1051-1055; S. S. Miller, Studies in the History and Traditions of Sepphoris (Leiden 1984); D. Adan-Bayewitz and I. Perlman, IEJ 40 (1990) 153-172. Coins: Y. Meshorer in Greek Numismatics and Archaeobgy: Essays ... Margaret Thompson (Wetteren 1979) 159-171 (with C. M. Kraay, ANSMN 25 [1980] 56-57); Seleucid tetradrachms once attributed to Sepphoris: Bellinger, "End" 92- 94. 23. Burned by a Roman force in a.d. 339: Miller, Studies 4. Page 524 rebuilt it to be "the showplace of all Galilee/' calling it Autokratoris (AJ 18.27) in honor of Augustus. In the fighting of AD . 67/8 Sepphorisalone in the region, according to Josephus (BJ 3.30-34)remained loyal to Rome, fighting off attacks by the rebels and inviting in a Roman garrison. Some rare bronze issues show the city under the name Eirenopolis-Neronias-Sepphoris;24 the two added names must reflect some benefactions from the imperial house, whether on this occasion or earlier. These are the earliest known coins of Sepphoris; the honorific names do not recur, and the city struck coins only sporadically thereafterunder Trajan, Antoninus Pius, Caracalla, and Elagabalus on present evidence. Under Trajan come a large number of issues: their obverses, with Tpamv^n reveal that Sepphoris had regained from the emperor the right to coin;25 the reverses show with no titles, and (depending on size) the city's name in a laurel wreath, a palm tree, a caduceus, or ears of grain. These images, already much used on Jewish coins elsewhere, are neutral on the score of cult, appropriate to a predominantly Jewish city. Under Hadrian there are no issues, and when the coins resume they reveal a significant event. Under Antoninus Pius and the Severi, the city has the new name Diocaesarea and unfailingly displays the titles of inviolability and autonomy: xcrt«oro(v^uw) (or further abbreviations), with decidedly pagan iconography. We see a temple occupied by a standing Tyche with cornucopia, by a seated Zeus, or by the Capitoline triad Zeus, Hera, Athena; or a female with a patera, or a standing male; or a long inscription (within a wreath, and variously abbreviated) giving the civic name and titles and loyal friend and ally of the senate and people of Rome .26 Evidently Sepphoris took some part in the Jewish wars in the time of Trajan or Hadrian27 and was refounded under a pagan name deriving from the cult of Zeus (like Jerusalem, Aelia Capitolina). It would seem that the pagans of Sepphoris, doubtless a minority but perhaps now augmented, were rewarded 24. Cornucopiae and caduceus, NrjWar without titles: Seyrig, Scripta numism. 461-469; RPC I 4850. 25. As recognized by Hill, BMC p. xii; for a critique of the evidence on coinage rights see J. Nolle, RIN 95 (1993) 487- 504. 26. See Kraay 56-57. The Capitoline triad is shown also on coins of Samaria-Sebaste and Neapolis (BMC 64, 80). 27. A milestone dated to a.d. 130 apparently gives a terminus ante quern for the new name, tai Aioww^oe b. Lifshitz, Latomus 19 (1960) 110-111 (provided the upper fragment with the date and the bwer with the civic name are from the same stone, as the bcal discoverer thought). This was the year of Hadrian's progress through the regbn. By Hadrian's time there was a large imperial estate here, sab to reach from Tiberias to Sepphoris: Mbrash Rabbach Lamentatbns (London 1939) 159. Page 525 with control of the city in the aftermath of the war .28 But do the privileges of which the refounded city now boastsinviolability, autonomy, alliance with Romederive from this one occasion, or are they historical relics? Here as elsewhere, my assumption is that these titles are old, and that their omission on the coins under Nero and Trajan reflects selectivity. If that is so, we might think of the last Seleucids or the time of Pompey and Caesar for the recognition of asylia, or again the Herodian dynasty at the beginning of the first century A . D .; and of the settlement of Pompey for the treaty of alliance with Rome. Caesarea-Panias One of the sources of the Jordan rises in a grotto at the foot of Mt. Hermon; in antiquity this was a famous shrine of Pan, on the territory of Caesarea-Panias. In the walls of the cave have been found niches with votive inscriptions to Pan, whose image dominates the coins of the city. 29 Panhellenic games are attested in the third century a . d . 3 o The city's inviolability, attested by coins of imperial date, presumably was in honor of Pan. The sacred place is first mentioned in connection with the famous battle that gave the region to the Seleucids in 200 BC , fought near ^ n&*m (Polyb. 16.18.2). During the first century BJC . this area was subject to the Iturean dynasty of Chalcis, but in 20 B . c . Augustus transferred it to the kingdom of Herod of Judaea; in 3/2 BC . his son Philip founded or refounded the city and named it for Augustus, the "Caesarea Philippi" of the Gospels. For a time Caesarea, like Sepphoris, also used the name Neronias .31 We can only guess at the situation before 3 BC 32 but it is possible that there was already a city here under some earlier name. 28. Cf. A. H. M. Jones, JRS 21 (1931) 82. 29. G. Holscher, "Panias," RE 18 (1949) 594-600; Schurer II 169-171; Rey-Coquais, Studi ellenistici IV (Pisa 1994) 47- 50; photograph at M. Dunand, D'Amanus au Sinai (Beirut 1953) 179. An epigram from the cave calls the god vOeuijxv Aid*™ (Kaibel, Ep'gr. 827). 30. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII (1960) 441-443. 31. BMC 239; Seyrig, Scripta numism. 464; A. Stein, INJ 8 (1984-5) 9-11; RPC I 4849-4850. 32. That Panias was not a city before 3/2 B .c. is often asserted on the basis of Polybius' words nivwv (e.g., E. Schwartz, NAkG 1906, 372). Robert, Hellenica IV (1948) 11, wondered whether a poem of Meleager of Gadara in the voice of Pan, "I will live in this city" (&otu: Anth.Gr. 7.535), alludes to the future Caesarea Panias. Meleager wrote ca. 100 B .c.: A. Cameron, The Greek Anthobgy (Oxford 1993) 49-56. Page 526 Civic coins are extant from M. Aurelius to the end of the Severi .33 Many give the name in full and leave no room for titles: na.^ or navis** Just as many give the title of inviolability: £€p(D W T^v)i E p(sc)M a vi ( ^(xoy)to 6 nttvt 9 / w jth varying abbreviations. Coins with and without the title are found scattered throughout the life of the mint; only the amount of space available seems to dictate whether they appear. Of cults, we see most often Pan, either piping or standing in his grotto; but sometimes Zeus seated by a rock, or Tyche or other divinities. Thus, for as long as we have evidence on the status of the city (the duration of the coins), Caesarea-Panias possessed inviolability. How much older is the status than the time of M. Aurelius? Certainly the shrine of Pan was old, attested already in 200 BC ; if the temple then was, like Baetocaece, not in a civic territory, it was taken over eventually by Panias. As elsewhere, my supposition is that the recognition of asylia was pre-imperial, whether from one of the rulers of the first century bc. or from the Herodian dynasty in the first half of the first century A . D . Joppa Joppa, where Perseus rescued Andromeda, was the port of Jerusalem, and while an important place, eventually Flavia Joppa, it issued few coins. The testimony for asylia here rests on a single coin described by de Saulcy, the attribution of which has been doubted: 34 Tyche bust | Galley, above 1011/ A T, below KT? IEPAS. Hill noted the similarity to some issues of Tyre. 33. De Saulcy, Numismatique 313-324; Y. Meshorer, INJ 8 (1984-5) 37-58. The few coins De Saulcy placed earlier than M. Aurelius have not been confirmed in modern literature; as described they display no titles. See also RPC I 4842-4846, tentative attribution to Panias of some Latin coins of the first century a.d. 34. De Saulcy, Numismatique 177 no. 2, with Hill, BMC p. xxiv. On the city see Schurer II 110-114; Enc.Arch.Excan. II 532-541; G. T. Radan, in Mediterran??an Cities, ed. I. Malkin and R. L. Hohlfelder (London 1988) 74-86. Page 527 Raphia Raphia was the southernmost city of Palestine; harborless, overshadowed by its neighbor Gaza to the north, it has left little trace of its history or cults. The city issued bronze coins sporadically from the late second century AD to the mid-third, 35 dated by a Pompeian era of about 60 bc and, except for one year, without titles. The most abundant year of its issues was "290" (ca. AD 230; obverses with Severus Alexander). The coins of this year show a diverse lot of gods, as do the others of the city. They differ from earlier and later issues in that all are inscribed IEPA Thus no more than "sacred" is assured; if this represents granted inviolability, I would look to the conflicts of the first century BC . for the occasion. Jerusalem The inviolability of Jerusalem is a case apart, as the evidence is of uncertain credibility. We have a letter alleged in 1 Maccabees, and perhaps coins of the first Jewish war. The authenticity of the Seleucid and Roman acta cited in Maccabees and Josephus has attracted formidable scholarship, 36 and one enters this field with hesitation. Jewish literature early contained expressions that learned readers of a later age might have taken as evidence for the declared inviolability of Jerusalem or the Temple. In the Torah the Temple is called 6 ***<><;, 37 and in the later books of the Bible Jerusalem is often fjirk i^.38 "The holy city" might well attract more grandiose claims. First, in an account whose meticulous detail gives it the ring of truth ,39 2 Maccabees reports that when an agent of Seleucus IV (185-175) attempted to seize moneys in the Temple, the high priest responded that one could 35. Y. Meshorer, RN VI. 18 (1976) 57-68 (whose comments on the cults are uncompelling). On the city, Schurer II 169-171. 36. Rather than attempt a biblbgraphy, I may cite two exemplary investigatbns: Bickerman, Studies in Jewish and Christian History II (Leiden 1980) 1-158; Habbht, HSCP 80 (1976) 1-18. 37. Exod. 29:31, repeatedly in Leviticus, etc. Applied also to synagogues in Roman times: Frey, CIJ II p. 153. 38. Earliest at Isa. 48:2; cf. Joel 3:17: fc™ 'lepoucaifyj M®. k«1 dXAoreveu; otihctafoovrcu ki" wHis oiSxfri the label in the Madaba mosaic: ^ (IGLSyr XXI 153-56); cf. App. Syr. 50: djv h£yL<><><><><><><><><><><> That those who have trusted the sanctity of the place and the awe and inviolability of the temple honored throughout the whole world should be harmed is entirely impossible. Despite the term used, this respect for the Temple did not stem from a concrete recognition of asylia, and the high priest makes no such claim; it was rather the respect that everyone, Jew or Greek, acknowledged was due to property deposited in a temple ,40 and the dispute concerned whether this money belonged to private persons or the crown. Both the event itself and the source, Jason of Cyrene writing around 150 B .c.,4i are earlier than the arrival of declared inviolability in this part of the Hellenistic world. 1 Maccabees, by contrast, makes a far more specific claim. Composed originally in Hebrew ca. 100 B . c . and continuing later than the work of Jason and 2 Maccabees, the book recounts a formal declaration by the Seleucid Demetrius I in 151 BC . Demetrius and Alexander Balas were competing for control of the kingdom. Demetrius made some concessions to Jonathan in Jerusalem; Alexander responded by appointing Jonathan high priest, in order to make Jonathan a friend and ally. Demetrius in turn responded with a letter to the Jews offering a long list of benefactions;42 he frees the Jews from various taxes and then declares (10:31): lead 'lEpQLKJiiX^jii Mortis Ayta xoA ■iipEtu£vT| Mil tA 5pm ccftxifo at 5 ex.£t(il xaL lA xiXl}. <><><><><><><><><><><><> Jerusalem is to be holy and released, and its territory the tithes and taxes. This garbled Greek was translated from Hebrew by someone who did not know the Greek formulary of inviolability. What Greek phrase was the author of the lost Hebrew original trying to convey? When Josephus took up this passage, he transformed the language as follows (AJ 13.51): 40. So recently J. A. Goldstein, II Maccabees (Garden City 1983) 209. 41. See Habicht, 2. Makkabaerbuch (Giitersbh 1976) 175. 42. 10:25-45: the garrison in Jerusalem is withdrawn; all Jewish captives in the kingdom are released without ransom; inviolability; all Jewish festivals are tax-free for all Jews in the kingdom; Jewish troops are to be recruited and paid; Jews are to have their own leaders and laws; Ptolemais and its territory are given to support the Temple, to which the king adds cash of his own; right of refuge; money for constructbn. xml 'lepnaoXuhnxwv icAXiv tef&v xal iouXov stvai po^afun xal iXeuflcpav ^ tmv fipwv ouTfn (J-6 if}; tex&Tr^ xal tuv t£Xwv. Page 529 <><><><><><><><><><><><> And Jerusalem I wish to be sacred and inviolable and free from the tithe and taxes to the limit of its boundaries. This would be closer to attested documentary usage, but still odd: his added ^oe EP o< js not normally said of taxes. I suggest that what Josephus has taken as "boundaries" was the civic territory frequent in the LXX and NT; and cf. 10:43) and is displaced in Maccabees, for mention of the territory should have preceded "sacred and inviolable"; last would come tax exemption. That is, the Greek that lay behind the original Hebrew might be Ti*|vK6Xw>iaiT/ivxwp«vcrv(uiEpivxHifi<><><><><><><><><><><> And any who flee to the temple at Jerusalem and all its land because of owing royal or any debt are to be absolved, and all their property in my kingdom. This shares elements with Strabo's story about Seleucid Aradus (see p. 11), especially in that a fugitive's property outside the place remained secure; but this does not add to its credibility. The author concludes by reporting that the Jews did not believe these things or accept them (10:46; Josephus omits this detail). I suggest that we should not either: the gifts seem too good to be true, and the refusal of them too convenient. 1 Maccabees (15:2-10) also produces a letter of Antiochus VII to the Jews at the start of his reign (139 BC ): he confirms all previous privileges, and grants the right of coinage, freedom for the city and the temple ('^^ « **1 a™ 15 : 7 ), control of weapons and fortifications, and release 43. For discussion and bibliography see J. A. Goldstein, I Maccabees (Garden City 1976) 408, who takes the reasonable view that Josephus' was his own expansion of and that the erroneous final nominatives in 10:31 were meant to go with the participle, "released from taxes." This would imply behind the Hebrew te&v xcci which is certainly possible. Page 530 from royal debts now and in future. Here too the favors seem too sweeping to be credible; "freedom" for a temple is unusual, though it finds a parallel at Delphi (p. 47). Finally, at 15:16-24 the author alleges a Roman document from the consul Lucius asking the Hellenistic states not to harm the Jews or wage war against them or form alliances with their enemies (sm*^ ixsrufauoivcos™*?xeooi^ Mtl pij au-iou; xal t&c K&kzu; ql6tG>v xal cctauv^xal Iva ^lij xou; isoXqioCmv 01^06^)^44 Certainly this could be construed as an invitation to grant neutrality, the consequence of being "sacred and inviolable"; but there are formidable arguments against its authenticity. What is crucial for us is the claim in 1 Maccabees that Jerusalem was (almost) declared sacred and inviolable in 151 B . c .45 If the letter is genuine, this would be the earliest attested recognition beyond the old Greek cities of the Aegean, anticipating great cities like Seleuceia and Tyre. These several letters seem to offer more than we should believe. From the coins there is silence of two sorts: as a city-state Jerusalem itself struck no coins in the Hellenistic period, despite the alleged grant of 139 B . c . And coins of the Hasmoneans and their successors,46 whether inscribed in Hebrew or Greek, make no claim of asylia for the city (none of these actually names Jerusalem, however). It is only in the first Jewish war, A . D . 66-70, that coins were given the Hebrew inscription "shekel of Israel" | "Jerusalem (the) holy. "47 This is polemic, like "redemption" or "freedom of Zion" on the bronzes.48 I suggest that "Jerusalem the holy" reflects biblical usage rather than a granted title more Graeco, whether historical or even recollected now from the story in 1 Maccabees. It seems to me improbable that Jerusalem and its god, among the less Hellenized of the important cities and cults of Palestine, achieved this honor 44. Picked up by Josephus at AJ 14.145-148, with much altered language: sent to the autonomous cities and the kings, ^p w ) v x^p 3 ^ uni tqCh xni dfextfofa i Josephus omits the name of the individual recipient (King Ptolemy in Maccabees) but completes that of the Roman as L. Valerius (now (&av) ’ApiXtjvSiv 0 n coins of imperial date. Abila struck coins sporadically from A . D . 161/2 to 218/9. After the familiar city Tyche, they show most often Heracles. The most unusual image is of the towered propylaea of a sacred precinct. 13 Civic titles appear on approximately half the issues, scattered from the first year of the mint to the last. The inscription most often takes the brief form seen also at Gadara and Capitolias: iaat ko^} impM; m 218/9, however, we see ieaet = = ( n0 s. 23-24). The title of inviolability is not associated with one image more than another. The presence or absence of the title thus is not significant: we can say only that Abila had inviolability for as long as we have evidence to judge by. I would assume an origin in the first century BC . Capitolias Capitolias was at Beit-Ras south of the Yarmuk, bordering on Gadara. 14 The coins show an era beginning in A . D . 97 or 98, and the city is not heard of earlier; clearly Capitolias was founded in one of those years, as all scholars have recognized. But its titles of inviolability and autonomy suggest (in my view) that the place had a Hellenistic history, that the Roman city absorbed an older temple that had been declared inviolable; and in this populous region, urbanized under the Ptolemies and especially the Seleucids, we might not expect to find an entirely new city created in the time of Trajan. In fact, Irbid five kilometers to the south has substantial remains older than the foundation of Capitolias in 97-98, and this may have been the previous urban center. This is taken to be Arbela, mentioned by Eusebius as a village in the territory of Pella. A coin of the time of Commodus shows Alexander the Great and the inscription ’awsmpoc) Yevipfaitf; as seyrig saw, this proves that Capitolias, like several other cities of the area, claimed Alexander as founder. This supports the idea that "Capitolias" is a new name for an older community, which claimed a Hellenistic past that is unknown to us. The coinage of Capitolias began under M. Aurelius and extended, in modest abundance, over the next sixty years. On it the city is regularly iaa, the abbreviation seen also at Gadara and Abila but without their r; it is on occasion expanded to iepaeat and IEPASTAT. 13. See Seyrig, Ant. syr. VI 34-35. 14. Schumacher, Ajlun 127-131; Spjjkermann 96-107; C. J. Lenzen and E. A. Knauf, Syria 64 (1987) 21-46 on Beit- Ras; RBibl 95 (1988) 239-247 on Irbid. Page 536 The name of the city reflects a cult of Jupiter Capitolinus. The coins display two divinities. One is the city Tyche, her foot placed on a river god (the Yarmuk): of an oriental manner, she wears a short tunic like an Amazon and holds sometimes a globe, sometimes a sceptera Hellenized Gad .15 The other god is Zeus, seated in a monumental temple with an altar on the roof, surrounded by a massive walled precinct with corner towers, of a sort seen elsewhere in Syria. 16 Antioch by Hippus The city of Hippus was in the hills above the eastern shore of the Sea of Galilee. 17 Its royal name bespeaks a refoundation after the Seleucid conquest of Palestine in 200 BC , probably by Antiochus III or IV. Antioch by Hippus suffered the fate of its neighbors, "destroyed" by Jannacus and "freed" by Pompey from the Hasmoneans; its era is from 64/3 bc In the 60s AD the city was attacked and damaged by the Jewish rebels (Jos. BJ 2.459; cf. 478). The cults and myths of "wise Hippus"i8 are not elaborately represented on the coins, which prefer the type parlant of a horse, often accompanied by the city Tyche, or of Pegasusprobably the city claimed a Hellenic origin deriving from the travels of Pegasus. The most individual item is Zeus of the Plow, afonjowc, so labeled and showing him in a tunic standing in his temple (the only temple shown on the coins of Hippus);i9 this may be the Zeus who is shown facing Tyche on several coins (nos. 6, 22, 40). The royal name appears to have been used interchangeably for a time with the original name: on its earliest coins (under Nero, Titus, and Domitian) the city is "Antioch by Hippus" on the larger denominations, "Hippus" ('i**^) on the smaller ;20 the latter is not found after the first century. No civic titles are shown on these few issues of the first century. The city next struck coins under Antoninus Pius (138-161); from this time until the end of 15. Cf. D. Sourdel, Les cultes du Hauran (Paris 1952) 49. 16. Seyrig, Ant. syr. VI 35-41. 17. G. Schumacher, The Jaulan (London 1888) 194-206; Schiirer II 130-132; Enc.Arch.Exc. II 521-523; Spijkermann 168-179. 18. Peek, Gr. Versinschr. I 1070.4; the adjective is found applied also to Cotyaeum in Phrygia (Peek 1016; cf. Robert, Op. min. sel. VII 205). 19. Spijkermann nos. 14, 29-31, 33; cf. Seyrig, Ant. syr. VI 43-44. 20. Spijkermann 170-171; RPC I 4807-4808. Pliny (HN 5.71, 74) and Josephus use "Hippus," which is not unusual, as authors normally empby original names rather than later innovations. Page 537 the mint (last dated issue in 218/9), all coins give the city the title of inviolability: *Avtk>x(*«v) kp(<*) 'M^) Mac) x(«i) iooxou or further abbreviation .21 The consistent appearance of the titles in the second century and their absence in the first might imply that the status was in fact granted in the period between Domitian and Pius. That I believe is unlikely; I take the silence of the few early coins as without significance and would look to the first century BJC . as the likely period of the original grant. Nysa-Scythopolis Beth-Shan occupied the rich land where the Jezreel Valley comes down to the Jordan; it is an important site, well documented from the Bronze Age through medieval times .22 As a Greek city it was called Scythopolis, then Nysa after the Seleucid reconquest in 200 B . c .23 It experienced the aggression of John Hyrcanus at the end of the second century BC (Jos. AJ 13.280; BJ 1.66), and the benefactions of Pompey and Gabinius; station of the fifteenth legion during the Jewish War, it was attacked by the rebels in A . D . 66 (BJ 2.458). The city issued coins from the Julio-Claudian period to Gordian, under whom the mint was especially prolific. They show above all the worship of Dionysus, with particular reference to his childhood with his nurse Nysa; already Pliny knew the story that she was buried here (HN 5.74). Inviolability is first invoked in AD 162/3 in its briefest form: ngm 5 kol(x*) eu P {u>c> IEP .24 The title appears on the majority of issues from Commodus on, most often abbreviated M a s) *<^(*ou ).25 The only other title on the coins is EAllOA (nos. 15, 21). This is elucidated by a lone inscription that also spells out the title of inviolability: in the time of Marcus Aurelius the 21. Spjjkermann 171-179. The two issues under Pius (undated) show the facing busts of Zeus and Tyche (no. 6) and Tyche with horse (7). The mint becomes decidedly more active under M. Aurelius; about a third of these issues are dated, all to a.d. 165/6. 22. Schurer II 142-145; Enc.Arch.Exc. I 207-229; B. Lifshitz, ANRW II.8 (1977) 262-294; Seyrig, Syria 39 (1962) 207- 211 (Ant. syr. VI 115-119); M. AvhYonah, IEJ 12 (1962) 123-134; Spjjkermann 186-209. 23. See Rigsby, TAPA 110 (1980) 238-242; at 241 I should have cited Nysa the daughter of Seleucus II attested at FGrHist 161 F 4. 24. Spjjkermann nos. 7 (162/3), 12 (163/4), with a standing Dbnysus; note no. 14 also of 163/4, the same image but without titles. The titles are next seen in 182/3: no. 17 ieats (sic); Aukt. F. Sternberg 25/6 Nov. 1976 no. 701 (with Tyche in a temple rather than Dbnysus). 25. Name and unabbreviated title j n wreath: nos. 26 (a.d. 210/1), 34 (215/6), 52 (217/8). city erected a statue of the emperor, on which it calls itself xtiv xal ExuSoTCaXmiv tfj<; ttpcw; xal dcrjXou tfiiv Ko(Xf]v Suptav ‘EXXtiv&w’j n^Xewv fj miXiC.26 Page 538 Here as elsewhere, the irregularity of usage suggests the occasional evocation of a traditional title rather than a privilege newly granted in 162/3. Gerasa Gerasa, "Antioch on the Chrysorrhoa," was at the eastern edge of the Decapolis; under the Antonines it prospered from the caravan trade .27 The site has been selectively but carefully excavated; the result is many more inscriptions than from any other city of the Decapolis, and our record of the civic coinage may well be complete. No coin gives Gerasa any titles, which are known instead from a single Latin inscription erected on the occasion of a visit by Hadrian in a. d . 130.28 Early history is largely unknown. We have almost no texts of Hellenistic date: the inscriptions on stone begin under Tiberius, and the coins, never abundant, are quite few before Hadrian .29 A claim to foundation by Alexander is made on some of the coins, as at Capitolias. This region reverted to the Seleucids after the battle of Panium in 200 BC ; the royal name is assumed to derive from Antiochus IV .30 Like its neighbors, Gerasa was attacked by Alexander Jannaeus and benefited by Pompey, whose era was later used. The great event as documented from the site itself was Hadrian's passage during AD 130, which has left a number of inscriptions and which apparently invigorated the local mint. 26. G. Foerster and Y. Tsafrir, INJ 9 (1986/7) 53-58, with P. L. Gatier, Syria 67 (1990) 205-206. The coin abbreviation had prevbus been construed as 27. C. H. Kraeling, Gerasa, City of the Decapolis (New Haven 1936), with Welles's edition of the inscriptbns; Schurer II 149-155; Enc.Arch.Exc. II 417-428; Spjjkermann 156-167; Browning, Jerash. 28. The complete silence of the coins is a cautbn for our subject; compare Tarsus. 29. Early testimonies: I.Gerasa 251 (with Seyrig, Netes 33), a weight ’Aviwxiuv t6v "ptaXpuofofpAcu) without titles, dated Seleucid(?) 180 = 143/2 b.c.; three coins reported from a.d. 67/8: Spjjkermann nos. 1-3 (inscriptbn rfpaoa). on the Hellenists I.Cos 64 (not a Gerasene) see Seyrig, Ant. syr. VI 142. 30. In inscriptbns, the royal name is first seen on the early weight (above, n. 29), then in a.d. 115 (I.Gerasa 56/57, dedbatbn to Trajan as savbr and founder), and regularly thereafter; never simply "Gerasa." On coins, first under M. Aurelius, usually Xtfuaop^) ™(v) ntfiwpov) iWpa^viiv) as jn the inscriptbns; this alternates with "the Fortune of Gerasa is Artemis" and "Alexander the Macedonian founder of Gerasa." Page 539 Gerasa was the city of Artemis, the 064 31 A dedication to PM A ™N] V^Jh* (I.Gerasa 43) suggests a myth deriving her from Artemis Orthia of Sparta and a civic claim of kinship with Sparta, like that of Jerusalem. She is regularly shown on the coins, many of which are inscribed with the religious acclamation "the Fortune of Gerasa is Artemis ."32 Her temple, with its peribolos, was the largest and most imposing monument in Gerasa, dominating the center of the city .33 It seems a reasonable guess that the inviolability of Gerasa came in her honor .34 In any case, our one testimony for the status is a dedication to Artemis found near the entrance to the precinct, erected in A . D . 130 by some cavalrymen in the retinue of Hadrian. The stone is lost; as reported, it began as follows (I.Gerasa 30.1-9): Pro salute Imp(eratoris) Caes(aris) n(astri) Traian(i) Hadriani Aug(usti) p(atris) p(atriae) 4 Deaniae Aug(ustae) equ'ites sing(ulares) eius qui hibernati sunt Antioch[i]-ae ad Chrysorhoan quae 8 et Gerasa hiera et asyb(s) et au-tonomos, quorum (etc.) 4: error, whether of mason or copyist, for Dianae (cf. Deana[e] at IGLSyrie VI 2949). The cavalrymen wintering in Gerasa35 acted to fulfill a vow, v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) m(erito) honoris et pietatis causa (16-17). It is of course interesting that the only extant evocation of the titles of Gerasa stems not from the city or one of its citizens but from some transient foreigners. The troops associate Artemis with the imperial house,36 probably their own addition to her honor at Gerasa. It would seem that the Roman troops were given a rather full account of what to call the city, I take it an ancient privilege that the Gerasenes themselves did not normally bother to state. 31. I.Gerasa 27. Cf. Sourdel, Cultes 42. 32. First under Hadrian: Spjjkermann nos. 4-7. For the colbcatbn cf. at Palmyra the altar (Teix'rior, Inv.Inser.Palmyr. XI no. 43). For the acclamation cf. at Dura-Europus i*erdA:n tv[xn) Aoupac (res 14 [ 1955 ] 145 ). 33. Browning 85-92; R. Parapetti, Syria 66 (1989) 1-39. 34. Welles (p. 31) thought instead of Zeus Olympius, on the grounds that someone is found taking refuge in his temple in a.d. 69/70. I hope to comment elsewhere on I.Gerasa 5-6. 35. Cf. H. Halfmann, Itinera principum (Stuttgart 1986) 206-207. 36. For Augustus as a divine epithet see Nock, Essays I 42-43, 156. Page 540 Egypt From Greco-Roman Egypt come nearly a dozen grants of asylia, all dating from the first century B .c.i That the more abundant evidence of the third and second centuries has yielded no grant suggests that these edicts represent a new departure for the Ptolemaic crown around 100 B . c ., at least in number if not as an absolute innovation. The map will suggest their continuity with the spread of the title in the Hellenistic East; but the substance that asylia took on in Egypt has little in common with the rest of the Greek world, and more with Rome. The Ptolemies granted asylum in the sense the Romans understood it, religious immunity from civil law; and surely it is from Egypt that the Latin word asylum comes, consistent in form and meaning with what we see in Egypt. In these inscriptions we see a form already old before the Ptolemies' arrival. Since the end of the second millennium, benefactions granted to temples had been inscribed on limestone steles whose curved upper margin framed a painting of pharaoh honoring the god; made in four copies, these stones were placed around the temple "to the four winds ."2 The Ptolemaic asylia steles follow this form, except for the one that derives from a Greek city (226, P WTE 9); some preserve the painted scene, and the rest we may assume once had one. Probably we owe these stones to the practice of making multiple copies; a papyrus lies behind each, but no asylia edict has survived on papyrus .3 1. General treatments: F. von Woess, Das Asyluesen Agyptens (Munich 1923), and in ZSav 46 (1926) 32-67; C. Preaux, L'economie royale (Brussels 1939) 483-488; Rostovtzeff, SEHHW 887-893, 1549-1550; F. Dunand in Hommages Serge Sauneron II (Par's 1979) 77-97; J. Bingen in Egitto e storia antica (Bobgna 1989) 24-30. In what folbws I am especially grateful to Ludwig Koenen for help on various points. 2. See D. Meeks, Orient.Lovan.Anal. 6 (1979) 605-687. 3. In Lenger's C.Ord.Ptel., of the twelve items that begin with the first asylia decree in 96 B .c. nine are inscriptbns, while three are papyri (from one archive); all the inscriptbns are (Footnote continued on next page) Page 541 Egypt is different juridically from the world of the Greek city-states. In Egypt asylia is requested only of the crown and is a matter of internal administration; there is no invocation of Greek public opinion, as the grant is not an affair of international law. Only temples are in question, not city and territory. These acts must be studied as one part of the evolution of the relations between the crown and the temples.4 Did temples in Ptolemaic Egypt have, like those in the Greek world, the "right of asylum," automatic jurisdiction within their precincts? In 203 BC the Alexandrians were outraged when royal agents pulled a fugitive from a temple, a clear violation of Greek usagebut that was in a Greek city.5 The temples of the chora bore a different relation to the crown.6 Pharaonic Egypt did not know the "right of asylum. "7 Herodotus reports a slave's right of asylum in the temple of Heracles at the Canopic mouth as something exceptional.8 In general, fleeing to some holy precinct did not make a fugitive immune from arrest by secular officials. It is reasonable to suspect that the new Greek rulers would prefer to leave this useful fact in place. Several Ptolemaic and Roman texts seem to classify temples. We find "first and second and third temples" in the Canopus and Rosetta decrees of the native priests, and elsewhere references to ^ M, as though a special class.9 These have sometimes been taken as legal distinctions, whether originating with the government or with the native priests; but apart from 219.5 and 221.9, where this classification may be invoked, it seems to play no role in the asylia edicts, or in the attested acts of flight to temples. (Footnote continued from previous page) asylia grants. For the form and the themes of petitions to the Ptolemaic government preserved on papyrus see A. Di Bitonto, Aegyptus 57 (1976) 109-143. 4. See especially J. Quaegebeur, Orient.Lovan.Anal. 6 (1979) 707-729; J. E. G. Whitehorne, JRelHist 11 (1980) 218- 226. 5. Polyh. 15.27.2-3; and their outrage was selective: cf. 15.29.8-14 and 15.33.8. In 216 b.c. a Capuan sought refuge in Cyrene at a statue of Ptolemy and was safely delivered to the discretion of the king in Alexandria (Livy 23.10.11). 6 . W. Otto, Priester and Tempel II (Leipzig/Berlin 1908) 290-301. 7. The nearest anabgy, attested as early as the Sixth Dynasty, is the granting of fiscal immunities (nht, the term to which 219 resorts in the Egyptian) to selected templesusually exemptbn of the god's people from the corvee; references at A. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharachs (Oxford 1961) 92-93; Preaux, L'economie royale 488 n. 1. E. Luddeckens, "Asylwesen," LexAgypt 1 (1973) 514-516, has under this rubric no pre-Hellenistic material apart from Herodotus, but only the Greek texts surveyed here. 8 . 2.113. Some scholars have thought that this privilege betokens a foreign origin for the cult; this is deputed by A. B. Lbyd, Herodotus Book II, Commentary, EPRO 43.3 (Leiden 1988) 43. 9. Otto I 18-19; Uxkull-Gyllenband, BGU V p. 81; properly cautbus, W. Brashear, BGU XIII pp. 7-8 ("an unclarified concept"); cf. XV 2470.6. Page 542 Some acts of refuge in the chora are on record earlier than our first asylia edict in 96 B .c.:io In the mid-third century, some farmers protested a property assessment: "Sitting down in the temple, they said they would not be assessed justly or unjustly" (PSIV 502.21, xaeteavrsc no t further identified). It is not certain that this was an act of religious asylum. Around the same time, a witness, in order to avoid testifying, ran off to the Sarapeum at Memphis (presumably from the Fayum, not far), where he was being supplied food (P.Cair.Zenon 59620 [C.Ptol.Sklav. I 79]). This shows that the Sarapeum had the right of asylum already under the early Ptolemies. We might also deduce that at this date such immunity was enjoyed by none of the many temples in the Fayum (which included a Sarapeum);n but there could easily be other reasons for fleeing to a place where one was not known and where a different police jurisdiction obtained. In 169/8 someone was "forced from the temple" (^ JEoraoKmi & wjupos) by the agents of Antipater, who was then reported to the police, and an agent was arrested for violence. The temple is not further identified, and the provenience of the papyrus is unknown (PAthens 8; Pros.Ptol. I 312 for the date). In 164 Ptolemy the katochos in the Sarapeum at Memphis petitioned for redress because a girl who had fled to the temple and whom he intended to adopt was seized by a temple official and sold: do not overlook this enslavement, still more her being forced from the temple; in a second draft it is added that she was "outside(?) the asylum" when detained, $***** (UPZ 3-4 [C.Ptol.Sklav. 83]). This is our earliest evidence for the word in Egypt. In 156 the chief of the Anubieum, the guardhouse placed by the entrance to the Sarapeum, wrote to a priest of Sarapis: some wrongdoers have escaped, watch for them, and if they dare to come out of the asylum (&«*<; too^ou) let me know and we will act, and I will pay you (UPZ 64). In 156 a slave ran away from his master, a man from Alabanda who was visiting Alexandria; we have the wanted poster, which offers a reward for the slave's return, or half that amount for identifying the temple to which the slave might have fled (UPZ 121 [Sel.Pap. 234; C.Ptol.Sklav. 81]). Evidently the master could go to the temple and try to obtain the surrender of the slave, but this was not a foregone outcome, as the information is worth only half 10. On anachoresis generally see H. Braunert, Die Binnenwanderung (Bonn 1964); W. Schmidt, "Der EinfluB der Anachoresis im Rechtsleben Agyptens" (Diss., Cobgne 1966); C. Orrieux, Zenon de Caunos (Par's 1985) 234-237. The fight of 150 agricultural workers to the Memphite nome (mid-III b.c.) seems to be purely secular: P.Lond. VII 1980-1981; P. Cair.Zenon 59245, with W. Clarysse in StudHellen 24 (1980) 87. On P.Haun. 10 (Tebtunis, III b.c.) see J. A. S. Evans, YCS 17 (1961) 163. A possible reference to refuge in M. Gronewald and D. Hagedorn, ZPE 41 (1981) 289-293. 11. P.Cair.Zenon 59168; P.Mich.Zen. 31.5; cf. Nock, Essays I 428. Page 543 the actual surrender. In the city of Alexandria the master would no doubt have to prove his case to the temple authorities; but what of the country-side? This notice was posted at the Anubieum beside the entrance to the Sarapeum; but was it sent only to those temples in the chora that had the right of asylum, or to all the thousands of temples? I think the former is more likely. Probably in 145/4 comes the earliest of a series of royal pronouncements that officials are to respect the right of asylum, AnopifiOcOcm nap 1 ojtc t&tok *^^.12 These passages seem clearly to imply that only some temples have this immunity. In 114 a basilicogrammateus was informed that at Ptolemais-Euergetis the royal farmers had abandoned their assigned work and "run away to the temple at Narmuthis" (dvaxfejxupijx^ai m xb fiv NfoiofflL about twenty kilometers (Chr.W. 330). The reference is not specific, although several temples are attested at Narmuthis (cf. E. Bernand, I.Fayoum II pp. 59-109). Loan contracts show a provision in which the borrower waives the immunity that a temple might give him, the clause:i3 for example, P.Hib. I 93 (ca. 250 BC ): the borrower to be produced contrast PSIV 515: P.Dem.Zenon 1.17: "I will not leave the district or go to an asylum" (nht); P.Tebt. I 66.59-61 (121/0); Chr.W. 327 (107/6); P.Oxy. XIV 1639: "subject to arrest by you in the Sarapeum or any asylum or before any magistrate or anywhere you might find us" (I BC , loan drawn up at the Sarapeum in Oxyrhynchus, ooft &£] icrifidies J^oavoya>qji[6#]ou SapaMdou xal t ^ vt j V apparently "they stand in impiety in addition to the outrage itself, as they would reside in the asylum(?)" (BGU 1823). 15. C. Ord.Ptol. 82, with E. Van't Dack, AncSoc 1 (1970) 53-67. Page 544 Finally, Strabo 17.1.23 (823) mentions *6 near Sais in Egypt, where the god was buried. These texts are evidence, of diverse strength, for the right of asylum in the life of Ptolemaic Egypt, down to the time when the extant royal grants begin. The list is not meant to be complete, but only to illustrate what is claimed in 219, that some temples had this privilege but not all. The Sarapeum is the only one identified by name (and this already by the middle of the third century), but certainly other temples are represented in these incidents. The Ptolemaic edicts have traditionally been taken as a sign of the declining royal authority having to buy the cooperation of the powerful priestly establishments and their secular patrons (much like the spread of asylia in Seleucid Syria). Bingen has argued against this, urging that what the edicts in fact reveal is small and weak temples trying to regain traditional rights in the face of growing pressures by the central government, and that the opposition we see is between Greek soldiers and officials. 16 Heinen has urged that the asylum grants do not show conflict between crown and native cults or between Greeks and Egyptians, but competing claims for royal benefactions. 17 Whatever the general character of the background, Ptolemy X (110-88, after his Cypriot exile) looks to be decisive in beginning this series of grants. These acts are concentrated in space as well as in time: all but two are from the Fayum, six of them from two adjoining villages. is The gods honored are mostly Egyptian, but one Greek and one Jewish. The petitioners are sometimes Greek, sometimes Egyptian. Note finally that one late Ptolemaic edict gives the equivalent of asylum to a chief embalmer and his house (C.Ord.Ptol. 62-63, of 99 BC ), and his petition uses much the same vocabulary and arguments as those for asylum: so that my services in worshipping in your behalfi9 not be interfered with by certain persons who enter violently, etc.; the grant is that no one force his way into the house, etc.all that is wanting is the word This text, like the grants of asylum proper, does not acknowledge a divine entitlement but waives a royal power, a gesture that need not be confined to sacred space. 16. He points out that the temples in question are too small (as Lefebvre observed) to have had significant economic activities. 17. H. Heinen in Aspekte spatagyptischer Kultur (Mainz 1994) 157-168; cf. BibO 46 (1989) 79-81. 18. Lefebvre, ASAE 19 (1919) 59, thought the grants an effort to make the Fayum with its heavily Greek population a privileged and byal region. But the distribution even in the Fayum is odd, and the notbn of its Greekness at this late date is problematic. 19. So also the petitbns I.Philae I 19.29 (= OGIS 139, ca. 120 b.c); SB 7457.8 (= A. Bernand, Delta I [Cairo 1970] 445ff.). Page 545 The Sarapeum at Memphis In 96 bc the first extant grant of asylia cites two precedents for this benefaction, one of them "the temple at Memphis" (219.8); there can be no doubt that this alludes to the Sarapeum .20 Sarapis bore a unique relationship to the Ptolemaic crown. As we have seen, as early as the mid-third century persons are attested taking refuge there; this privilege must have been granted at some time in the first half of the third century. Temple of Osiris at Busiris The nome capital Busiris, at Bana in the central Delta, had been famous since the Sixth Dynasty as the home of Osiris, "lord of Busiris ."21 The town is mentioned already by classical authors; Herodotus placed here the second greatest panegyris held by the Egyptians .22 Of its Greco-Roman history, given that papyri rarely survive in the Delta, little is known. The town is almost never mentioned in our extant documents ,23 and the site is unexcavated. The other precedent for asylum invoked in 96 BC . (219.8) is the temple "at Busiris": we may assume that this was Osiris' temple, Herodotus' When it gained the privilege is beyond conjecture. Temple of Horus at Athribis Athribis was in the southern part of the Delta by modern Banha, a region famous today for its vineyards and orange groves .24 The extensive remains seen by early travelers, which included the northernmost pyramids in Egypt, have largely vanished in this century. Metropolis of the Athribite nome, the place was 20. See Wilcken, UPZ I pp. 120-121. Wilcken's work and Dorothy J. Thompson, Memphis under the Ptolemies (Princeton 1988) 212-265, make it unnecessary to address the details of our evidence for the Sarapeum. 21. Gardiner, Egypt 423. 22. 2.59, 61; bibliography at Lbyd, Herodotus Book II, EPRO 43.2 (Leiden 1976) 269, 276-279 (Herodotus mistakenly assigning the temple and festival to Isis rather than Osiris). 23. By chance a sitobgus report from Busiris has found its way to Elephantine: BGU XIII 2276 (a.d. 155/6). 24. See P. Vernus, Athribis (Cairo 1978); p. xxi on the history of excavation. Page 546 of substantial importance; Ammianus, listing the greatest cities of Egypt, names Athribis, Oxyrhynchus, Thinis, and Memphis, crowned by Alexandria. 25 Here was buried the heart of Osiris, which was discovered and guarded by Horus Hnty-Hty (^ v « : x0 tti )- 26 Although his cult is attested a good deal earlier, it was especially the object of royal donations from the middle of the second millennium on. Ramses III in particular "made many benefactions in Athribis for my father Horus Hnty-Hty," restoring walls, granting autonomy to the overseers and prophets in their supervision of the god's land and personnel, and expelling the vizier and his people; the god's people who had been dispersed and were under obligation to others he freed and brought back so that their work for the temple would not be interrupted; "I rendered it the equal of the great temples of the land, protected forever by my decrees. "27 During the anarchy of the eighth and seventh centuries Athribis was capital of one of the regional kingdoms in the Delta. 28 From the reign of Philip Arrhidaeus (323-317) comes the elaborate monument of Jedher, priest of the god: he built several new constructions in the precinct, persuaded the commander of some soldiers (Greeks, it is thought) to transfer them from the temple lands to other plots, and dedicated the present monument in aid against poisonous animals (a common function of Horus). 29 For the Greco-Roman period, the few legible papyri from the Delta and the dwindling of traditional hieroglyphic monuments leave us little information on the cult and its honors. We know of some new construction, and several brief dedications are extant, both royal and private. A contingent of the Ptolemaic army was stationed at Athribis. 30 The Polish excavations have revealed the prosperity of Roman Athribis; the popularity of the god is suggested by his frequent mention in the magical texts of later antiquity, 31 but his name is not otherwise found in the papyri. The asylum edict for the temple, 25. 22.1.6; in Ammianus' time a tetrapybn was dedicated to the emperors (OGIS 722, a.d. 374). 26. The meaning is uncertain; Hnty-Hty was at first itself a divine name, then associated with Horus in iconography by the Twelfth Dynasty, then with Horus by name by the Eighteenth (Vernus 367-391; U. RoBler-Kohler, LexAgypt 3 [1980] 27-33). "Athribis" is probably "the house of the mid-part" (of the Delta), later taken to mean the mid-part of Osiris (Vernus 343-344; 433-439 on the relic of the heart and intestines). 27. Vernus no. 55 (the Harris Papyrus), with references. 28. Vernus no. 69; ANET3 294. 29. E. Jelinkova-Reymond, Les inscriptbns de la statue guerisseuse de Djed-her-le-Sauveur (Cairo 1956). 30. P.Zen.Pestm. 24 (III b.c.); OGIS 96 (II b.c., Jewish). 31. See P.Graec.Mag. Ill p. 216 s.v. 'Apxcvttx®™. A statuette of a fabon inscribed with a magbal text comes from Roman Athribis, Suppl.Mag. I 6 (for the reference I am grateful to R. W. Daniel). Page 547 the earliest extant from Ptolemaic Egypt, is the only lengthy Greek text that mentions the cult. 219. Ptolemy X, 96 B.C. Limestone stele, h. 0.70, w. 0.57, th. 0.21, found at Banha in 1898, now in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo (no. 31089 ).32 Trilingual text (hieroglyphic, Demotic, Greek); Greek letters blockish but clear and careful, with some crowding to the right. Above is a relief in Egyptian style: at left the king, accompanied by a priest, makes an offering to the seated Horus Hnty-Hty (with falcon's head and solar disk) and standing lion-headed Sachmis;33 at right, the king, with a priest, makes offering to a seated goddess, who is crowned by an atef, and standing Isis or Hathor. W. Spiegelberg, Catalogue geral du Musee de Caire: Die demotischen Denkmaler I (Leipzig 1904) 20-22 no. 31089 (Greek text from a copy by O. Rubensohn, assisted by Wilhelm) [Dittenberger, OGIS 761 (Greek only)]; Spiegelberg ap. G. Maspero, Le musee egyptien II (Cairo 1907) 21-25 (the Demotic, improved at a number of points, is given only in transcription); S. de Ricci, BSRAA 11 (1909) 332 no. 10 (Greek only, from the photograph) [SB 620; Schroeter 58; Lenger, C. Ord.Ptol. 64; A. Bernand, La prose sur pierre 30]; Vernus, Athribis no. 165 (hieroglyphs only). Photograph: Spiegelberg 1904, pi. 3 (Demotic and Greek texts); 1907, pi. 8 (whole stele). Cf. Wilcken, ArchPF 4 (1908) 246-247; W.J. Tait, P.Tebt.Tait IV pp. 31-32. The hieroglyphic version is an independent text, the Demotic a translation of the Greek. I give only the Greek (which is the best preserved of the three) and translate Vernus's translation of the hieroglyphs. ... Ptolemy the oumvifc 0 f the king has brought the register (?) ... of good actbns ... the sanctuary at Athribis, the temple of Horus Hnty-Hty and all the gods ... because of its antiquity; it is more venerable [than the other temples] ... we order: the right of asylum (nht) will bebng to the temple in question ... the temple at Memphis and at Busiris ... under the control of the ou rr £i 4; of the king, the superior over Pr-Hr, P3-di-Hr, son of Horus. pttGiXcot; nTcXc^taLCK; Mai n^oXtunkjij Toy wJTftvouz kexI BiopcT]Toy vlT»avT(K m[oca]t tol£ xca > AtyuTtiov kpou; hi di ib tSv - 4 Tin. £via U £tclctV]|_l£Liv xxxl y e TO v £ vhi i t6 £v !A- 9p[p€L xoG xb |jiv itpuTov xal TE Iv&o- TWV JtAt [™v TUV \xkv SXXwV TL&I&V XelwwS- 32. The stele deteriorated rapidly after discovery, so that Brugsch's photograph was already necessary to the first editor; the hieroglyphs are especially lacunose. 33. Testimonia on Sachmis at Athribis at Vernus 458-459. Page 548 at ii Av T Wilcken, de Ricci (cf. 221.8): Spiegelberg. 8 B. Keil (SB): Spiegelberg Wilcken, e ™i de Ricci. <><><><><><><><><><><><> King Ptolemy also called Alexander. Inasmuch as Ptolemy our relative and dioiketes has reported to us that to all the temples of Egypt very great benefits have already been granted by our ancestors and some of the distinguished ones have even become inviolable, and that the temple of Harkentechthai at Athribis, of first rank and famous, which is most old and distinguished among the many,34 has obtained other honors but is lacking in not being inviolable, we have commanded to grant to the temple as well inviolability within its peribobs, as has been (granted) also to that at Memphis and Busiris and others among the temples. Let it be done accordingly. Each Egyptian version gives a date, which is lacking in the Greek (apparently for want of space): 11 (hieroglyphs) or 21 (Demotic) Phamenoth of year 18, which is 25 March or 4 April of 96 BC They render by nht, the traditional term for exemption from the royal corvee that might be granted to temple personnel. The hieroglyphs seem to mention at the end the priest responsible for the monument, who is probably represented in the relief. The text is a memorandum, similar in structure to the Seleucid decision for Baetocaece (218); a heading has been added, but there is no phrase of address. By contrast with most of the later asylia inscriptions from Egypt, this one is the king's answer rather than the petitioner's request, and as a result we learn rather less about the circumstances of the grant; petitioners understandably dwell on their reasons, which the king here only summarizes. His attention was drawn to the temple by his dioiketes Ptolemy, 35 who possibly was a devotee and patron of this shrine, a political situation typical of the time and of these asylia documents. The written deposition36 of the dioiketes is summarized in the king's indirect discourse: several famous temples have been granted asylia, and this one is similarly worthymuch as in the Ramses III document. 37 This is the logic of analogy and precedent, characteristic of a situation in which a single 34. Or "ober and more distinguished than most," superlative for comparative; see Blass-Debrunner, Grammatik des neutestamentlbhen Griechisch 15 (Gottingen 1979) §60; for itXtfera = §244.1. 35. Pros.Ptol. I 43 and VIII 43, attested also in 108 b.c. his origin is not known. 36. For (line 2) see UPZ I 14-35. 37. Compare the argument at PSI V 531: x6 AordpiTj; l&tlv Sfiotav TuvUpuv ™v KapSv aifcoft; yfoetai „ tcvforfto Lepfiifyjfiv (complaint by the priests to Zenon, III bc). Page 549 authority controls the status. We find such a situation also in Boeotia and in the Roman provinces. It does not recur in Egypt (but see on 225.14-16), or in the nearest parallel to the Ptolemaic grants, the Seleucid one for Baetocaece. Its uniqueness may reflect the relatively early date of 219: the granting of asylia had in principle to be justified and was not yet a familiar and frequent act. Or it may be because here we have not the petitioner's point of view but the king's, for whom the proof from precedent may have carried more weight. 5: These adjectives seem to be the rhetoric of praise; but Otto (II 310-311) may have been right to compare the categorization of temples invoked in some other texts. Temple of Heron at Magdola Magdola, modern Medinet en-Nahas, stood on the northwestern side of the Gharaq basin, the secondary depression with its own lake south of the Fayum proper. What we know of the place derives mostly from the excavations conducted by the University of Lille in 1901-2,38 whence the inscription 220 and a number of papyri, many of them petitions concerning events in Magdola. 39 The village is mentioned in the land surveys from neighboring Tebtunis, and in those concerned with Magdola we hear several times of the holdings, evidently extensive, of the temple of Heron .40 This temple, the subject of 220, identified by its decoration and our inscription, was a brick structure, entered by a stone propylon. The propylon, mentioned at 35-36, was dedicated in 118 BC . (I.Fayoum III 151); doubtless the temple proper was older. A full description of the remains, intended by Lefebvre, was never published. The cult of Heron, originally the Thracian rider god, probably was brought to Egypt by Thracian soldiers recruited by the early Ptolemies. 41 A clerouchic cavalry officer donated the propylon at Magdola in 118 B . c ., and a fragmentary 38. P. Jouguet, CRAI 1902, 346-359; the temples attested at Magdola are surveyed by P. Bott'gelli, Aegyptus 22 (1942) 233-235. 39. P. Enteuxis; P. Boyaval, CRIPEL 1 (1973) 185-285. 40. P.Tebt. I 82, 83, 132. 41. Cf. Jouguet; G. Lefebvre, ASAE 20 (1920) 237-249, against the notion of a form of the indigenous Horus. The god is found also at Theadelphia, where he had his own temple in Hellenistic times, and under the Romans was worshipped also in the temple of Pnepheros as Heron Soubattos. Cf. E. Breccia, Teadelfia e il tempo di Pneferos, Monuments de I'Egypte I (Bergamo 1926) 111-112; W.J.R. Rubsam, Gotter und Kulte im Faijum (Bonn 1974) 202; the cult possibly also at Tebtunis and Arsinoe in the Fayum: Riibsam 52-53, 190. Thracians in early Ptolemaic Egypt: L. Koenen, Eine agonistische Inschrift, Beitr.klass.Phil. 56 (Meisenheim 1977) 24-25. Page 550 list of clerouchs of the late second century BC mentions "the Heroon."42 The asylia petition comes from two soldiers. The iconography of the god, seen in reliefs and frescoes, regularly includes his military garb .43 220. Ptolemy X, 95 B.C. Stele found at Magdola in 1901, in the wall at the entrance of the propylon of the temple of Heron; transported to Lille, destroyed by an accident during World War I. No description published .44 Lines 1-6: P. Jouguet, CRAI 1902, 352-355 [Dittenberger, OGIS 740; M. L. Strack, ArchPF 3 (1906) 130-131 no. 7; SB 8932]. Complete: P. Collomp, Recherches sur la chancellerie (Paris 1926) 203-209 (copy of Jouguet) [SB 7259; SEG 8.466; Lenger, C. Ord.Ptol. 65 (lines 48-49); E. Bernand, I. Fayoum III 152; A. Bernand, Prose 32]. (a) Cmlp fkwnMwc flToXquifcnj tqu xw(l] xal [KJkfee}- [idfrpa^] xfjfc Skuv 4 P&4V Etollfawv XCtl T-E^V T&CV&3V x-at l&V L[x] n a, (b) [pkia[JX[fL Ut&XepJaiia-L t[tZuJ xal 'AXe^ivSpciK [xal NeCXert> dji[(j] 4 tepcx tov ht 0 ep[a]~ a ar^i/jMU ■ ^[p^J M«y^[Xo(j lepw 'Hpcavc^ Geou (^yicrcoy, En, hi xal Lep[&^] 12 yfft ! 3 txpV t,aV H 4 * Xfld h Rp*c?roapa- xelfievoc atyiuMcp £y $£ tqutwe. dvaxei^Evwfv] UoO tc 1 ^iytdTE paenXcti* xal t£v Jtpoy&Hkjfv tx^vkW ypstitj^iV + T&v i| SpaiCrv Xnl ctkqvSSv 16 Xal X&V 3 £A*pJV TUV UQp^OJJ^WV tilt^P TC OOUp [vjLxrflxJpcas pacraXeijj Seal Tuv Tfccvtjv fri vmxri^ xal %Jt6pc^ cruv^eko^ivftJVj vuvl hi xoti npo- Be&i^'Qy|il , vau Icpaii ^XeXipLfiivou tow; &Xou; 2tP x^P 1 ^ £kI TtpetY|Ji&xi^ iera[y]- mpaYtvGfiiveu^ mjxo- ipavr(i)a^ xal creio|io0{<;} &*tx a reapevoxXjetv xal itapaXoteOfttv cniia^vd^vov lep&v, £XXk 42. P. Tebt. 132; other references to the Heroon at E. Bernand, I.Fayoum III p. 47. 43. The Magdola reliefs are known only from the brief description of Jouguet (355-357); for Theadelphia, Breccia 110- 113 and pis. 57-59; E. Kantorowicz, Selected Studies (Locust Valley 1965) 8. 44. Jouguet, Bull.Un'iv.Lille II.6 (1902) 244, in a catalogue of an exhibit of the finds, mentions a photograph but does not reproduce it. I am grateful to Thomas Drew-Bear for a copy of this publication. Page 551 14 iv rate YLvpfitv?^ wstp 1 bcatrfov tv ifjt ku^t^i ^&yeIcc^ iiuj((f[c]rv toik; Ik toijJt]ou Itpct^ np&fjauv t 6 fc«0jpcGV x6 Gpywov t& h* 5Xov eft TCpoar|K 6 v 5 i*; IJimf)fic6QUocra€ftagj^£vfflj£ toS^ 0’ 'EXX^vkitof^] xctl tyKwpttKC yp4j i |jiaa | 1 v np& tcO XrtJEvou upo- 36 miXcu toy lcpoD s npomA^at OtoXc^ialuL tEi PVYYEVEi kb! VKoy. vtyitttoyp&puL xa\ £n\mp® c- Ypd^aL Auwvtau tSi ffuyytvtf xat otpa= T^ywt tw vepw K«t«o-XQH^gavTHt 40 1 ^UafjivOL£ pi^C vl ilUTp&EfW Spiff^?{ Jouguet. 5 Jouguet: Dittenberger. 10 mnot, 15 rpAiuinw the copy. 24: Wilhelm (SEG). 26: t«* s^ov} del. Wilhelm. 28: ™ («v»™v) Wilhelm. 29: d&o^v (or) Wilhelm. 41: fore!wiw»; cf. 221.22. 45 PEHEI, 46 AAOI the copy. <><><><><><><><><><><><> (a) In behalf of King Ptolemy also called Alexander and Queen Cleopatra his sister, the Mother-bving Savbr Gods, and of their children and ancestors, to Heron greatest god. Year [20] Phamenoth 1. (b) To King Ptolemy also called Alexander, Mother-bving god, greetings from Herodes son of Charidemus and Herodes son of Nilus, both of the troop of the first divisbn: as there is at Magdola a temple of Heron, greatest god, and also derelict sectbns of the sacred land, on which the bordering shoreline washes, and in the temple are painted images of you, greatest king, and your ancestors, with sacrifices and libatbns and the other rites in behalf of you, victory-bringing king, and your children celebrated night and day; but as now the aforesaid temple has been wholly forsaken, not only because officials continually come to accuse and intimidate Page 552 so as to harass and extort from the aforesaid temple, but also because in the collections that happen continually in the village they try to tax the priests from the (temple), contrary to what is just, and in general they are always improperly demanding of the a foresaid derelict sacred land the ninth (?) and the cubit tax: therefore we ask the most gracious and divine king, by the piety you have toward the divine, to grant us by edict that the aforesaid temple be inviolable, and to place stone steles inscribed in Greek and native writing before the stone propybn of the temple, to order Ptolemy your relative and hypomnematographas and epistrategos to write to Lysanias your relative and strategos of the nome that, conforming to the request, he albw no one to make collectbns or extort or enter the temple and demand anything of us or the officiating priests or the prophet or to disturb them in any way, or any of the derelict sacred (land) on any excuse, so that many may the more eagerly celebrate the rites and we ourselves may be benefited, (c) To Lysanias: direct that no one force his way in. Farewell. Year 20, Hathyr 18. (d) To the epistates: act in accord with the orders. Year 20, Mechir 10. The petition, B , undated, was submitted presumably late in 95. The king's answer, written or spoken to Ptolemy, his secretary and epistrategos of the whole country, has not been recorded: we have in c the next stage, the secretary Ptolemy's instruction (as in 225 and 226) to the nome strategos Lysanias on 2 December. In D Lysanias in turn notified the police chief at Magdola45 on 22 February 94, nearly three months later. Whatever accounts for his delay,46 the petitioners or the temple authorities ( A : the dedicators do not identify themselves) dedicated the inscribed and decorated stele three weeks later, on 15 March. B through D represent a single papyrus, the one that reached the temple: that is, a copy of the petition was returned to them with the responses added. Probably the king's response is not included because it was oral. The two soldiers are otherwise unknown (Pros.Ptol. II 3953-54); their rank is uncertain, but they are taken to be of the royal guard .47 They include themselves in the sufferings of the temple (%««, 42); evidently they bore a relation to the temple and its authorities that was more than that of mere worshippers. It may 45. Here as in the other Ptolemaic texts, the epistates will be the village *■««*«* Tfivyutoomo* or ipxKpuXoxtim ( c f. Wibken, Grundzuge I 412; E. Lavigne, Studia Hellenistica III [Louvain 1945]). The usual procedure, common in the enteuxis papyri, is for the strategos to write to him to execute a polbe action (e.g., P.Enteux?? 50). 46. Compare the four and a half months in 223; cf. Chrest.Wibk. 159, more than three months. 47. For the expression in 9-10 see J. Lesquier, Institutions militaires (Paris 1911) 62 n. 3, 103 n. 9; cf. M. Launey, Recherches sur les armees hellenistiques II (Par's 1950) 861 n. 4. The number of the detachment was perhaps interchangeable with the name of the commander: see Wibken, UPZ I 15.19-20 and on 14-23. Page 553 be that both were truly locals and worked for the god (cf. Perdrizet, REA 6 [1904] 159). The secretary Ptolemy (line 36) cannot be further identified (Pros.Ptol. 1 11, 200); Lysanias is attested several times, though reconstruction of his career is controversial.48 The petition, like several of those later, stresses the ruination of the temple by official misconduct, but not altogether consistently: either the ceremonies described at 15-18 are meant to be understood as past or intended, or the present complete abandonment (19) is exaggerated or refers to the general public as distinct from the clergy. Despite all the details on this misconduct, to summarize the substance of the edict a single expression was felt adequate, etopuicEofeL kp&v ( 43 - 49 ). 12-13: On the largely useless aigialos see Schnebel, Die Landwirtschaft (Munich 1925) 346-347; M. Rostovtzeff, Studien zur Geschichte des romischen Kolonat (Leipzig/Berlin 1910) 166-170. 15: These painted images (cf. 222.18) might be statues or frescoes. For the Ptolemies as synnaoi theoi see Nock, Essays I 204-214. 22: The emendation is justified by C.Ord.Ptol. 31.13: (183 BC ); UPZ II 161.65-66: iitl ffujuxjHmlai seal (H9). 24: For *«p’Examov see C.Ord.Ptol. 62.15; 63.3, 10. 28: A tax called the "ninth" (so Wilhelm) is otherwise unknown; Collomp thought the symbol to be the drachma sign. I have wondered if we have W*, that is, the tax arrears from the preceding year (19), but that seems too general to be put in parallel to the naubion. The naubion is familiar, an offshoot of the corveeenough labor, or the equivalent in capital, to clear a set length of dike .49 35: Despite the provision here, only Athribis has yielded a bilingual asylia inscription. The same provision is found at C.Ord.Ptol. 75.6 (Cleopatra). In effect asylia here is defined as fiscal immunity. What does this edict add to the immunities that all temples in Egypt enjoyed? Probably ambiguous matters, for instance, the priests' collection money, are here made unambiguously immune. There is no mention of protection of refugees from seizure by state officialsasylum in the Roman sense; but their tax liability while in a temple could be regarded as an ambiguous matter that the exclusion of the state's force majeure would render moot. One thinks of the ambiguous and debated taxability, in America, of parking lots owned by churches and golf courses owned by universities: for such disputable items, a blanket immunity from the head of state is a useful thing. 48. P.Yale I p. 171; the arguments there are disputed by L Mooren, Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt (Brussels 1975) 87. On the Ptolemaic hypomnematagraphoi see J. E. G. Whitehorn, Aegyptus 67 (1987) 101. 49. J. G. Smyly, P.Petrie III pp. 339-347; O.Wilck. I pp. 259-263; S. L. Wallace, Taxation in Egypt (Princeton 1938) 59-61. Page 554 Theadelphia Theadelphia, at Batn Harit on the southwest of Lake Moeris, was one of the lesser villages of the Fayum. Yet on our evidence it can show no fewer than four temples declared inviolable. Its immediate neighbor Euhemeria had two or more, the rest of the Fayum onethis despite extensive excavations at other and more important Fayum towns. Some local rivalry may be the cause. The excavators found traces of seven temples, 50 but only one of the four mentioned in the inscriptions can be assigned to a known structure. No papyri of the first century BC survive from the site, but late Ptolemaic Theadelphia is comparatively rich in inscriptions .51 Temple of Isis Sachypsis The priests of Isis Sachypsis seek asylia for her temple. As at Magdola, the argument is for the continuity of the worship of the king. But here the threat is portrayed as riotous individuals seizing suppliants, not as magistrates collecting taxes unjustly. Again it would seem that such behavior, so described, is already illegal. "Isis of the sickle" recurs in a dedication at Theadelphia (&&;.52 221. Ptolemy X, 93 B.C. Two copies, limestone steles found at Batn Harit in 1917, now in the Greco-Roman Museum at Alexandria. Inv. 20858: two joining pieces, h. 1.27, w. 0.58; inv. 21747: h. 1.30, w. 0.61.1 give the text and line divisions of the better preserved, 20858; the other, 21747, cut by a different hand, has many errors and omissions (I underline what it alone preserves). G. Lefebvre, ASAE 19 (1919) 40-46 [von Woess, Asylwesen 246-247 (20858); SB 6152, 6153; Lenger, C.Ord.Ptol. 66 (lines 35-36)]; E. Bernand, I.Fayoum II112, 113 [A. Bernand, Prose 33-34]. Photographs: Lefebvre pis. 1, 2; E. Bernand pis. 17, 18. (a) itnjXov Sp (b) fktoiXti ntoXqiatai tcit wii ftewi 4 ol lep Gfr; Bern; TTjC Ttp&TWC LepOU TOO OcafceXsfieLai Beptcrray TC*U ftpaiVCfsOU' IOU B you- tepoQ Svtcn; itytoy it! iftft tftv 50. Lefebvre, ASAE 19 (1919) 58-59. 51. E. Bernand, I.Fayoum II pp. Iff.; Jouguet, P.Thead. pp. 6-25; Breccia, BSRAA 16 (1918) 91-118; Calderini, Dizbnarb II 240-248. 52. I. Fayoum II 121 (a.d. 93). On the epithet see H J. Thissen, ZPE 20 (1976) 279-282. Page 555 oou t jiiTfKrcE ^ftoiXcO, Xal xnl upoEfipetn? xai xorx& xtri^ BuLYCYavtaao; xcte.uxAxot;., wvl &| Ivm xwv dMreftetv iy^Eipo^Tcav rcsp& x& kcc- is Gfjxov dtvaercpffipipevtti |i6vov iyp^C^vtai toCi£ cl; xaGxo xaiaqjetiYovxaq Ixlxm;, &XX& xal Bii. seal T% )ceip[i?TT^ Jitas Stwxt6tcp4?v ckro- Beijovte^ d^6oia p 4 v tcXouvtcii dcrcp^iafa imp s rfc flv Beixsxc pawiXcg 3 rcp&q t6 &eiov pkrtpciav, |i«iXufta np&; rfjv 0e&v T Iutv 1l BuB BedpeBi aou toG vl- fcaft, cl Boki £, ircix«PT>oai im>Xau &Fi&pj£c- tv xB Btaaa^oCjpEvmj tcp6v h xal KjpaQ^frat mn^ aa Xa^ XiMva; lx xuv xeoa&p*>v ivf p&>v s kuhX6~ 8sv tqO Icpi'vlj n^iotv rcevt^Hovn^ ^ l_ Ypa#.; ivB^cac At Kfiyfjs pi, cEolvai, (m£p te <><><><><><><><><><><> (A) Inviolable by decree, to whoever has no business here, (b) To King Ptolemy also called Alexander, the Mother- loving god, greetings from the priests of Isis Sachypsis, greatest goddess, the first manifested, of the temple in Theadelphia of the Themistus division of the Arsinoite nome: although the aforesaid temple was holy bng since from the time of your ancestors, greatest king, and endowed with honor and respect also in the intervening times, but now some of those who would undertake sacrilege, behaving contrary to what is right, not only are forcing out the suppliants who take refuge in the (temple), but also, entering ??btously with vblent hands and basest force, are committing unholy sacrileges against the piety you have, most divine king, toward the divine, especially toward the goddess Isis, 53. Cf. 220.41; for the form see Robert, Collectbn Froehner p. 70; I.Smyrna 728.10 with Petzl's references; I.Ephesos 3217b.44-45. Page 556 therefore we ask you the victory-bringing god to grant, if you think fit, that the aforesaid temple be inviolable, and to place about the temple stone steles toward the four winds, at a distance of fifty paces, having clear inscriptions, "he who has no business here is not to enter," for your sake, greatest king, so that no one force entrance in any way, and those who act in violation of these things are to be liable for sacrilege and fall under bitter judgment, orders being given to Lysanias your relative and strategos of the nome that he, in accordance with the orders, albw us to accomplish what we have asked, so that far the more the sacrifices and libations and other rites in behalf of you and your children and ancestors may be accomplished to both Isis and Sarapis, so that we may be benefited. Farewell, (c) To Lysanias: do it. Year 21, Mechir 7. The undated petition will have been submitted around the beginning of 93; the petitioners, in contrast to 220, make no mention of the king's secretary as intermediary of his order to Lysanias (26); so the order (36), dated to 19 February 93, may be the king's. As at Magdola, the priests have inscribed the countersigned papyrus text of their petition and added at the beginning of the stone (a) the headline text for which they had sought approval. 1 : seemed to the redactors an adequate abbreviation for ^ (22); for an example see p. 573. Lefebvre (44) rendered "order on which there is to be no infringement"; Wilcken (Chr. p. 99 n. 1) "inviolable temple in which there is to be no action." That the relative pronoun does not refer back to or is shown by an inscription of 63 BC : (P.M. Fraser, JEA 56 [1970] 179-182), "The sacred treasuries (are not to be entered) by unauthorized persons." 9: Lefebvre and von Woess took the words to denote a legal distinction, temple "of the first class." 21: Inscriptions at fifty paces; this seems both vague (measured from what?) and a round number, so that the inscriptions may not mark the legal boundary; but if they do, the size is comparable to that stipulated at 223.23. Temples of Isis Eseremphis and Fleracles Callinicus The decision in favor of the temples of Isis Eseremphis and Heracles Callinicus is the only one extant for two places simultaneously. We do not know their location in Theadelphia; it may be that they abutted each other. Isis' epithet probably means "Isis of the rejuvenated year"; it recurs in the Praises of Isis, who was called "at White Cliff [on the Libyan coast] Aphrodite, Mouxin, ' >E yflvtm; ^t^Co${A oJS s &XXo OTJVxeXe^eaTi Ptp6c t 4 44 hg&Ectigx; *4 vo^i£6|iE¥a xcft; 8e®E; Xat tic uj-itdv xnl tajv t£xvgjv Juola^ xal OTioyWu; ItciteXe^Vj. 4 vasE 0 fJ- vai 5t xal trr^jXn^ XiBEvai; Jipi bmtt- +8 pov LepoO xOxX^p Bt p £v ivrpa^frjrrai no. ijKp T u^cav h jj-tyicFtoL ptmiAeu;., Kpoore- xoryv^va, e^ t6 \iipkv rcap-i rauxa 4jiiTtXfw?fl^i a tw p 5 ^9iXjgn^Mjirr|- ja |i£voc. i^TU^E«e. (b) jA.7iuXXcjvEtJi ■ l_La, 'Entity sty. 15 xW'Hpx™) de Ricci: (x^*) Lesquier (both ap. Breccia 1914). 45: x&sK »***>) ^4 von Woess. <><><><><><><><><><><><> (a) Invblable in accordance with the commandments, (b) To the epistates of Theadelphia: included under my seal is a copy of the petitbn given to the kings by Philippus son of Timocrates, whbh was transmitted to us together with the ordinance responding to it. Therefore albw no one to force entry to the stated temples, in keeping with the commandments. Year 12, Thoth 26. (c) To King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra also called Tryphaena his sister, the Father-bving and Brother-bving gods, greetings from Philippus son of Timocrates, Corinthian, of the first friends and chiliarchs and your machairophoroi: as there are in the village Theadelphia of the Arsinoite nome a temple of Isis Eseremphis, greatest goddess, and another temple of Heracles, great god, of Beautiful Victory, in whbh also are images of you, and as certain persons are habitually, against your polby, forcing their way into the temples and harassing those serving in them; but as you, greatest kings, have ever been pbusly disposed toward the divine and especially toward the Page 559 greatest goddess Isis, I wish to share in your great-hearted and beneficent attitude toward all, by your granting that the stated temples be inviolable, permitting no one to commit violence in them, so that the rites to the gods in behalf of you and your children may be celebrated without hindrance; I ask you, common saviors, the request being harmless, that, if you think fit, you grant me the aforesaid and give orders to Apolbnius your relative and strategos of the nome, so that he, knowing the granted inviolability of the temples, act in accord with the commandments and albw no one to do anything to the contrary, with no one permitted to force entrance to the temples or disturb the priests or force out those who have taken refuge there or do any other injustice, so that they may celebrate without hindrance the rites for the gods and the sacrifices and libatbns of you and your children; and that stone steles be set up before each temple in a circle, on which will be written the orders given by you, greatest kings, that nothing be done contrary to these things, so that I may be benefited. Farewell, (d) To A polbnius: let it be done. Year 11, Epiph 23. The petition, c , undated, probably was submitted around the middle of 70 BC The king's approval, D , instructing the strategos of the Arsinoite to take action, was added to the papyrus on 29 July; on 5 October the strategos with his own covering letter, B , sent the copy to the village police chief. Inscribing what they received from him, the temple authorities added the summary headline, a. The strategos Apollonius is met in the next year (224.20; cf. Pros.Ptol. I 224). It is interesting that he does not name the police chief of Theadelphia (2). The petitioner Philippus was an officer of some dignity,57 possibly he was born at Theadelphia or owned land there, whence his interest in these temples. He cites his Corinthian citizenship at a time when that city had not existed for eighty years. 22: On «eXQyplvoy t(p*G xal x* 3 v itpaodvr^v t dnwv AouXfla{i} ^nl xoti; pEvolc f »«0dmEp litl twv dpoUjv ytlvergir xod- 36 toy M yevop^vou Eircai xd to&v napaTete- wpipi^QV" oO dyvdpE^oi. dl toO Ispoo dKOaTii" o0ai h dE^Kftiiev t^v itepl hoijt^v Impon^v Ebaxpdrr^i toi. pdXtorw tqG kpcrD did Tmvrd^ 4D TtpOLffta^l^tLM 1 T0 ^ T ^ v ^5^w- |l£wv fooTtXlqpfl^w;^ tv p uprv tikpyt- Tr^vor iLturd^cL. (u) AlTOXcmpt 5 i]L- yiv^oOtia, 44 Lp s iC. 9: nvcq^i 40727. 34: AmAiai in all copies. <><><><><><><><><><><><> (a) Inviolable in accordance with the commandment: to whoever has no business here, (b) To the epistates of Theadelphia: subjoined is a copy of the petition Page 562 given to the goddess queen from the priests of great Pnepheros in the village and transmitted to us together with the command in reply. Therefore act in accord with the commandments. Farewell. Year 2, Phamenoth 3. (c) To Queen Berenice, manifest goddess, greetings from the priests of Pnepheros, great crocodile god, who is in Theadelphia of the mere of Themistus of the Arsinoite nome: we are those who celebrate unceasingly the sacrifices and libations and lighting of lamps and other rites to the gods in behalf of you and your ancestors. Desiring to have guaranteed the inviolability of the temple, so that when the is done for its increase the rituals may be the better accomplished to the gods in your behalf, as stated, we ask you, by the piety you have toward the divine, to order that the said temple and the appurtenant places (from west to east 117 paces and from south to north from the Bubastieum bordering on the south to the appurtenant tombs of the deified sacred animals on the north) be inviolable, and that no one in any way be forced from them, and that whoever is shown to do so be punishable by death; and that you write concerning these things to Dbscurides your relative and strategos of the nome to take care that the inviolability of the aforesaid temple and the appurtenant places, in keeping with the request, be inscribed, in behalf of you and your ancestors, on a stele erected at the aforesaid places, as is done in similar cases. When this is done, the divine will not be slighted. Being unable to be removed from the temple, we have given over the care of the matter to Socrates, the actual general supervisor of the temple, who will be responsible for carrying out the request, so that we may be benefited. Farewell, (d) To Dbscurides: let it be done. Year 2, Phaophi 17. The undated petition ( c ) was approved by the queen, and on 22 October 57 an instruction was issued ( B ) to the strategos to execute her decision; on 7 March 56 he wrote (□) to the village police chief conveying the approved petition; after which the temple authorities inscribed the papyrus and added their headline (a). The queen acts alone: Ptolemy Auletes had been expelled from Alexandria in the previous year and would not be restored until 55 B .c. 16: The verb has perhaps been chosen so as to suggest that nothing new is being granted, only a traditional right guaranteed (cf. Lefebvre 1908, 774 n. 6). 21: Parallel expressions for such outlying buildings at E. Bernand, I.Fayoum I 203 n. 57; so too at 218.22; cf. Segre, Iscr.Cas EV3: ^ Kfma< 5 i«a« 0 T$ obcrpcn^a 37- 38: For the verb, Dio 48.24.2: 38- 40: Socrates is taken to be official, the epistates of the temple (Pros.Ptol. Ill 7455); attested terminology is diverse, but cf. in P.Tebt. Ill 790 (Pros.Ptol. 7448). 43: Dioscurides recurs in the undated BGU VIII 1764.16; cf. Mooren, Titulature 104. Page 563 Euhemeria Euhemeria, modern Qasr el-Banat, was a small village on the southwest of Lake Moeris; its land bordered that of Theadelphia to the southeast. At least two temples in the village were declared inviolable; we have little other evidence from the last Ptolemaic century.6i The two temples belonged to a crocodile trio and to Ammon; but the second petition invokes the asylia of "neighboring temples," and perhaps this plural should be taken literally and locallyother temples in Euhemeria and perhaps Theadelphia. The largest of the several temples seen by Grenfell and Hunt, on the edge of the village, belonged to Suchos. Our inscriptions were not found in situ, so the inviolable temples cannot be identified among the remains of the village. One petition dates to May 69, the other to the period September 69/September 68. Both petitioners bear Greek ethnics (an Antiochene and an Athenian); the first identifies himself as a military officer. In 70 an officer of Corinthian origin had spoken for two temples in Theadelphia (222 ).62 These three petitions show a good deal of formulary in commonP°^<>F“, "the thing being harmless," the same desire to add to the temple buildings. Perhaps these petitions have in effect a common origin, and the three Greeks were all military men acquainted with one another and animated by a common desire to benefit the temples in their areathat is, that one petition suggested another. The other Theadelphia petitions come from the priests, the Magdola text from another soldier. It seems that the quest for inviolability in the Fayum had a rather restricted scope; the texts of 70-68 b.c. suggest a local campaign for the privilege. Temple of Psosnaus, Pnepheros, And Soxis The three crocodile gods were versions of the divinity Sobk who was honored throughout the Fayum. Psosnaus is not again heard of; a crocodile god Souxis uttered oracles at Karanis (P.Lond. Ill 1267d). Pnepheros we have seen at Theadelphia, and he shared a temple with other crocodile gods at Karanis and at Bacchias.63 Evidently the three crocodiles had their distinct chapels and altars in the shared temple at Euhemeria. 61. Grenfell and Hunt, P.Fayum pp. 43-47; N. Hohlwein, JJurP 3 (1949) 63-99; E. Bernand, I.Fayoum II pp. 89-94; a land lease of 83 b.c.: P.Iand. VII 134. 62. A. E. Samuel, From Athens to Alexandria (Louvain 1983), in an admirable essay (75-101) on Ptolemaic religion, exaggerates in concluding from the priestly officeholders that Greeks "never interested themselves in the native cults" (99). 63. Ronchi, Lexicon 899-901; Riibsam 62-71, 100-101; A. Lukaszewicz, Proc. XVI Congr. Papyr. (Chico 1981) p. 360. Page 564 224. Ptolemy XII and Cleopatra VI, 69 B.C. Limestone stele found at Euhemeria in 1912, now in the Alexandria Museum; h. 1.40, w. 0.67. Decorated arc at the top: the traditional winged disk with cobras, beneath which two figures stand back to back, clothed as pharaoh (scepter and crown), each offering a cake to a blue crocodile lying on an altar and crowned with a red disk. G. Arvanitakis, BIE V.6 (1912) 175-179 no. 5 [SB 5827]; Lefebvre, ASAE 19 (1919) 46-50 [von Woess, Asylwesen 249-250; SB 6154; Lenger, C.Ord.Ptol. 69 (lines 29-30)]; E. Bernand, I.Fayoum II135 [A. Bernand, Prose 38]. Photograph: Lefebvre pi. 3; E. Bernand pi. 23. Cf. Wilcken, ArchPF 6 (1920) 419; H. Heinen in Aspekte spatagyptischer Kultur (Mainz 1994) 157-168. (a) & 0 uXgv xtrti ti {&) IProXefjaCtH xml PacnfttMTiL KXe&tidETpfltL xf\ i seal TpuqpaEwjt $ 11 X 0 - 4 lufoopmi xml "AnaXXoqHivift BIwvck; t£*v a xal UTidp^i iv x iqu Afmvotrou 0 0tvl[ctt0u ^eplficx; kp&v ^qcrvmgnxi^ xml nvtrtpcpwrcofe) xa\ E6^ti®s 9e&v xpoxoftiDiUV l v Jk xal -ivdxeivc[at] iLfKiy^vciJv fyiCrv ebflSvfeJi;' TOtiwv fife x^ v t [dnel| xoOr& Icpdv n«KS&aujik79ai seal xffiv etSio- la |ifev(uv £niieXcus6at urtip te tijiirj xml tSv ibcvuv Ouau»v xml cntpvfiwv Iur-ofiiCoy i vv f xz £!j(SEp-fj^ fitaxcIjjCvae; ib S'Elov xal npaaiLpou- jievo^ TQiJTO erfry twi ncpij34Xm 16 Avaftctwi fife xal t&v ^leyEcJtwv [fU]6vek; tl p6^ xfii lniqw^crt{dc)T0u (toQ) T6 nov y^vt> [6£]vto«; n&kb jiaXXeJV t& votiiE^eva txjTc ijtiTt>fvrai n d£i 4 }, toG npdyiJtorccKC dp«poik 20 imv qXjCvsytdUj, nfcpL -za\rzwv Art&AAxtf[v[aii.j t«i wyy^vei xml c^pmxijywt tov tic i- Ttjposecli 1 *^ 0 ^ fe*t[Tt]Xiom p £vtqc 4<><><><><><><><><><><> (a) Invblable in accord with the commandments, (b) To King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra also called Tryphaena, Father-bving and Brother-bving gods, greetings from Apolbphanes son of Bbn, Antbchene, of the first friends and spear-bearing commanders: in the village of Euhemeria of the Arsinoite nome, meris of Themistus, is a temple of Psosnaus and Pnepheros and Soxis, crocodile gods, in whbh also are images of your ancestors. For these reasons, because the temple itself is decrepit, with the sacrifices and libatbns customarily celebrated in behalf of you and your children being hindered, and because I myself am piously disposed toward the divine and intent on rebuilding this (temple) with its peribobs and dedicating images of you, greatest kings, so that, with the place becoming most distinguished, the rites of the gods may be accomplished all the better, I ask, the matter being harmless, that if you think fit, give orders about the to Apolbnius your relative and strategos of the nome, to grant to us that he fulfill the aforesaid, the temple being invblable, with no one to force entry or harass the priests in the temple and the pastophoroi and the others, and the petitbn and the command in response to be inscribed. Farewell, (c) To the strategos: grant it. Year 12, Pharmouthi 29. (d) Under the administrator Harmodius son of Asclepiades, Macedonian of the katoikb cavalry: Ptolemaeus son of Didymus, publb scribe, wrote the. The undated petition of Apollophanes ( B ) was approved by the monarchs and directed to the nome strategos on 5 May 69 (c); returned to the village, the petition was then copied or inscribed by a local scribe, who signed his work ( D ), and the whole was given the usual headline ( A ). 5: Apollophanes (Pros.Ptol. II4335), a soldier in the royal guard, holds a set of titles exactly paralleled only once (Mooren, Titulature 174), but he differs only in his weapon from Philip the Corinthian (222.15) at neighboring Theadelphia in the previous year. 22: and were pronounced the same and were frequently confused in writing. But Lefebvre and E. Bernand retain ^ and understand "order Apollonius to grant that I accomplish the matter put before you." 31: Harmodius (Pros.Ptol. II 2616, III 5380) was both a temple administrator and a military man (see Heinen's discussion). The himself a priest, appears to have been elected annually by the priests of a temple: Roussel, REG 29 (1916) 173-180; F. de Cenival, Les associations religieuses en Egypte (Cairo 1972) 154-159; E. Bernand pp. 106-108; Pestman, P.Tor.Amenothes p. 101. 36-37: The same "public scribe" signed 225. does not seem to occur in other texts from Egypt. seems to exclude that he was Page 566 a temple scribe (Pros.Ptol. Ill 7483ff.) or an army scribe (II 2400ff.). He may have been the mason who inscribed the stone rather than the writer of the papyrus. 64 The letters of the two inscriptions are virtually identical in shape, as one would expect of such proximity of space and time; but in the earlier the mason cuts rather a finer line and decorates his letters with small serifs not found in the second inscription. So it may be that we have two masons, and Ptolemaeus was the village scribe, copying the papyrus. A copy was perhaps needed: Apollophanes will have retained his, and the temple authorities will have wanted a copy. Whether Ptolemaeus was mason or scribe, the m clause must mean that in this commission he was working "for" the temple superintendent Harmodius. Temple of Ammon Ammon, whom tradition associated with the sun and with royalty, was worshipped throughout Hellenistic Egypt, although in the Fayum he was not especially prominent. The stele concerned with the cult at Euhemeria was not found in situ, and the temple of Ammon could not be identified among the remains. The larger fragment was reused in the house of a man active by the 90s AD If we could be sure that its reuse dates from his lifetime and that the temple did not simply replace the old inscription with a new one, this reuse of the stone might suggest cancellation of the temple's inviolability in Roman times. 225. Ptolemy XII, 69/8 B.C. Limestone stele in two joining fragments found in 1898-99 and 1913 at Qasr el-Banat, now in the Cairo Museum (33037); h. 1.25, w. 1.52; letters 0.012-0.022. The crowning arc is not decorated. Lines 12-38: Grenfell and Hunt, P.Fayum pp. 47-50 [Strack, ArchPF 2 (1903) 555-557 no. 38; Dittenberger, OGIS 736]; J. G. Milne, Catalogue general: Greek Inscriptions (Oxford 1909) 10 no. 33037 [SB 5219]. Lines 1-11: Lefebvre, ASAE 13 (1914) 221-224. Complete: Lefebvre, ASAE 19 (1919) 50-53 [von Woess, Asylwesen 250-252; SB 6155; Lenger, C.Ord.Ptol. 70 (line 36)]; E. Bernand, I.Fayoum II136 (collation, and copy of de Ricci) [A. Bernand, Prose 39]. Photograph: lower fragment, Grenfell and Hunt pi. 8; complete, Lefebvre 1914, pi. 2; E. Bernand pis. 24-25. Cf. Wilhelm, Beitrage (1909) 223-224; Wilcken, ArchPF 6 (1920) 419; Lefebvre, ASAE 20 (1920) 249; R. Scholl, C.Ptol.Sklav. I pp. 301-303. (a) xfr rajKK (b} JSctoiXci riToXciiwtwt few mi x&Ipevv 64. Several signed inscriptions come from Theadelphia: I.Fayoum II 121, 122, 124, all undecorated dedications. See Robert, Op. min. sel. I 597-598. Page 567 4 jfrfhpo&upGu *A0r|vaibc TflC y Apmvdt\Gu UpAv 5 A|jfJC£>vo^ xoel x&v nuvvdtjv Cb&v DUftnniTuiHftt xsl iqiq SXd*g £ETjpipwii£vav r pOuXDJlOU 5 £n h etti|;^drei tuv tote iviptAvtuv ivootoSo|jjpai toOto xoi^ ISloi^ Avi^XtS- \iHOi Dcdi Urtip crp'j 1 S^otiot-3 PaoiAcO r fiimq, ^ w [S]yff[at k« 1 al [em]ov^IlJ n truTcXuvxffi^ xt[i]cf0£vtto tou ot^ei- vqilvou tepotj tirtlp xe croC k« 1 tt&v npo- y6w(v fljou, i^rwowT^ kbI Tift rcapa x&v nXi^xt^v LcpSv owK£^|u]pi)fi^vi^; t6 imMcc, |/T}5ev&c tlcF§[iaCof^¥ow p \nff ifcQ Tt&v iv tEl ^Epaii) xnl TTaaro^poy^ x«l tqu<; SXXoy? touq Kateupetitovm^ m« 0 5 &v&rj(Tto- 90 ToOw Tp6lCOV r 6&IJHL TOU tou ^OCIJ- f6pou 0EOUp e i &[ox]ei, dp[Xocp]oOc tou fip^Vtac l ^[n ; }A(p]x dv ^ l ^P fr 1 ] IfttK npfr; xb Oetov eO[o£|3]cl[eVj] fifoo- 3-4 tijii S^ptS-L Tul W ^[itJo^vTjv- |ICTOYpd(9l*L Bn&*S YP&J^ Ttj(t] t[o]{ 3 VQfJtoG mpcni]Y-tJt *at dl? M0^jc[ei, s]ft£i{c} no[to^}yEvov xk ifr; Avavjt^os^’c, 30 npov[o]i]0¥jfviiL ^ METAT . . ^ iau- .Xlaq tAjmjv, fj ^vjt[oX]a[qp0]^[TW xjlji un 1 £|aqQ crrf^i Awcefelfaryi] ncp^^ouoffi xfjs £vxe[ti]J;ecjq ja xaL t{ou) tpbs XPW^ xb b(<><><><><><><><><><><> (a) Inviolable in accord with the commandments, (b) To King Ptolemy, Fatherbving and Brother-bving god, greetings from Dbnysodorus son of Athenodorus, Athenian: in Euhemeria of the Arsinoite nome is a temple of Ammon and the gods who share his temple, collapsed and entirely abandoned. For the increase of what pertains to the gods, I wish to rebuild this at my own expense and inscribe it in Page 568 your behalf, mighty king, so that the sacrifices and libations may be celebrated, the said temple having been founded in behalf of you and your ancestors, and with the inviolability that has been granted applying from (?) the neighboring temples, with no one to force entry or disturb in any way those in the temple or the pastophorvi or others who take refuge. I ask you, the victory-bringing god, if you think fit, the matter being harmless, in accord with the piety you have toward the divine, to order Theris your relative and hypomnematographos to write to the strategos and those whom it concerns, knowing that I am carrying out the rebuilding, to take care that... place of asylia, which is to be inscribed on the stele set up by me, containing the copy of the petition and the response to it. When the happens, I shall be benefited. Farewell, (c) Year 13: from Theris: let it be done, (d) Ptolemaeus son of Didymus, public scribe, wrote this. The stages differ from 221-223 but resemble 220 in adding the hypomnematographos between king and strategos. The only date is that of the royal approval, year 13 = September 69/September 68. 14-16: The statement and substance are unparalleled, and unclear: Grenfell and Hunt thought it an assurance that the asylia granted to neighboring temples will remain undisturbed; Dittenberger, that the asylia has been agreed to in advance by the neighboring temples and royal confirmation is being sought; Lefebvre, that the temple should have the same asylia as the neighboring temples. Dittenberger's view conforms better to the Greek as it is, Lefebvre's to the thinking that we would expect. The phrase ought to introduce what follows, the asylum of this temple, rather than to justify that of others; and that other temples might first "grant" a privilege being sought from the king seems improbable. There are so many grammatical errors in this text that I am inclined to Lefebvre's view and have offered a strained translation of v*** to try to convey it, but without much confidence. 24: Theris may be attested again, but this is disputed; cf. Pros.Ptol. 19 and 262 with addenda on P.Yale I 57. 28: We need here a verb with Theris as subject, and we expect ^ so little space is available that a mason's omission seems implied: for example, |ibx& T[aui]a ctofji&tumi dc) t&v rrp AoyXtac idirov. Temple of Isis at Ptolemais Ptolemais Hermiou (modern al-Manshiah), metropolis of the Thinnite nome, was the one Greek city south of the Deltafounded by Soter, subject of a book by the scholar Ister.65 Inscriptions reveal something of its Greek cultural lifeincluding the grant of asylia, which though for an Egyptian goddess is entirely 65. Ath. 478b (FGrH'et 334 f 47). See G. Plaumann, Ptolemais in Oberagypten (Leipzig 1910). Page 569 Greek as a work of art and greatly in contrast with the other stones in this series from Egypt. The remains of the city, easily visible and extensive a century ago,66 have not been excavated or even surveyed. 226. Cleopatra VII, 46 B.C. Granite stele with pediment and acroteria, acquired ca. 1895 by Golenischchev at al- Manshiah; taken to St. Petersburg, the stone passed to the Alexander III Museum of Fine Arts (later the Gosudarstvennyi Russki Muzei); h. 0.99, w. 0.56; elegant and regular letters, 0.02-0.025. E. Pridik, ZhouraMinistNarodProsv n.s. 13 (January 1908) 9-16 no. 9 [Plaumann, Ptolemais 35-39, 88; W. Schubart, Klio 10 (1910) 54-55 n. 2; ArchPF 6 (1920) 342 («=, lines 10-19); Lefebvre, ASAE 20 (1920) 249-250 ( BC ); SB 3926; Schroeter 64 ( BC ); Lenger, C.Ord.Ptol. 67 ( BC ); A. Bernand, Prose 36]. Photograph: Pridik, whence Plate 9. (A) IlSfkEl l£>V I It C>X £ jJ 'll L ^ 4x3*v Xatpciv |pp«crfef t% fcjeTEViqvtrf^vjft 4 aw tut xp&c I^CKTTCyjj£vir dvxtvpcMpov et&dtiei; 5*i!rr*j[[iii]p[0T|t£ xm Ttep 1 Gjiw 4 k xsSflxcr & Kotl tau-Tfi'v V uYiaivtjtc s ippt*CT0£- ^oqjiev^ iJ3, (b) 0£wvi' at% XQtftifyxCL x6 KaTEMCU- 13 a£S|l^vOv frrip T% GteTTgpil&i t-ou iiuorpaT^YOu 'laiEcIbv &nh v&cou HcoXE^iaftScK toI ScrvXov tim ovv tou; 16 nspl cdk& xat^xo^Ai^MvoK tOU tE(](D^ XTfc x6Xk*K. (c) YivfoOu. I_C N e. <><><><><><><><><><><><> (a) Theon to the city of the Ptolemaeans, greetings: subjoined is a copy of the proclamation transmitted to us together with the command in response, so that you may know it and deposit it in your public archives as is fitting. Taking care of yourselves, that you be well, farewell. Year 6, Phamenoth 12. ( B ) To Theon: let the relevant persons be told that the temple of Isis built in behalf of our well-being by Callimachus the epistrategos south of Ptolemais is to be tax-free and inviolable together with the houses built around it as far as the wall of the city. ( c ) Let it be done. Year 6, Phamenoth 5. 66. Cf. G. Maspero, RA III.2 (1883) 172-173. Page 570 The monarch is Cleopatra, and the two dates are 7 and 14 March 46. Because the stone does not record the petition, it is less informative than most of its predecessors. The queen's authorization ( c ) is transmitted together with a "proclamation" ( B ) to Theon, who (a) sends both to the civic government. The verbs and ^yy^w are common in the Ptolemaic petitions: the king's decision, given to an official immediately to hand for the purpose, is said then to be "proclaimed" by this official to the relevant authority. So a third-century edict is headed ALct x^ oij io5 rapfczfcwrpiswu droi-rreEXctytoi; ztjvtm .57 As Plaumann remarked, the week that separates the command from Theon's letter was not sufficient time for the document to go from Alexandria to the Thinnite: Theon must have been in Alexandria, and in fact we find him as intermediary for another edict of Cleopatra in 41 B . c .68 Evidently a royal decision about a city-state did not go through the same chain of authority that linked the villages of the countryside to the king (all this on the assumption that the queen was in Alexandria at the time). The temple of Isis obviously was outside the walled city, but apparently in its legal territory, as this benefaction is announced to the city. 69 Whether Callimachus built or merely refurbished the temple, we hear earlier of an apparently therefore not within the city wallspossibly the same shrine .70 On the sacred land were other buildings, as was typical. Even in this brief text we can see that a crucial issue for the temple was the collection of taxes. Callimachus, patron of the temple who probably brought the matter to the queen's attention, was an important man.7i His career spanned at least from 62 to 44/39, and he attained to strategos of the Thebaid and epistrategos of the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. He had already a substantial role in the city if he is rightly restored in an earlier inscription from al-Manshiah: a list of his offices in 49 B . c . gives, after his royal functions, the civic offices ['MX”*?*™** (SB 2264). 67. C.Ord.Ptol. 27.1-3; cf. 5.1, 6.1, 12.8, 13.4, 15.33 (these do not identify the recipient of the proclamation). 68. C.Ord.Ptol. 76; cf. Mooren, Titulature 141. 69. A. H. M. Jones, Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces2 (Oxford 1971) 305, after mentioning this inscription, writes: "There is no evidence to show whether the city possessed a territory, but the probabilities are against it." 70. OGIS 52 (not later than 87 B .c), a list of cult places. One is an altar to some Egyptian gods that is expressly "outside the walls"; Wilcken (at Plaumann 58) speculated that Egyptian cults were not albwed within the city. 71. See R. Hutmacher, Ehrendekret fur den Strategen Kallimachos, Beitr.klass.Phil. 17 (Meisenheim 1965); Bingen, ChrEg 45 (1970) 375-378 (Pages d'epigraphie [Brussels 1991] 119-122); Pros.Ptol. VIII p. 194; Mooren, Titulature 96. Page 571 The prominence of the spokesman for this temple, and the speed with which the matter was carried out, no doubt say something about the courtesies that the crown showed to the Greek city, even at this late date. Unknown Temple in Egypt 227. Unknown author Top of a limestone stele from Egypt now in the Museum of the University of Rome, no reported provenience; h. 0.31, w. 0.325; relief with two facing crocodiles on altars. S. Donadoni, Alessandria e il mondo ellenistico: Studi a Adriani I (Rome 1983) 162-164 [SEG 33.1362]. Photograph: Donadoni pi. 27.3. The editor reports that the traces of a line of writing at the bottom of the stone "do not oppose the restoration of Synagogue at Leontopolis (?) The last document is doubtful from two points of view: it may not be a grant of asylum, and if it is, it may involve an ancient forgery. For a Jewish synagogue, a "queen and king" restore an earlier inscription of a Ptolemy Euergetes. It is possible that the text of Euergetes is rhetorical and means no more than "holy synagogue." It has a close parallel in the dedicatory text of Nicomedes II for a precinct for his mother (230), and this too may be only a rhetorical flourish. Nonetheless, in the context (historical or alleged) of a Ptolemaic edict, I am inclined to take the word seriously, and hence I include this text in the corpus. The authors of the renewal, the "queen and king," are not Zenobia and Vaballath (Mommsen's extravagant notion, at a time when very little was known about Greco- Roman Egypt) but a Ptolemaic couple, almost certainly Cleopatra VII and her son Caesarion (so Bingen), under whom Roman troops helped keep order in Egypt, hence the Latin imprimatur. The stone in question was first seen in Cairo in 1876, with no recorded provenience. It might well come from the Fayum like most other grants of asylum in Egypt, for a Jewish community is on record there already in the Page 572 third century BC 72 But the inscription is already atypical in being Jewish, and in other respects. I believe that it comes from Leontopolis, thirty kilometers north of Cairo at Tell el-Yahudi in the southern Delta. The synagogue there was the famous surrogate of the Temple itself built there by the Jews settled at Leontopolis in the 150s, refugees from the Maccabean wars. If this is correct, the Euergetes whose text is renewed is necessarily Euergetes II (145-116 BC ). Their claim of Euergetes' grant of asylum to the synagogue will be a fabrication of the first century BC , in imitation of the report about the Temple in 1 Maccabees (above, p. 528). The Jews of Leontopolis, reliable troops, were able to press this claim ("renewing" a lost inscription of the founder Euergetes) upon Cleopatra as her need for soldiers grew in the 30s BC . 228. Cleopatra VII and Caesarion Alabaster stele seen in Cairo in 1876, now in Bode Museum in Berlin (inv. 7733); h. 0.44; Greek blockish and increasingly crowded, Latin large. Miller, RA 30 (1875) 111-112 (squeeze); Mommsen, EphEp 4 (1881) 25-26 [Dessau, ILS 574; CIL III Suppl. 6583; Wilcken, BPW 16 (1896) 1493; M. Strack, Dynastie der Ptolemaer (Berlin 1897) 262 no. 130; T. Reinach, REJ 45 (1902) 163; Dittenberger, OGIS 129; Schurer, Geschichte III (1909) 41; IGR11315; Chr.W. 54; Diehl, I.lat.Christ. II4936; Frey, CIJ II 1449; SB 8880; E. Gabba, Iscrizione greche e latine per lo studio della Bibbia (Marietti 1958) no. 8; D. M. Lewis, CPJ III p. 144; G. H. R. Horsley, New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity IV (Sydney 1987) 110.3; W. Horbury and D. Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt (Cambridge 1992) 125; A. Bernand, Prose 23]. Photograph: Frey p. 375 [Gabba pi. 1]; Horbury/Noy pi. 29. Cf. Dessau, ILS III.2 (1916) p. a**; J. Bingen in Studia Paulo Naster II (Louvain 1982) 11- 16 (Pages d'epigraphie 45-50). padpaot- Avtl irifc 4 nqpl fife dvn&to- Tffc JiXa- faiTpupljfru' 8 E&- t?|v 5LauXov. regina et 12 rex iusser(un)t. 72. I am grateful for this point to Claus Maresch, who will publish the papyri. I hope to discuss this inscription more fully elsewhere. Page 573 <><><><><><><><><><><><> (Greek) By order of the queen and king, in place of the previously existing plaque concerning the dedication of the synagogue, let the following be inscribed: "King Ptolemy Euergetes (dedicated) the synagogue as an inviolable place." (Latin) The queen and king have commanded. The implied feminine noun in line 7 must be meaning the old text; but the synagogue authorities have gone beyond the letter of the command (to reinscribe the old text) and reproduced the entire papyrus including the current decision. In this the inscription resembles the others from Egypt, which reproduce the whole dossier and not simply the king's few words. The progressive crowding of the Greek proves the unity of the inscription: whether or not another hand wrote the Latin, the writer of the Greek knew that he had to leave space for the large Latin warning. 1-2, 11-12: Only Cleopatra III (with several brothers) and VII (brothers, then son) are recorded to have used the sequence "queen and king" in their acta. 8: Compare irar^Ta in the prostagma of Cleopatra and Caesarion C.Ord.Ptol. 75.5. 9-12: Egypt supplies no other instance of royal permission being sought to replace an inscription (but see on 186); the reason, in my view, is that there was no original: in effect the Jewish community is obtaining a new privilege, asylum, for their synagogue, on the claim that this had been granted by Euergetes. 12: Mommsen knew of no parallel for this abbreviation. The use of Latin suggests that some of the authorities who were to respect this order knew Latin as their first languagethe troops of Antony. I conclude with a small stone of unknown provenience in Egypt that clearly was meant as an abbreviated boundary text for declared inviolability, although the crucial term is omitted. Limestone stele, h. 0.45, w. 0.325, with incised relief showing the conventional solar disk and asps above a scene of pharaoh pouring a libation before Thoth; inscription below. G. Nachtergael, ChrEg 69 (1994) 140-143. $ (if) ICfKTflKI |!T)jB£vQ( cEotivai, This is the essential message of the asylum edicts, as several of them make explicit. The stone might derive from one of the temples detailed above, but more likely it represents a case not independently known, for neither Thoth nor Hermes appears in the other inscriptions. Page 574 Rome In 64 bc. Cicero, stressing the importance of places that might be sold off under the proposed agrarian law, included temples: "There are public places of Rome, there are temples which no one has touched since the restoration of the tribunician power, some of which our ancestors wished to be refuges in time of danger" (sunt enim loca publica urbis, sunt sacella quae post restitutam tribuniciam potestatem nemo attigi, quae maiores in urbe partim periculi perfugia esse voluerunt, Leg. agr. 2.36). In reality, the immunity of sacred space from the law was not Roman usage, 1 and no temple can in fact be found providing suppliants legal inviolability .2 Indeed, provocatio should in principle make asylum unnecessary, at least for Roman citizens .3 1. See Mommsen, Romisches Strafrecht (Leipzig 1899) 458-462; 459 n. 3 on Cicero's statement, which he took as a claim about attitudes, not law. Most of the arguments go back to G. F. Schoemann, De Tullb Hostile (Greifswald 1847) 4-6. Cf. G. Wissowa, Religbn und Kultus (Munich 1912) 474 n. 3; K. Latte, Gnomon 26 (1954) 19; D. van Berchem, MusHeb 17 (1960) 29-33; D. Weinstock, Divus Julius (Oxford 1971) 242-243, 395-397; G. Freyburger, EtCI 60 (1992) 139-151. 2. Occasions on whbh magistrates withdraw into a temple to escape the brbkbats of a riot are on record, but no religious gesture is portrayed or implied, and it seems that any securable building would have done: e.g., App. BC'iv. 2.11 (&iw^ira*o'*: temple of Jupiter Stator); Plut. Cat. min. 28.3 (&nfanTr** : temple of Castor, from the landing on its steps). Compare Piso in a.d. 69, fleeing to the temple of Vesta and protected non religbne nec caerimonus but by the charity of a slave there, until, discovered, he was killed in the doorway (protractus Piso in foribus templi trucbatus, Tac. Hist. 1.43). The murder there of Q. Mucius Scaevola, before the very statue of Vesta, was notorious; but Cbero cites it in his several lists of famous injustices, not specifically of sacrilege (references at RE 16 [1933] 440-441). Malalas (267 Bonn) says that there was a great uproar when it was teamed that Domitian had been murdered in the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus (in fact he was kilted in the palace). 3. I owe the point to Roberta Stewart; on provocate see A. W. Lintott, ANRW 1.2 (1972) 226-267; M. Humbert, MEFRA 100 (1988) 431-503. Page 575 Three places have come into the question: Romulus' "asylum" on the Capitolium, the temple of Divus Julius established in 42 BC/ and the temple of Diana on the Aventine. Romans, we are assured, were peculiarly sensitive about the inviolability of ambassadors (Diod. 36.15), and of course other persons such as tribunes and flamines. But such sacrosanctity derived from function, not place.4 The Asylum On The Capitolium The story was told that Romulus, in order to attract a population, reserved a space on the saddle of the Capitolium where fugitives from the law could be secure .5 Here runaway slaves and criminals soon gatheredwho then were made the new citizens. Scholars usually call this place by the loanword that the Romans eventually came to use, "the asylum on the Capitolium." But that Greek word is transparently a neologism for Romans. The Greek noun was common only in Ptolemaic Egypt, where we first find it used of the Sarapeum in the 160s BC ; its attachment to the place on the Capitolium and to the story of the origin of the Roman populace cannot be older than the impact of Greek culture and vocabulary upon Rome, presumably deriving from Egypt in this case. In fact we know how the place was properly called in Latin: inter duos lucos. So Cicero (Div. 2.40), no further name being needed; and Dionysius (below) is explicit that this is what the place was named. In Augustan times writers begin to gloss that toponym with the Greek word indicating function, "as an asylum": Livy 1.8.5: bcum qui nunc saeptus escendentibus inter duos lucos est asylum aperit, "the place which, now cbsed off to one ascending, is Between Two Groves he opened as an 4. We are not here concerned with other Roman gestures, such as the ailed cites that could receive Roman exiles with impunity (see p. 30); this privilege was a provisbn of the treaties Rome had with these cites. About Rome itself, two rhetorical utterances: sacrosanctam istam civitatem, Apul. Met. 11.26; Romae ... id esttempb mundi totius, Amm. Marc. 17.4.13; for sacra urbs in the inscriptbns see Dessau, ILS III.2 p. 638. The occasbnal modern claim that the temple of Ceres by the Forum Boarium had the right of asylum is based on a fatuous etymobgy of Varro (pandere, panem dare), recounting that bread is given to those who flee to an asylum, which is always open; references at H. Le Bonniec, Le culte de Ceres (Paris 1958) 275. 5. Testimonia are gathered by P. Bruggisser, Romulus Servianus (Bonn 1987) 163-183; cf. W. A. Schroder, M. Porcius Cato, Das erste Buch der Origines (Meisenheim 1971) 178-181. The story is as old as Fabius Pbtor; cf. H. Strasburger, SBHeid 1968.5 34. Servius ad Aen. 2.761 traces Romulus' gesture to the example of Athens and its weboming of refugees, for which he cites Stat. Theb. 12.497ff. (the altar of Clementia); so too schol. Juv. 8.273: secutus Atheniensium morem asylum in luco constituit. On the place itself see T. P. Wiseman, in Lexicon Topographbum Urbis Romae I, ed. E. M. Steinby (Rome 1993) 130. Page 576 asylum." (Cf. 2.1.4: ilia ... plebs transfuga ex su'is populis sub tutela invblati templi.) Veil. Pat. 1.8.5: asylum inter duos lucos. No one before Tacitus calls it simply "the asylum."6 So far our Latin evidence. When Greeks write of the place, their vocabulary and conception are predictable, the creation of an "inviolable temple." According to Dionysius, this space, "which today is called in Latin 'Between Two Groves'(s cp^sv) Romulus made a temple with the right of asylum for suppliants building a in it (2.15.4; cf. 3 . 32 . 2 ). Strabo (5.3.2) knows geography but not architecture, with Romulus "designating as inviolable a precinct between the Arx and the Capitolium (*K*«t5«c t^evo^ TTjc 3 xpa W TO - k#*«mMmj)" and granting the fugitives citizenship. Plutarch on the episode is revealingly vague: the Romans founded "a temple with the right of refuge for runaways, which they called of the god Asylaios (ie P p[ov t^v poet tJ^v xwfv dvSpSv Sveu tqu Epyou a&Tffr o&tw Y&p In zh itopdmv loeXSelv ic £uvr^fj-vttL. <><><><><><><><><><><><> 10. We hear of persons fleeing under arms "to the Capitolium," but the act is visibly military, not religious: so the tyrannicides in 44 b.c. (Db 44.21.2; App. BCiv. 2.120) and the Flavianists in a.d. 69 (Tac. Hist. 3.70-74; Suet. Dorn. 1.2). Moreover, the reference is to the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus (explicit at least of a.d. 69): with Romulus' "asylum" there to hand, they took instead the higher and better-fortified place; that is, neither place offered, more Graeco, religbus inviolability, and the goal was a physically defensible positbn. 11. See generally Weinstock; C. Cogrossi, "Pbta popolare e divinizzazbne nel culto di Cesare del 44 a.C.," in Religbne e politba (Milan 1981) 141-160. Page 578 They proclaimed that no one who fled to his shrine for safety was to be driven out or seizedwhich they had granted to none of the gods except for what happened in the time of Romulus. Yet even that place, once the men had gathered, had inviolability without its substance; for it was so walled round that no one could any bnger enter it at all. This is a clear and telling admission, on the part of a Greek, regarding the privileges of ordinary temples in Rome. In fact, however, no one is on record taking refuge in the temple of Caesar, and Mommsen suspected that the privilege granted in 42 B .c. was later formally withdrawn .12 Whatever its eventual fate, this gesture of the Senate may be seen as the nearest parallel in Rome to the granted asylia among the Hellenistic cities. Admittedly its substance is different: as in Ptolemaic Egypt, a polity that gave no immunity to temples interprets Greek "inviolability" as a legislated right of asylum. But the gesture can be said to share with the Hellenistic declarations a literary and self-conscious quality: the Romans borrowed from myth and applied to the temple of Divus Julius a privilege that they believed had once belonged to another special place. The Temple of Diana Aventina Dionysius gives an account of Diana on the Aventine that all readers have recognized as a Hellenism: 13 Servius Tullius convenes the Latins and, urging concord argues that Latins, being Greek, should rule over barbarians and give them laws but be led by Rome; they should build a fi^x™ at common expense, where federal festivals will be held and disputes among member cities settled by the Leaguewhence the temple of Diana on the Aventine. The leges arae Dianae in Aventino monte, their content not specified, served as a model for other temple foundations. 14 Some scholars have sought a link with the inviolability of the tribunes;i5 but the sacrosanctitas of the tribunes 12. Strafrecht 461 n. 1, with the weak testimony of Tac. Ann. 3.36, a senator's speech in a.d. 21 (see p. 580): the gods listen only to righteous supplications, and no one flees to the Capitolium or any other temple in Rome as an escape from crime. This is a cliche from Greek moral thought, and not pertinent to Roman law at any date. Perhaps more to the point is Hist. 1.42, someone killed ante aedem Divi lulu, with no comment by Tacitus. 13. Ant. Rom. 4.26; cf. Livy 1.45.2 (briefer but evoking the temple of Artemis at Ephesus "built by the cities of Asia"); Varro Ling. 5.43 (commune Latinorum). 14. CIL III. 1933 (Jupiter at Sabna), where Mommsen explains that these were Rome's first written laws for a temple, XII 4333 (numen Augusti at Lugdunum), and XI 361 (Salus at Ariminum). 15. Van Berchem (30-33) in defense of the historicity of this asylum cites the slaves' day of the games of Diana (Festus 460 L.) and C. Gracchus' flight there, and the status of the tribunes; cf. Momigliano, Terzo contribute n (Rome 1966) 568-569, 641-648. See rather A. Alfoldi, Early Rome and the Latins (Ann Arbor 1965) 91-92, 105. Cautbusly assessed by J.-C. Richard, Origines (Footnote continued on next page) Page 579 derived from an oath of the people, 16 and violators had their property devoted to Ceres, not to Diana Aventina. Caution is in order even as to what Dionysius is claiming: our sources portray a federal temple, not a place of refuge, and his ^ may be no more than rhetorical. And Cassius Dio, in asserting the uniqueness of Divus Iulius, evidently knew nothing of ius asyli of Diana Aventina. (Footnote continued from previous page) de la plebe romaine (Rome 1978) 572. Our sources imply no protection for Gracchus deriving from the temple (App. BCiv. 1.26; Plut. C.Gracch. 15-16): to the contrary, he fled again when his enemies approached, and was finally killed in a sacred grove of the Furies (Plut. 17.2). 16. Mommsen, Romisches Staatsrecht II (Leipzig 1887) 286-287. The Review of A.D. 22/23 Precursors Page 580 The earliest Roman declarations of inviolability read like those of the Greek states. But the evolution of what Rome granted Delphi suggests that across the first generation of the second century B . c . Romans learned to be more careful in their responses to Greek requests for asylia. Subsequently, once the Greek cities were under provincial administration, Rome was directly responsible for its concessions regarding legal status. We find no Roman recognition of a city, as distinct from a temple, in solo provinciali. Under Republican rule, the only certain new creation (as distinct from confirmation) of asylia is for the temple of Hecate at Lagina, and this is unique too in the period in deriving from Panhellenic recognition; to this Aphrodisias can be added as a probable case. The problem Tacitus describes in 22 is one of public order, and his language resembles that used by Strabo on the situation at Ephesus under Augustus. Strabo's language probably reflects the Roman decision on boundaries, made in Augustus' time, when the Ephesians' case was contrived so as to satisfy Roman expectations and limitations. Augustus' action must have been seen as a precedent. We know that Augustus' legal advisor thought about the topic. 1 This issue, moreover, came up in the year before the Senate's review (Tac. Ann. 3.36). An alarmed senator, C. Cestius, evoked the danger of refuge to the emperor's image: principes admittedly are an instar deorum; but only the just prayers of suppliants are attended to by the gods, and no one takes refuge in the Capitolium or other temples of the city so as to use it as a support for his crimes (sed neque a diis nisi iustas supplicum preces audiri neque quemquam 1. Dig. 21.1.17.12 (Labeo considered whether someone who took refuge in an asylum or at a statue of Caesar was legally a fugitive: for flight was not the purpose). Page 581 in Capitolium aliave urbis templa perfugere ut eo subsidio ad flagitia utatur). It may be that the next governor of Asia meditated on this speech as he left for his province. Tacitus Ann. 3.60-63, 4.14 (3.60.1) sed Tiberius, vim principatus sibi firmans, imaginem antiquitatis senatui praebebat postulata provinciarum ad disquisitionem patrum mittendo. crebrescebat enim Graecas per urbes licentia atque impunitas asyla statuendi; complebantur templa pessimis servitiorum; eodem subsidio obaerati adversum creditores suspectique capitalium criminum receptabantur, nec ullum satis validum imperium erat coercendis seditionibus populi flagitia hominum ut caerimonias deum protegentis. (2) igitur placitum ut mitterent civitates iura atque legatos; et quaedam quod falso usurpaverant sponte omisere. multae vetustis superstitionibus aut meritis in populum Romanum fidebant. (3) magnaque eius diei species fuit quo senatus maiorum benefuia, sociorum pacta, regum etiam qui ante vim Romanam valuerant decreta ipsorumque numinum religiones introspexit, libero, ut quondam, quid firmaret mutaretve. (61.1) primi omnium Ephesii adiere, memorantes non, ut vulgus crederet, Dianam atque Apollinem Delo genitos: esse apud se Cenchreum amnem, lucum Ortygiam, ubi Latonam partu gravidam et oleae, quae turn etiam maneat, adnisam edidisse ea numina, deorumque monitu sacratum nemus, atque ipsum illic Apollinem post interfectos Cyclopas Iovis iram vitavisse. (2) mox Liberum patrem, bello victorem, supplicibus Amazonum quae aram insederant ignovisse. auctam hinc concessu Herculis, cum Lydia poteretur, caerimoniam templo neque Persarum dicione deminutum ius; post Macedonas, dein nos servavisse. (62.1) proximi hos Mognetes L. Scipionis et L. Sullae constitutis nitebantur, quorum ille Antiocho, hie Mithridate pulsis fidem atque virtutem Magnetum decoravere, uti Dianae Leucophryenae perfugium inviolabile foret. (2) Aphrodisienses posthac et Stratonicenses dictatoris Caesaris ob vetusta in partis merita et recens divi Augusti decretum adtulere, laudati quod Parthorum inruptionem nihil mutata in populum Romanum constantia pertulissent. sed Aphrodisiensium civitas Veneris, Stratonicensium Iovis et Triviae religionem tuebantur. (3) altius Hierocaesarienses exposuere, Persicam apud se Dianam, delubrum rege Cyro dicatum; et memorabantur Perpernae, Isaurici multaque alia imperatorum nomina qui non modo templo sed duobus milibus passuum eandem sanctitatem tribuerant. (4) exim Cyprii tribus < delubris, quorum vetustissimum Paphiae Veneri auctor Aerias, post filius eius Amathus Veneri Amathusiae et Iovi Salaminio Teucer, Telamonis patris ira profugus, posuissent. (63.1) auditae aliarum quoque civitatium legationes. quorum copia fessi patres, et quia studiis certabatur, consulibus permisere ut perspecto iure, et si qua iniquitas involveretur, rem integram rursum ad senatum referrent. (2) consules super eas civitates quas memoravi apud Pergamum Aesculapii comperlum asylum rettulerunt: ceteros obscuris ob vetustatem initiis niti. (3) nam Zmyrnaeos oraculum Apollinis, cuius imperio Stratonicidi Veneri templum dicaverint, Tenios eiusdem carmen referre, quo sacrare Neptuni effigiem aedemque iussi sint. propiora Sardianos: Alexandri victoris id donum, neque minus Milesios Dareo rege niti; set cultus numinum utrisque Dianam aut Apollinem venerandi. petere et Cretenses simulacra divi Augusti. (4) factaque senatus consulta quis multo cum honore modus tamen praescribebatur, Page 582 iussique ipsis in templis figere aera sacrandam ad memoriam, neu specie religionis in ambitionem delaberentur. (4.14.1) is quoque annus legationes Graecarum civitatium habuit, Samiis Iunonis, Cois Aesculapii delubro vetustum asyli ius ut firmaretur petentibus. Samii decreto Amphictyonum ??itebantux, quis praecipuum fuit rerum omnium iudicium qua tempestate Graeci conditis per Asiam urbibus ora maris potiebantur. (2) neque dispar apud Coos antiquitas, et accedebat meritum ex loco: nam civis Romanos templo Aesculapii induxerant, cum iussu regis Mithridatis apud cunctas Asiae insulas et urbes trucidarentur. <><><><><><><><><><><><> (3.60) Tiberius, even while cementing the principate for himself, was allowing the Senate the appearance of antiquity by submitting requests of the provinces to the consideration of the senators. For there was growing among the Greek cities the license and the immunity of founding asylums: the temples were being filled with the worst of the slave classes; under the same protection debtors were being received against their creditors, and suspects in capital crimes, and there was not any authority strong enough to control the disorders of a nation who protect the misconduct of men as they do the rites of the gods. Accordingly it was decided that the cities should submit their laws and ambassadors; and certain cities voluntarily declined, because they had usurped the privilege fraudulently. Many trusted in ancient legends or services to the Roman people^ and great was the spectacle of this day on which the Senate inspected the benefactions of our ancestors, the treaties with our allies, also the decrees of kings who were in power before Roman rule, and the honors of the gods themselveswith freedom, as formerly, to confirm or to alter. First of all came the Ephesians, who recounted that Diana and Apollo were not, as commonly believed, born on Delos: there was among them a river Cenchrius and grove Ortygia, where Latona, heavy with her young, supported herself against an olive tree, which even yet survived, and gave birth to those divinities; by order of the gods the grove had been consecrated, and there Apollo himself escaped the wrath of Jupiter after killing the Cyclopes. Later Father Liber, victorious in war, pardoned the suppliant Amazons who had sat at the altar. Next by grant of Hercules, when he ruled Lydia, the sanctity of the temple was increased;3 and its status was further increased by an edict of the Persians, and afterwards confirmed by the Macedonians and then by us. After these, the Magnesians relied on edicts of L. Scipio and L. Sulla, who upon the defeat of Antiochus by the one and Mithridates by the other crowned 2. This statement relates to what follows, not to what precedes: it is not the reason that some cities relinquished their claim, but accurately characterizes the arguments made to the Senate by those who did appear. 3. For the term compare Tac. Ann. 4.64: augendam caerimoniam bco, in quo tantum in principem honorem di ostenderit. Page 583 the loyalty and courage of the Magnesians by stipulating an inviolable refuge for Diana Leucophryena. Next, the Aphrodisians and Stratoniceians offered an edict of Caesar the dictator on account of ancient services to his faction, and a more recent one of the deified Augustus in which they were praised because they bore the Parthian invasion without wavering in their loyalty to the Roman people; the city of Aphrodisias maintained the worship of Venus, Stratoniceia that of Jupiter and Trivia. The Hierocaesareans expounded something older, their Persian Diana, a temple dedicated in the time of King Cyrus; and they cited the names of Perperna, Isauricus, and many other generals who had granted the same sanctity not only to the temple but for two miles around. Then the Cypriots spoke in behalf of three temples, of which the oldest was established for Venus of Paphos by their founder Aerias, later for Venus of Amathus by his son Amathus, and for Jupiter of Salamis by Teucer, exiled by the wrath of his father. Embassies were heard from other cities also. Worn out with all this, and because of the partisan contention, the senators assigned to the consuls to examine each right and whether any impropriety was involved, and bring the whole matter back to the Senate. The consuls, beyond those cities already mentioned, reported that an asylum of Aesculapius at Pergamum was ascertained: the rest relied on origins obscured by age. For the Smyrnaeans evoked an oracle of Apollo, by whose command they had dedicated a temple of Stratonicis Venus, the Tenians an oracle of the same Apollo wherein they were ordered to dedicate a statue and shrine to Neptune. The Sardians evoked nearer things, a gift of the victorious Alexander; no less the Milesians, who cited King Darius; the gods worshipped were respectively Diana and Apollo. The Cretans also petitioned for a statue of the deified Augustus. Senatorial decrees were passed which, together with much honor, still imposed limits, ordering them to attach bronzes to the temples themselves so as to make the record sacred, and lest under the guise of religion they lapse into self- seeking. (4.14) This year [*.□. 23] also saw embassies from Greek cities, with the Samians seeking confirmation of an ancient right of asylum for the temple of Juno, the Coans for that of Aesculapius. The Samians cited a decree of the Amphictyons, in whom resided chief judicial authority of all things at the time the Greeks, through their founding of cities along Asia, ruled the shores of the sea. The antiquity of the Coans' claim was similar, and a further merit derived from the place: for they had brought Roman citizens into the temple of Aesculapius when by order of King Mithridates they were being slaughtered in all the islands and cities of Asia. Suetonius (Tib. 37.6) says simply abolevit et ius moremque asylorum, quae usquam erant, "Also he abolished the right and custom of the asylums which still existed." For Tacitus the episode is a charade of the lost Republic, with foreign affairs seemingly at the Senate's discretion. His source may have been the senatorial Page 584 acta.4 The most thorough commentary on the passage of Tacitus remains that of Orelli, written 150 years ago.5 He collected the literary and epigraphical testimonies then known for the cults Tacitus mentions, and his observations, usually without accreditation, stand behind most of what is found in subsequent commentaries on the passage. Tacitus' omissions (Nysa, Cyzicus, etc.) cannot be trusted; note his aliarum quoque civitatium.6 But how wide was the inquiry of AD 22?7 We see none of the attested asyla in old Greece, whether traditional sites like Olympia or the Hellenistic novelties in Boeotia; in Anatolia nothing outside the province of Asia; and, even more numerous, none of the inviolable places of Roman Syria or Cilicia. What makes most sense, in both geographical and constitutional terms, is that the review was confined to the province of Asia (so, for example, Magie). To this geography the exceptions are only Cyprus and Crete; these, it happens, have left no trace in the documents, by contrast with all other cases mentioned by Tacitus. Perhaps, then, an eager or cautious governor undertook to challenge the privilege on the basis of the problem and precedent at Ephesus. The governor was M'. Aemilius Lepidus;s we happen to know that this senator was in Rome during 21 (Ann. 3.35.2). He may well have heard C. Cestius dilate on the dangers of the right of asylum; and in Asia he will have known of the impending prosecution of his predecessor for malfeasance (3.66ff.). Some monuments of thanks may result from the inquiry (Samos, Claros, Teos, Tenos). For the cities, this was a defense of what for most will have been their one civic title that did not derive from Rome. Civic rivalry lay at the core: studiis certabatur. As Spanheim first saw, asylia was not abolished as Suetonius says; but what policy did emerge? The Tacitean epigram (specie religionis) reveals little. The documentary record shows no new grant of inviolability later than Augustus, and indeed no expansion of existing boundaries. I have suggested that the policy decreed in 22/3 was that what was traditional then was allowed to persist, but the privilege was thereafter neither expanded nor multiplied. To this there is no certain exception, but a number of probable ones (see p. 29).9 4. Syme, Tacitus I (Oxford 1958) 285. 5. J. K. Orelli, C. Cornelii Taciti opera I (Zurich 1846) 195-199, 222. 6. C. P.Jones, HSCP 80 (1976) 236 n. 43, argues from silence concerning Perge; contra: E. Bosch in Vorlaeufiger Bericht... Side 1947, Turk.Tar.Kur.Yay. V.ll (Ankara 1951) p. 69. 7. The review is surveyed by V. Chapot, Province romaine d'Asie (Paris 1904) 406-416; Magie I 503-505; G. G. Belbni, in I santuari e la guerra, ed. M. Sordi (Milan 1984) 164-180. 8. PIR2 A 363, with R. Syme, ZPE 53 (1983) 191-194 (Roman Papers IV 347-351). 9. And in 74 Vespasian came cbse in granting varbus immunities to the medical guild, including personal security in attending meetings: ^ [Iot« xai cuv6&gu]$ 6vtq«; -c^vem teporc xai '[vaoc; Gjnou Sv aip&vrat AcnjXrjix (Oliver, Greek Const. 38.15). The gesture too reflects that in Roman eyes Greek temples were not invblable except when so certified by the Roman state. Page 585 As commentary on the passage I will let the corpus as a whole serve, except for Crete and Cyprus. One sentence, however, deserves to be singled out, Tacitus' statement about Aphrodisias and Stratoniceia. Orelli adduced cited at Aphrodisias (Reynolds, Aphrodisias and Rome no. 6.53) and Kaiaapc^j cited at Stratoniceia (I.Straton. 1101.3) to argue that Tacitus means that Caesar's act was for Aphrodisias, Augustus' for Stratoniceia. It was a neat piece of research; this understanding of the Latin continues to be urged in commentaries, almost always without reference to the documentary basis of the interpretation, as though this assignment of actions ought to be derivable from the Latin itself rather than Orelli's argument. In fact Robert showed in 1937 (Etudes anat. 516-523) that the Stratoniceia inscription refers to a decree of the Senate, not of Augustus Sahin), hence 81 bc And the "Caesar" of the Aphrodisias inscription might be Octavian, or a subsequent emperor, but probably not Julius Caesar (cf. Reynolds p. 47). So the documentary basis of Orelli's understanding of the Latin has vanished. We know that both cities, unusually, resisted the Parthians; I think it not unlikely that each had letters of both Caesar and Augustus confirming the privileges of the respective templesa more straightforward reading of Tacitus. Cyprus Paphos: The great temple of Aphrodite was at Old Paphos, fifteen kilometers from the Hellenistic city. Hers was certainly the most distinguished cult on the island. The building is frequently represented on the coins of Roman date.io Paphos is once called "the sacred metropolis of the cities of Cyprus," ™ (Seyrig, BCH 51 [1927] 139-141: a.d. 210/1); but this adjective need not reflect a granted status of inviolability. Amathus: This was the most Phoenician and exotic version of Aphrodite on Cyprus, Catullus' duplex Amathusia (68.57).n Salamis: Zeus of Salamis was indeed famous; his epithet is usually "Olympius" in the inscriptions .12 He often appears on the coins of Roman date; on some of the provincial league he is shown together with the temple of Paphian Aphrodite .13 10. Hill, BMC Cyprus p. cxxviiff.; F. G. Maier, in Romanitas-Christianitas, ed. G. Wirth (Berlin 1982) 768-777; A. Barzano, in Santuari e politica, ed. M. Sordi (Milan 1983) 140-149; Mitford, ANRW II. 18.3 (1990) 2178-2183. 11. Mitford, ANRW 2185-2186. 12. Cf. Adler, RE 2a (1920) 1825-1826; Mitford and Nicolaou, I.Salamis p. 129 n. 3; Mitford, ANRW 2189-2190; Pouilbux et al., Salamine de Chypre XIII Testimonia Salaminia (Paris 1987) p. 118. 13. BMC Cyprus pp. cxxvi-vii, 73ff. Page 586 Crete "The Cretans" ought to mean the provincial league. Tacitus does not specify the location in Crete; the capital Gortyn has reasonably been conjectured. 14 The oddity about this report is that any statue of Augustus ought to have offered asylum without special permission. The right of asylum enjoyed by the imperial cult in the Roman Empire is well known and need not be detailed here. Temples, statues, even military standards (Tac. Ann. 1.39), were so endowed. In practice, as traditionally in a Greek temple, this brought security only from "hot pursuit"it led not to perpetual immunity but to a hearing (cf. Pliny Ep. 10.74). Because the Romans chose to interpret the Greek civic title "sacred and inviolable" as the right of asylum of a temple, this must be what it meant in the Roman Empire. When Gaius (Inst. 1.53) mentions slaves qui ad fana deorum vel ad statuas principum confugiunt, Mommsen took the first to be the Greek survivors of the review of AD . 22/3.15 The question remains whether the effect of the Roman interpretation was to abolish the inherent right of asylum traditional of all Greek temples .16 A positive enactment to this effect would be a surprising intrusion by Rome into the domestic affairs of Greek cities; but perhaps nonobservance by Rome was a sufficient discouragement to the effective use of sanctuary in the legal life of a city. In any case, acts of refuge to temples are rarely attested in the Roman Empire. Peregrinus at Olympia fled from a mob into the temple of Zeus;i7 apparently something similar happened at Gerasa in the difficult year A . D . 69 (I.Gerasa 5-6). Flight to the emperor's statue, however, is also rarely attested, yet this possibility is clearly admitted in our sources. It may be that what truly undermined the ancient Greek usage of religious refuge was the availability of more reliable alternatives: the layered legal system of the Roman Empire and the spread of Roman citizenship with its peculiar advantages and protections. 14. R. Paribeni, Diz.epigr. 2 (1910) 1268; Guarducci, I.Cret. IV p. 320. 15. Strafrecht 461 n. 3, adding Dig. 21.1.17.12; cf. 48.19.28.7. 16. B. Levick, in The Roman World I, ed. J. Wacher (London/New York 1987) 338, takes the title to mean "the right of giving asylum to fugitives." So also Welles interpreted the events of I.Gerasa 5-6, on which I shall comment elsewhere. 17. Lucian Peregr. 19, if that is historical. Cf. a group fleeing under attack to a walled temple of Apolb outside Curium in Cyprus: Acts of Barnabas 19 (Bonnet II.2 299). Page 587 Doubtful Cases I gather here texts that are in some way dubious, whether because the honorand is uncertain, or the substance of the testimony. 229. Boeotian decree(s) Marble block once in the museum at Thespiae, now in that at Thebes; preserved only at top; h. 0.22, w. 0.10; letters 0.01-0.011, intersp. 0.006-0.007, irregular, with apices, A with straight bar, N with right hasta fully descended but n not, O full-sized, Z with splayed arms; first quarter II BC , Feyel. Dittenberger, IG VII 1720 (copy of Lolling); Feyel, Contribution 14-18. Photograph: Feyel pi. 1. Cf. Etienne and Knoepfer, Hyettos de Beotie (Paris 1967) 241-242; P. Roesch, Etudes beotiennes (Paris 1982) 6. [---lAHOEOTHl--.I |, . . . w . ]tEIPIAEIQE/[ .] [..]» fipjcovre*, tMeivte. \ 4 jrcE&ao Ofjc[frno< --— — - — ] E-— - — I in tGffl- [---Jtiiv xf] - - - \ /wpoTM dffwXjov--} B f-Sc^SvSnl x0 cluEev-—-1 E.- - 1ET76 pmrtXtufc.- ] [-- - ^Y]kXtL|jdt{j|v - -- J [--S^piev 5t? Slrvtc! JipKrjfelFwi-] is -- - jNAMnr[--- j [.- ia[ - - -: -.-.] 4, 6 Feyel. 5 — 71 h fkcoiXitu &to?ieXT riii t:6Xl rdvoo-; ij£>v xih itp i] AjXJuatpv&atfu;] AAvjOL J-- -- -- -- -...- - -.....- - ] Of asylia at Andros we have no further evidence; the recognition of games may be the subject, but for this too there is no other support. The date is after the absorption of coastal Chersonasus by inland Lyttus in the second century BC . Page 590 Marble fragment from the vicinity of Lindos on Rhodes; h. 0.34, w. 0.09, th. 0.09; letters 0.01 of III »c Hiller, IG XII. 1 923. [-Jei&c .J [-e]Ooc$k(.j - ]uH Mil - - 3 i [■ ■■ t]o^-] [-* 1 nnpa iol(<; j --j xcd 6 SaffiO?-* ■ * ] «[..) 4 [ - - - - ]tuuv in^ ( c]lp»n> mIIt--] [-l]ep6v 4v[.-J [-ail] m dltei.[6 - * - *-] IZ j-JpOLTOV A[---j [•*' Itjpiv w[l SauXcw? * - - - ] (-3 vo|Mj;[o{jiev - -.] [-l] ep £,v d/[.] ,5 (-] TO®; M [.I [-]|MlAlfI|-*{ (-]SjlM|.--) 12: Hiller considered *1 pSw a^e^v and - <*J*p«tov a[ (patronymic). However we restore line 13, certain items would be at home in an asylia decree: piety, reference to those who come (4), the verb ww (14); but these would also be consistent with a sacred law, as Hiller noted. A fragmentary text copied by Reinach near Elaea, apparently an honorific decree of late Hellenistic or Roman date when Gryneium belonged to Myrina, mentions the temple of Apollo at Gryneium. The inscription yields the word aovxov, but isolated from any context. D. Baltazzi, BCH 12 (1888) 371-372, line 20: iatthi ., „aetaon. On the temple see G. Ragone, in Studi ellenistici III, ed. B. Virgilio (Pisa 1990) 9-112 (84 n. 189 on this inscription). A fragment of Pentelic marble found in the Athenian Agora in 1933, with lettering mid-III bc, was taken by its editor as an Athenian grant of inviolability for Smyrna. B. Meritt, Hesperia 13 (1944) 246-249 no. 9. Collation. Photograph: Meritt p. 247. Cf. J. and L. Robert, Bull, epigr. 1944, 59 (p. 192); Habicht, Gottmenschentum 100 n. 7. Page 591 4 3 Meritt's extensive restorations (cf. the Roberts' comments) are illogical and are contradicted by the parallels he adduced. 3 init. Robb.: Meritt. Line 6 can as well be ’A6?)v]oU)v as Meritt's For us, however, the question is whether in line 7 we have Aphrodite Stratonicis, hence some dealing with Smyrna, or a lady Stratonice or a patronymic i leave the question open. Into Royal Corres. 47, a grant of tax freedom for a festival of Apollo, found in the Caicus Valley in Mysia, F. Piejko, Historia 38 (1989) 395-409, inserts a sudden sentence, a declaration of asylia: N «icp&v This topic does not find mention in what survives of the inscription; compare p. 417 on Tralles. Hellespontine Germe is sometimes called sacred in our texts .2 A poem of imperial date doubtless counts for little toward showing this as a granted title (cf. Robert 387 n. 1): repMfc ^upffc (iGUrbRom 1341). But in a list Ptolemy (5.2.11) gives the name as •iepi r^n. And an inscription listing some men of the region with their origins describes one as from (Robert 400). Neither list is a context in which one expects to find civic titles"Holy Germe" appears here to be a name .3 The coins (references at Robert 184 n. 2) give the ethnic alone, re Pm vwv with never a title. It is the obverses of the pseudoautonomous issues that show a turreted female bust, the personified city, labeled bp* But these are of a piece with other obverses of Germe that show the ^p 4 e***^®; and the and on some issues the turreted female is The coins thus give little support for thinking that "sacred" was either part of the name of Germe or a granted title. The oddity in our evidence is thus the usage of Ptolemy and the one inscription, where the adjective is treated as though part of the proper name of the city. Whatever the explanation of this usage, I have not included Germe as an instance of declared inviolability. 2. See Robert, Etudes anat. 171-201, 377-413. 3. On "Holy Vanota" in Galatia see above, p. 8. .iSXftf. .*-?5l)civouv 6 -J - - ---ifrw(?)E£]tatirt[iL * - * * - - ] *-**,**-*-- - - ] odsf[aiv-] -— ifji pafjXqL frVjjjti l [ - * * - ]ai6»v Kotl nf oa[ -- - - ] -----]^v EhrpdTflviAf --] --- oI]xet« - -- ]SEtfONTETO[.j .-.lNTIFF.I Page 592 T. B. Mitford, JRS 66 (1946) 34-36 no. 13, published a rustic dedication of Roman date in the museum at Nicosia: fe^^Ufr^AEiA i Mitford took the end of the first line to be either or ’AaiaM]. other dedications to on Cyprus have no epithet. IG XIV *358, dismissed as a forgery by Kaibel, is defended by A. N. Oikonomides, AncW 11 (1985) 58-59 [SEG 35.1066]: a gem found in the Rhone at Marseilles shows an image of a ship, with an inscription Kaibel, (tiXowv) Mapo<; 'Afrrjvouo; 225.4 atox{k*kgu^32.3, 35.3, 36.3 ATojfuXo? m4yvt^73.4, 84.4, 24, 87.11, 97.10, 98.4 a^*v^c v a^60.2 ’AX^avipCx; KatAli^ ojVICk; 132.2 'AUlapxoi Ai^ioc 100.75 'AAe^otXfy; KopxupaT&;94.40 'AXc^l^axo^ AhtaXicl.4 ’AXXjd&sqiot ropi^vwi:! ~J 5.6 'AhijkXoi^ Ap(^tcrtpttTijpCK, Ni>atiEi>gl35.2, 186.8, 16 ’Aptqil^upo; Supaxio LOt; 12 0.4 Apwjil^upo<131.1 ’Apj^oXip K£jlg-^3.5 ftp gocXty; &%Ki"as87.2 ’Apx- 'Eptxpie^98.34 “AoavfipCK; rs1 56.39 r^Ydoot; M4r^79.6, 81.9, 43, 82.3 ripren; Ei>cLnjvit>;91.18 r6fparjt)r re v^83.2 Aajj.fiTfnei5l74.3, 19 AojJAkX^ AhtA6c54. 12 Acqioxp4rT|(; Elieatoc ^ 33.6 Aa^oxpd.^174.4, 20 Aapixpito^ KiXLiM\r«^77.5 Aql^vOun; MecOTI)v 1Q(]_5.13 AiijiAnv Hupxue 60 iD>;X 20.10 Adpsavc^ kehoc46.1, 4, 47.3 Atfvftib; 'tcjxXucl ,0 A££io<; BlAwick;1 56.39 Ariitas; ^vtioxe^cl25.b.24 Atopic*; !Avtioxe^lll.8 Ar^tpix m4yvt^ 99.3, 100.11, 44, 56, 125.a.9, 126.2 ATjpVjTpLtx; Nuo«^ 186.8, 16 Ar^TpicK; IlEpTa^r ( v6<; 178.31 e ^«*^214.8, 9, 39 , 40 Aiftii^rpLOt E^iupvaro^y. ]_Q Atjul^tplck; .7 a v ^218.20, 21 Af£itio6£vT£ AfX9^179.1 A^otfhQv m*yv»k69.3, 70.2, 111.31, 125. a.9, 126.2 Aifj^iiatx; KcAxtjMvio?53.4, 64.4 AwtY6pac MiY^83.8, 25, 104.5, 106.14, 129.8 AlaLt&s T^vioj53.16 *«W24.33, 225.37 At6r«K«K5io^9.16, 11.3, 46 Awyfcv^ , ! tt «^177.12 At6Soto< MotpediTf)^216.16 Aio^fjc ’Aj(tti6^89.47 a 10 kx^m^79.5, 81.9, 43, 82.3, 85.4, 5 86.5, 94.9, 95.5, 6, 96.5 AioxAffC TpaXAiavtSt;! 29.2 Ai*^™ Mitral 02.17, 26, 67 AnJti^T|? 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KGiq^42"44 **^m*yv* 73.5, 84.4, 25, 87.12, 97.11, 98.5, 103.4, 41 Xa^onlfia^ , H«ifK&t?>c82.38, 48 X#jWK M«5 u!jvlis<8 1.3 Xipias .6 Religious ’AY«ili^l75.11 m**1.13, 53.19, 84.32, 86.30, 148.41, 161.21, 176.2, 23, 177.16, 178.7, 11, 19, 23, 179.11, 23, 31, 214.48 *a^220.49 v Axtlc«;8 1.41 'axiot P 6tcick.95.2, 96.2 ’AfiApux;89.37 *a MI iuv225.5 , 44, 45; 48, 50, 55 ^^ 53 . 4 , 55.6, 18, 57.5, 59.4 ’AvtenipLtJi477.ll, 12 Avrtox^w 109.a.17 ’a«iox<*111.2, 3, 4, 5 ’AntX)vttTo;3.12 a^x«v 2.3, 3.6, 8, 13, 18, 24, 4.27, 5.b.5, 55.17, 57.6, 60.8, 62.3, 11, 63.5, 64.5, 65.3, 66.7, 78.5, 81.40, 82.11, 85.24, 86.17, 88.5, 93.8, 94.6, 95.51, 96.33, 98.33, 100.14, 102.4, 103.15, 109.a.2, 119.11, 125.a.l7, 129.5, 136.12, 147.9, 162.22, 163.25, 27, 34, 164.3, 170.8, 172.6, 179.20, 198.10, 214.57 AnoMtjvtoc 120.3 ■ABtep«154.56 W46.ll, 156.24 ‘Ap)«vcexftai219.5 ApOT^aia; p. 536 Apt ^1^158.1 ■^*66.5, 8, 10, 19, 32, 68.7, 69.8, 70.9, 71.11, 73.10, 14, 77.6, 7, 78.3, 10, 79.11, 81.17, 20, 82.7, 12, 23, 83.6, 11, 84.8, 12, 18, 85.6, 11, 21, 35, 86.7, 12, 18, 87.10, 17, 28, 88.6, 16, 32, 39, 89.7, 19, 22, 29, 90.17, 91.6, 11, 92.9, 93.9, 19, 26, 31, 94.6, 21, 25, 95.10, 14, 96.8, 17, 19, 29, 39, 97.4, 16, 19, 98.7, 10, 13, 15, 99.5, 8, 100.16, 19, 29, 35, 47, 73, 101.8, 12, 102.5, 7, 33, 103.8, 16, 104.11, 21, 105.9, 12, 106.4, 107.7, 109.a.19, b.18, 110.16, 111.39, 59, 65, 75, 76, 112.0, 21, 27, 113.4, 7, 114.3, 9, 19, 115.2, 119.7, 120.6, 20, 29, 124.20, 125.a.3, 6, 26, 40, b.10, 19, 20, 126.4, 127.5, 11, 128.4, 13, 129.5, 10, 15, 24, 25, 131.9, 154.56, 155.30, 159.34, 164.4, 182.1, 212.40, 56, 214.1, 45, 47,215.4 ■AetjAijrt[*ta9.9, 13.14, 20.4, 23.7, 10, 25.3, 8, 26.8, 11, 27.10 A®eXi)*ieTev49.36 Aoxx^8.6, 8, 11.6, 14.3, 5, 15.5, 7, 9, 16.5, 7, 9, 17.4, 6, 18.5, 20.5, 21.9, 12, 23.9, 25.7, 9, 26.9, 27.3, 5, 14, 28.3, 8, 29.3, 32.5, 6, 35.5, 7, 36.9, 39.4, 45.5, 46.6, 7, 9, 10, 47.4, 5, 48.6, 14, 26, 49.3, 13, 27, 31, 50.4, 150.43, 159.34, 155.30, 181.11, 184.7 AouXafaf p. 576 Page 617 'AaOtaoc pp. 451-452 AOrouflrtx; 18 6.5 p. 386 a W oW.4, 12, 17, 212.55, 213.1, 10 B(xotXc^2.2, 7 Bouj3a«ttfov223.24 ropnuifcc23.2, 26.3, 186.4 Aa[fl«5cl86.14 Aa9vr^A(M ? 98.33 Aexawpdpo^ 147.9 AelSf>4LLOs3.11 'i^92.14, 120.39 ’ImfccIov226.14 •g«217.3, 8, 11, 18, 221.4, 17, 32, 222.16, 24 ’**W62.22, 163.25 *Itk&vio^1.13 Kaa^Lefoc4.12, 14, 22, 34 Khxxiviko< 111.3, 222.18 KoncTtiKiojl 86.4 p. 424 ko(»vjjlo^175.8 K^qpct).G<85.14, 19 KX4pir>cl72.7 K^peitt p. 344 **■*165.3, 168.5, 170.6, 185.8 Kp™«84.32 A(S^pauvSo<;198.12, 201.14 at223.44 *1**^131.15, 222.13, 224.4, 225.3 *ix^t^ 220.3, 8, 221.3 *1X0^4x^222.12, 224.3, 225.2 *MVtKSTo^94.2 x*ptT«c p. 217 X^T)trr4twt63.5 XfHLioiopcuil62.22, 163.24 *oov^224.8 Page 619 Geographical ’■Apfcjpa p. 422 ■'Apufioc p. 421 ****4.5, 135.1; p. 351 ^6^66.12; p. 422 »i»*1.7, 82.36, 87.7, 133.9, 162.15, 23, 163.8, 225.4 ’Aein)?18.1, 5 AtrtcAcii(;100.83 AlYtvft p. 422 Atyivilifnyc^S.Sl attkjv p. 422 AVf^>a p. 422 AIywttoc219.3 AW*Xeftl75.9 Atw4ijve<;5 6.3 aivioc28.7 AhwWei67.13, 132.10, 11, 178.20 Ah^l.2, 11, 4.1, 5. a. 2, 54.14, 15, 67.4, 9, 13, 77.1, 78.7, 8, 132.1, 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 16, 133.3, 10, 13, 163.3, 178.2, 9, 11, 17, 19, 20, 32 AxApixn p, 400 Axnpv£v81.1, 12, 26, 32, 42 ’Axpa«pttt2.3, 3.6, 14, 18 'AXdpovJd p. 422 'A>X(4tr^88.65 *AXe44vSpna66.1 Tfnunij; p, 422 ’AXe&aw&peii* (Iran) 111.107 'AXixopvaosiig: p. 589 'AXw&a p. 421 AVv!kwl09.b.28 3U**P“Mg151.1, 18, 30 m**81.49 •a^ox^^.S, 77.9 ^vpu^tuv p. 421 ^HvoRtacl.12, 3.5, 9, 21, 26, 4.6, 8, 10, 11, 21, 30, 32, 34, 5.b.l, 8.9, 67.21, 133.14, 17, 19, 163.11, 23, 35, 179.1, 3, 11, 16, 19 •AM^tXo X oc77.10 rA W i«oxi^26.1, 10 Vpl°“<* 77.12, 133.3 'AvfljrropteiJc81.5, 48 ’Av(wpoib(;175.12, 18, 22 "A’n&piQe[a221.6, 222.2, 16, 223.2, 10 0eX^a**92.7, 94.32, 96.41, 222.14 Kqp *^45.1, 94.1, 5, 20, 25, 170.1 Kopovraic«;81.2 Kofthveiotl. 14; p. 422 Kortfli£0c5.a.3, 163.5 Kpdv«53.20 KpAvtoc85.39 kp^56.1, 198.2, 199.9 *•<-**59.11, 60.4, 6, 96.11, 159.10, 28, 175.2, 16, 187.5, 188.4, 189.2, 16, 190.4, 192.3, 196.4, 8, 11, 13, 19, 199.6, 200.8, 207.6, 9, 208.9, 11, 14, 209.15 **nl75.19, 188.2, 189.3, 190.5, 6, 191.7, 209.2 K^vtdt^l39.l, 2, 25 kuc^v*165.1, 166.4, 11, 13, 14, 168.3, 5, 170.2 KtffcwlOO.82 ^** 88.66 kt* p. 421 kuioc8.1, 11.2, 14.3, 4, 15.2, 14, 16.2, 5, 9, 17.2, 18.2, 11, 19.1, 6, 20.3, 7, 11, 21.2, 11, 22.4, 23.4, 5, 10, 15, 25.3, 10, 26.4, 6, 16, 27.2, 6, 11, 28.4, 7, 29.5, 6, 32.2, 8, 35.2, 8, 36.2, 39.2, 3, 45.3, 46.3, 5, 9, 47.2, 48.2, 5, 9, 25, 49.3, 6, 26, 37, 51.2, 176.1, 184.6 Kfl*14.5, 15.7, 16.7, 17.6, 23.2, 9, 26.10, 27.2, 10, 14, 21, 28.8, 29.3, 35.6 Auxt^ifiAvicc 14,1, 2 p. 422 a^ 4.1, 77.14, 133.6 Atios^ (Phrygia) 109.a.26 Aa*r.ttio<;59.6, 143.1, 2, 6, 206.6; p. 589 Afipuja p. 422 Page 622 a4t«*; 142.1 / 2, 6; p. 589 A4tw* (Camara) 152.1, 2, 6 AA^O? p. 421 Acrr60evl42.25, 152.28 Ae(B4&Eia2.2 a (#^10 2.81 At'jxii’.0(;81.47 Ai[ivalcn:4.2 Alfjupa p. 422 AbxpA;2.1 A«*ji4«k88.68 Aiirno? 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p. 421 MilavBfO(;S6G p. 422 Maxe&ovfa p. 421 m*«^ 23.4, 6, 12, 25.6, 13, 26.7, 8, 13, 27.8, 13, 97.3, 224.32 M fl M U *& K 157.1, 2, 11, 17 m«p«*ih|g29.2, 6 MaaraupLTF); 186.2 Magpie 16 3.4 Mrr&Xr}lE&ktt p. 422 M^f«pa p. 422 MPfapP^O.l, 7, 9 mc&luvlo^8 1.4, 46, 168.1 MeOv£pi«k88.61 m^219.8 Mec1214.3 ^**85.15, 16, 18, 27, 29, 133.7 s^‘o«102.82 (Minoa) 100.80 Eap*iavt5c214.34, 53, 60, 65, 66 Sefatatl 11.104 (by Eulaeus) 111.108 Eexeuxe^ (by Hedyphon) 111.110 (Red S 6 a) 111.105 (by Tigris) 111.101 EcXeuKia (by Issus) p. 422 EEpt°c53.5, 55.4, 12 Ti*np'n«181.14, 17 Page 624 Ttrp^ll 1.102 tm* p. 422 ^<*214.58 Tonpy«va218.21 p. 421 Tp 543 *eil2.40, 14.3, 48.28, 49.29, 54.9, 67.16, 68.16, 79.25, 81.33, 83.29, 86.22, 94.34, 41, 44, 95.34, 96.38, 43, 44, 98.29, 104.19, 107.38, 109.b.l5, 111.88, 113.21, 118.20, 125.b.l5, 132.13, 136.9, 139.12, 23, 140.11, 24, 141.25, 142.29, 144.9, 145.7, 146.8, 147.6, 148.13, 38, 149.11, 150.15, 151.13, 26, 152.13, 156.31, 157.18, 178.4, 24, 179.4, 18, 26, 185.14, 201.10, 203.4 ac4iKKl36.il, 141.26, 142.30, 144.10, 146.9, 147.7, 148.40, 150.42, 152.34 iWmoi6.26 aexov84.21, 91.14, 97.23, 98.17, 102.38, 105.27, 106.33, 112.34, 129.19 oilTiti>.6t;220.13 *fW5.26, 88.25, 89.39, 41, 102.56, 106.24, 112.20, 113.28, 155.25, 161.12 <■^3.16, 4.25, 23.15, 75.30, 32, 77.5, 79.24, 85.32, 33, 86.22, 23, 88.22, 92.17, 94.28, 34, 96.4, 46, 97.8, 98.31, 33, 99.12, 100.49, 52, 71, 74, 102.16, 73, 105.5, 106.28, 30, 35, 109.a.24, b.23, 111.69, 71, 87, 93, 99, 113.28, 115.5, 10, 116.3, 6, 120.42, 130.15, 131.20, 200.2 *4.37, 75.26, 132.11, 149.25, 153.15, 220.23, 221.13 &xx&o216.3 ***•-161.23, 187.1, 195.6 <&W3.2, 20, 4.19, 28, 11.48, 13.27, 21.6, 23.13, 27.7, 13, 48.23, 49.23, 66.19, 22, 27, 30, 68.21, 69.6, 70.6, 71.19, 79.7, 82.46, 47, 85.21, 86.28, 88.49, 59, 94.32, 33, 96.12, 28, 98.27, 100.8, 64, 104.12, 107.32, 111.23, 42, 70, 113.25, 29, 114.13, 16, 17, 22, 115.7, 116.1, 125.b.22, 129.15, 19, 130.10, 15, 131.19, 138.15, 16, 139.11, 22, 25, 140.10, 22, 141.16, 142.11, 145.6, 10, 148.11, 149.7, 150.12, 151.8, 26, 29, 152.11, 153.15, 157.9, 159.14, 176.3, 177.16, 178.4, 14, 22, 29, 30, 180.a.l7, 185.13, 188.8, 196.4, 5, 203.3, 218.24, 219.6, 9, 220.16, 221.31, 222.42, 223.13, 224.25, 225.18 sx 8£>?211.17; p. 358 su*135.13; p. 483 <5*i*ro**; p. 483 VW14.71 iwiW.4, 36.8, 59.9, 95.42, 96.35, 45, 102.28, 104.26, 107.14, 33, 109.b.7, 111.66, 114.15, 125.a.26, 129.14, 155.46, 156.36, 157.9, 159.15, 46, 166.9, 220.9 dv«inr*M«102.30, 103.32, 107.34 dwtftiMwi t 2.2, 11.49, 103.31; p. 570 i va yvrviiiTX-a) 137.4 dvaY»ittil42.29, 152.33 dvaYxau*;48.11, 49.9 dvaYxai*^12.32 4«tv^l09.a.l9, 162.18, 196.16, 205.7 *vw*400.39, 162.15; pp. 175, 425 ivatf«q)^4.7 *******3.16, 4.8, 26, 5.b.4, 7.10, 17, 53.17, 55.16, 59.5, 62.8, 67.21, 77.6, 78.4, 81.38, 82.34, 83.26, 84.30, 85.34, 86.28, 87.37, 89.34, 94.42, 95.50, 96.46, 98.32, 100.72, 102.72, 109.b.10, 16, 19, 114.21, 125.b.9, 134.13, 136.11, 142.31, 146.10, 147.8, 148.40, 150.42, 154.13, 49, 53, 155.9, 29, 156.22, 159.16, 33, 160.9, 161.1, 17, 162.31, 163.32, 167.7, 174.15, 178.32, 179.29, 203.8, 218.29 dvirpH w <75.29 av^u^lll.25, 140.20, 163.24, 176.17, 178.18, 179.23 dva&EBfi)tiii53.7; p. 448 $^6^82.36 dvSte.jtc87.40, 162.34, 228.4 dvs*W20.13, 222.19, 224.9; pp. 82, 442 d voxrjpuo™ 12 5. a. 3 6 dvaxo[iU[u>68.4 dvxX(cfx163.16, 221.12 dvac«po^59.8, 96.35, 129.11, 160.14 fcw»v2.2, 3.17, 19, 4.26, 28, Page 627 53.19, 55.17, 62.10, 67.21, 78.5, 81.40, 84.31, 85.34, 86.29, 89.36, 94.42, 95.51, 129.24, 25, 156.23, 157.14, 178.33, 220.33, 222.46, 224.16, 225.30 dvatop. 498 ava^3.24, 4.23, 83.27, 178.25 pp. 542-543 & V&p&to&a v218.3 7 Av&psfoc46.2 AvSpijXfitt bi> p. 577 p. 374 Av&pt6cl79.30 «v=^218.35 |dvsnJ<#op!a) p. 46 avetio^221.20 4vspitjo&t(r«a^ 222.43 ivtrtdrfysXT&c p. 15 iveirteta6^ia^218.27 *^0^218.33 ^96.16, 102.65, 111.14, 24, 225.8 220.27, 43 *nalt»]mc218.37, 39 *™vt*»9.5 dndvnr|m<;222.26 dnapdJJoXo<;175.25 dnflpibiX»fTtKl02.64; pp. 175-176, 283, 321 4mpffio(iflt(i)t222.29 *«nrt28.10, 29.7, 32.9, 68.18, 79.21, 80.1, 81.35, 86.19, 97.26, 102.40, 107.35, 109.a.6, 110.24, 127.10, 128.12, 129.22, 27, 131.20 s^6.47, 10.1, 20.7, 35.8, 63.6, 66.30, 81.38, 82.33, 43, 100.36, 101.39, 102.48, 103.35, 111.21, 55, 92, 135.7, 9, 137.11, 13, 162.23, 163.32, 176.22, 179.15, 24, 180.a.l8, 188.4, 214.44, 218.19 4nfpj;eiifli3.1, 4.19 4jnfiXMiTin223.22 Page 628 sn*4.22, 15.8, 10, 17.6, 18.6, 39.5, 62.6, 132.11, 133.15, 153.21, 168.9, 178.20; pp. 9, 52, 284 4itopi&Sojimi78.21, 223.27; p. 543 4jie*tpaq^l04.5 ^(*^63.8, 16, 64.9, 69.18, 83.30, 87.19, 102.42, 103.19, 125.b.23, 127.14, 149.29, 156.10, 159.26, 185.9; pp. 10, 576 4th556^102.60, 129.4, 178.3 te^n-8.19, 9.17, 11.7, 44, 12.34, 20.9, 29.4, 35.7, 46.9, 63.15, 66.30, 68.9, 13, 18, 69.14, 21, 27, 70.13, 17, 19, 71.14, 21, 73.13, 79.10, 82.6, 17, 50, 83.17, 84.11, 17, 85.11, 87.16, 88.13, 31, 89.16, 27, 48, 91.9, 15, 92.6, 11, 93.16, 95.24, 26, 96.21, 97.15, 18, 98.9, 15, 35, 99.7, 100.23, 102.13, 32, 58, 74, 103.6, 23, 104.13, 105.17, 26, 106.11, 25, 107.30, 111.38, 56, 112.27, 113.24, 118.16, 17, 119.15, 120.19, 28, 125.a.l9, 23, 128.7, 129.16, 130.7, 131.14, 153.9, 166.12, 168.6, 8, 176.10, 35, 177.7, 178.9, 15, 179.14, 26, 217.23; pp. 98, 287, 421 a^<*W.9, 66.21, 67.19, 69.10, 70.9, 71.7, 73.6, 81.14, 22, 85.6, 86.6, 88.4, 35, 89.4, 90.5, 13, 92.3, 16, 93.6, 94.11, 96.7, 97.12, 101.5, 15, 102.10, 111.29, 33, 114.12, 118.8, 119.6, 120.13, 125.a.8, 135.4, 136.10, 139.6, 140.7, 141.4, 25, 142.6, 30, 144.10, 145.11, 146.9, 147.7, 148.6, 39, 150.7, 41, 151.30, 152.6, 33, 154.6, 157.5, 159.7, 166.2, 172.5, 173.7, 176.15, 177.11, 20, 185.3, 186.13; pp. 49, 337, 378-379, 425 4n&5omc6.43, 102.66 dno6ox^i78.28 4 * 08 *^ 223.26 dfloodotl 11.17 *wrt*wl74.8, 186.9; pp. 173, 281, 378-379, 418 And *£4*1110 2.5 2 **•*■■*-51.5, 63.12, 94.24, 102.46, 104.8, 106.21, 107.24, 112.23, 113.20, 131.14, 137.8, 138.13, 139.16, 140.17, 148.19, 149.20, 150.20, 151.18, 152.19, 154.25, 155.22, 156.14, 157.11, 159.19, 161.9, 162.8, 163.22, 166.10, 197.9 A™wcqi™11.28, 23.5, 25.4, 57.7, 60.9, 73.9, 79.8, 81.13, 82.14, 84.7, 86.6, 87.14, 94.11, 97.12, 98.6, 102.18, 103.10, 108.5, 111.35, 112.8, 38, 113.11, 119.6, 120.13, 21, 36, 125.a.11, 130.7, 149.9, 179.14 iaoJityfuSH^ 12 5. b. 2 p. 175 1.17 pp. 31, 33, 42, 84 da6ppi}ot<;218.28 te«^23.37; p. 562 15 0.2 3 *«aittx«4.6, 7.3, 9, 8.12, 11.27, 15.2, 17.2, 26.4, 27.3, 19, 32.2, 35.2, 36.2, 48.12, 49.10, 51.3, 53.9, 57.3, 60.4, 63.3, 64.4, 67.5, 71.4, 73.25, 79.6, 81.30, 82.3, 29, 83.8, 22, 24, 29, 84.3, 22, 85.24, 86.4, 87.11, 89.11, 32, 94.8, 18, 28, 30, 95.31, 96.5, 44, 45, 97.8, 21, 24, 26, 98.3, 18, 100.6, 10, 45, 102.30, 103.3, 34, 104.3, 24, 105.4, 19, 31, 106.5, 13, 27, 107.2, 9, 35, 109.a.ll, 111.18, 30, 64, 71, 120.33, 124.22, 127.12, 129.24, 130.19, 131.6, 23, 132.3, 134.3, 135.3, 139.5, 140.4, 142.4, 148.4, 149.3, 16, 150.5, 151.4, 152.4, 153.5, 156.5, 16, 157.4, 159.5, 163.13, 34, 166.2, 5, 174.2, 19, 176.43, 178.22, 179.10, 195.3, 204.4, 229.6; pp. 163, 387 d7wmox^l00.47, 102.45, 68, 188.16 iflOOTfriHri p. 30 Anoxri<7*< 175.24 *w*™c88.21, 136.3, 142.23, 146.1, 148.32, 150.33, 152.26 **■*27.18, 49.33, 66.22, 81.35, 85.31, 94.32, 96.41, 42, 109.b.21, 131.27 <*ptM'c‘k66. 16 m12.28, 21.5, 22.7, 66.22, 69.16, 83.14, 94.29, 98.30, 111.70, 189.12, 195.7, 201.8, 207.3, 208.7, 209.8; pp. 46, 336 dp*nYit£iQv25.15 **^66.21, 69.7, 70.8, 87.10, 91.6, 96.19, 100.18, 101.11, 102.7, 103.8, 105.12, 110.16, 111.26, 112.3, 113.7, 114.19, 125.a.5, 129.5, 131.9, 154.20, 155.34, 159.12, 23, 161.20 **Iy*135.11 **=P=*180.a.l, 214.4, 31, 73 ^e^8.4, 14.4, 15.3, 16.3, 17.2, 18.2, 19.1, 20.3, 21.2, 22.4, 23.2, 25.17, 26.4, 27.3, 32.4, 35.3, 39.2, 46.3, 47.3, 48.12, 49.10, 85.4, 23, 26, 86.24, 94.37, 96.30, 33, 126.1, 10, 166.1, 5, 168.5, 174.3 *x*3.10, 4.15, 104.17 *x-l.l, 4.1, 9, 11, 30, 5.a.2, 19.9, 26.15, 27.17, 18, 46.7, 47.2, 66.12, 73.3, 79.1, 85.1, 35, 36, 87.1, 96.2, 98.29, 99.10, 100.3, 5, 41, 49, 66, 70, 107.39, 133.2, 134.14, 139.2, 163.2, 174.1, 178.26, 30, 179.1, 180.a.l, 181.4, 8, 186.15, 217.10, 229.3 mm 2 18.29; p. 15, 543 fc*e4«36.12, 221.11; pp. 15, 379, 423 *155.31, 218.24, 223.16, 225.8; pp. 6, 42 «05*83.7, 100.28, 101.23, 105.23, Page 630 .^(continued) 106.4, 108.11, 111.41, 118.22, 134.8, 155.9, 161.24, 177.19 «Sf»v87.37, 162.31 «**hi222.41 ai jto«p^i80.a.l, 186.1, 214.3, 31, 73, 217.15 aiiitrvotitai79.6; pp. 46, 97 pp. 394, 418, 434 ^^4.39, 139.26, 145.11, 151.30, 156.29 *<^67.17, 132.14 &i»Lep&464.2 ^108.17, 125.b.16; pp. 6, 9, 42, 51, 75, 283, 287, 576 *i-«*<-11.12, 103.38, 111.89, 113.22, 130.9, 15; p. 590 d f[ ^i02.65, 107.25, 125.b.5, 148.23, 156.16, 159.22 ati-E&vctyita 179.24 4wMw7.7, 135.6, 8, 153.20, 189.11, 190.9, 207.2, 208.5, 209.7; pp. 9, 282-283, 330, 529 d26.2 Pd«nXiK6cl80.a.7 M;6s88.28 M79.15, 84.25, 179.20 ec[xvu[itl20.15 8efrivovl62.31 e e v 0l sa tt iov[al84.13, 212.56 ^ a 17.9, 18.9, 26.3, 45.2, 49.33, 223.23 8cxomi£vtc15.11, 86.20 8ex,orp4 W «213.7, 214.30 8 ^^ 225.10 8c*Kpo<56.4, 67.2, 130.9, 175.7, 180.a.l «x^8.15, 12.22, 14.2, 17.5, 18.4, 6, 19.6, 21.9, 25.8, 27.9, 28.2, 5, 32.7, 36.7, 48.18, 25, 49.18, 26, 50.2, 78.2, 79.19, 81.15, 85.21, 86.18, 87.26, 93.26, 96.28, 100.32, 101.28, 111.97, 126.5, 174.26 e**»7.9, 10.9, 11.46, 17.4, 21.7, 48.16, 49.15, 88.43, 94.16, 29, 98.25, 102.49, 107.37, 111.44, 179.8, Page 632 (continued) 218.17, 30, 221.17, 222.31, 223.19, 225.20 ^8.13, 11.17, 97.17, 98.14, 137.7 >^73.7, 107.11, 218.17, 31, 222.8, 223.31, 33 6j JWJ!W^183.5 « I ^*px°';153.3 ATjtii]tp(ew>!83.20 toywjpt tfov 10 5.34 ®i]tiLoupY^:86.1, 89.33, 158.1 163.21; pp. 97, 290, 378 ^6.49, 51, 8.2, 9.13, 23, 10.3, 11.2, 11, 22, 12.39, 20.7, 9, 28.4, 7, 29.2, 6, 32.6, 35.6, 36.7, 39.1, 46.8, 47.2, 48.5, 24, 49.2, 25, 37, 55.15, 59.5, 63.2, 11, 12, 13, 64.2, 8, 11, 13, 68.2, 14, 22, 69.2, 7, 17, 70.2, 7, 16, 71.3, 75.24, 79.13, 15, 81.19, 82.20, 85.3, 17, 18, 86.14, 15, 87.7, 13, 20, 25, 26, 31, 88.17, 90.2, 5, 9, 10, 14, 16, 91.9, 92.1, 93.20, 95.12, 25, 35, 96.2, 7, 19, 23, 24, 26, 97.2, 18, 98.3, 14, 19, 23, 25, 99.1, 7, 100.2, 5, 9, 13, 18, 25, 32, 45, 101.1, 2, 16, 22, 25, 37, 102.1, 6, 11, 16, 21, 23, 24, 25, 29, 36, 43, 47, 62, 67, 103.26, 29, 104.1, 2, 8, 16, 23, 24, 105.1, 2, 17, 21, 24, 106.10, 16, 18, 21, 27, 107.2, 8, 11, 19, 20, 22, 24, 108.2, 9, 12, 16, 109.a.7, 14, 15, 19, 26, 27, b.2, 6, 15, 111.12, 20, 30, 40, 48, 51, 68, 72, 89, 93, 97, 112.2, 7, 13, 14, 18, 24, 31, 113.11, 13, 15, 17, 20, 21, 115.4, 116.3, 118.13, 20, 119.8, 13, 120.11, 27, 125.a.2, 12, 14, 17, 24, 34, b.9, 11, 126.5, 12, 127.7, 15, 128.7, 11, 12, 129.2, 3, 10, 11, 12, 14, 23, 25, 130.3, 11, 14, 17, 131.1, 3, 4, 14, 17, 18, 26, 133.10, 13, 135.2, 137.2, 138.3, 139.3, 13, 16, 17, 23, 140.17, 22, 141.3, 143.3, 145.1, 8, 148.14, 16, 20, 24, 149.22, 150.15, 18, 25, 151.13, 152.14, 16, 19, 153.4, 21, 154.3, 26, 155.2, 19, 36, 159.9, 22, 160.8, 162.7, 13, 15, 25, 37, 38, 163.25, 166.4, 5, 10, 173.4, 174.21, 25, 176.2, 38, 42, 177.10, 13, 15, 178.7, 13, 180.a.2, 181.4, 9, 185.1, 186.6, 196.15, 205.5, 209.2, 10, 211.11, 212.38, 213.5, 214.34, 37, 217.10, 26, 229.8 a^^lOO.68, 70, 111.67, 74, 131.27, 189.7, 209.4, 211.5, 226.7 afitio3i£vTK6.29, 67, 214.62 JlttYtm(C|i3l22 1.10 6^V^176.15, 177.20, 179.12 6i4YFW0tl75.27 6ti@emel78.6 6uu«n£ 144.3 w^H-ll.lO, 24, 13.19, 89.39, 96.4, 25, 98.12, 107.26, 112.15, 19, 25, 113.17, 21, 119.14, 131.4, 141.13, 148.20, 150.21, 154.18, 29, 155.20, 159.30, 222.23, 224.14 8iax6vl27.14 sp-xjxJil5.il, 17.9, 18.9, 10, 81.35, 83.20, 86.20, 94.32, 106.31, 107.36, 110.25, 124.25, 125.b.23, 126.11, 127.11, 129.22, 23, 27, 131.20, 27, 169.4 a^l2.19, 160.9, 223.37 &W*12.40, 113.23, 130.17, 162.12, 218.19 6^4^189.9, 190.8, 209.6; pp. 97, 421 iw*11.33, 94.30, 109.b.6, 120.35, 136.4, 142.24, 144.1, 146.2, 148.32, 150.34, 152.27, 154.46, 155.37, 156.30, 159.42, 177.9 a*o4.26, 66.2, 80.1, 86.29, 101.38, 120.40, 178.33, 216.7, 10 8u8 18 3.5 ^162.20, 179.6, 216.3 **v3.4, 9, 21, 4.20, 35.8, 55.15, 66.20, 98.25, 145.8, 151.28, 154.42, 46, 155.31, 156.26, 157.15, 159.38, 224.20; p. 9 t*™o59.9, 63.6, 64.6, 69.21, 101.6, 102.50, 64, 111.41, 130.12, 160.16, 162.12, 179.10, 12, 21, 226.8, 230.4 ^>214.76, 221.29; pp. 49, 336 *P»°i**87.4 *rr^W23.32 *ytp&i*»216.12, 222.48 *rri»«178.32 ***“^*^146.3 *y**W79.26, 229.10 *rxoJuSinto220.34, 224.26, 225.29 **"**<98.24, 155.41, 159.37 *yx^p*«22 1.11 *rx«fip«c220.35; p. 15 «tw4.16, 70.17, 89.41, 111.22, 178.22 Wi-203.4, 218.25, 30, 224.11; p. 336 «VIX^197.12 *>^3.25, 8.11, 21.6, 66.31, 67.7, 82.42, 163.12, 178.4, 15, 195.13, 196.7; pp. 98, 175, 421 *4.34, 38, 39, 12.15, 27, 55.8, 67.15, 94.30, 118.23, 132.12, 136.4, 9, 139.24, 141.19, 24, 142.24, 28, 144.5, 8, 146.2, 7, 147.1, 5, 148.33, 37, 150.34, 39, 152.27, 32, 160.4, 175.17, 178.21, 180.a.2, 191.3, 192.8, 221.18, 222.33, 225.21 *&oil84.5, 186.5 **81.7, 94.3, 166.3 cbooi83.20, 127.12, 169.4, 212.57 eiwsv8.17, 75.28, 163.26, 27, 178.14, 179.22, 220.15, 222.18, 224.10, 17 *Tnep216.4 t&»v25.2, 60.1, 87.6, 97.1, 99.2, 100.3, 8, 111.10, 120.7 *^4.38, 65.5, 82.45, 98.28, 154.41, 156.26, 160.4, 163.21, 179.25, 189.10, 190.9, 196.6, 209.7; pp. 23, 42, 283 *11.44, 26.2, 98.30, 178.33, 186.5, 216.9 *<^98.26, 105.32, 163.31 e ^W20.48, 221.23, 222.8, 20, 39, 224.23, 225.16 <*W20.41, 221.22; p. 573 cbotcvu221.14 *<^104.22, 129.11 fcxmn:4>:l<82.27, 94.18 fi—dl.31, 15.11, 81.32, 83.23, 87.34, 89.26, 42, 100.57, 102.27, 54, 107.36, 109.a.l6, 111.45, 64, 112.41, 117.2, 131.18, 178.14, 25, 218.34, Page 635 220.24 fcxiaroTe102.39, 107.36 ***W7.18, 128.14, 162.30, 163.26, 181.15, 222.47 81.36, 94.32, 107.23, 36, 110.25, 126.11, 129.22, 131.20, 27, 212.57, 223.23 txatoci™64.12, 73.7, 101.21, 107.14, 27, 125.a.l6, 131.13, 149.16, 151.16, 166.9, 173.9, 178.5 f^216.6 ijix[jtT(oi 96.7 itmq®it«224.13 *ji7iA6u^l2.15 eti7ip«i9€v3.l5, 185.7, 12 i^pavifc-67.16, 132.12 ^,^20.6, 21.3, 22.5, 26.7, 27.8, 48.16, 49.16, 63.4, 64.4, 67.8, 81.25, 82.10, 85.6, 12, 88.11, 89.12, 93.4, 13, 95.18, 96.8, 12, 100.13, 101.5, 130.6, 133.12, 138.5, 11, 143.5, 159.8, 163.18, 181.17, 186.12, 198.5, 214.44 *M*P7.14, 11.49 *v™*<222.3, 223.3, 224.27, 225.31 ^12.7, 71.20, 88.9, 93.12, 174.5 ^178.21, 219.8 £vnjYxii*4l3.7, 173.4 ^<*>98.27; p. 543 HtttAenoi 16 2.2 6 ^<5^^104.18, 111.6 ^oitcKjriw.a>155.5, 170.3, 178.9 ^225.7 ^6.28, 55.7, 120.39, 136.7, 141.22, 142.27, 144.7, 146.6, 147.4, 148.36, 150.37, 152.30 **™»*102.72, 109.b.8, 125.b.l9 i£MKrfti67.12, 183.5 W9 x®:211.4, 15 ^189.2, 190.5 t*rrr*u«12.21, 23.9, 26.11, 27.10, 36.8, 48.18, 94.33, 97.9, 100.7, 43, 102.12, 17, 40, 105.6, 119.3, 128.8 WW.9, 15, 8.3, 12.7, 15.4, 14, 17.3, 18.10, 19.2, 20.4, 10, 21.16, 23.6, 14, 25.3, 8, 16, 26.8, 15, 27.5, 11, 16, 28.0, 32.4, 35.4, 36.4, 39.3, 46.6, 47.4, 48.13, 49.12, 17, 51.3, 67.12, 69.5, 70.5, 71.16, 82.28, 49, 83.10, 19, 85.22, 88.39, 90.18, 19, 91.5, 92.13, 14, 93.30, 32, 95.26, 34, 37, 96.30, 97.21, 99.4, 100.51, 101.32, 34, 36, 102.41, 46, 107.3, 118.14, 119.15, 120.5, 31, 38, 124.22, 24, 125.a.38, 126.3, 127.7, 129.17, 130.13, 131.14, 19, 165.6, 168.4, 176.45, 178.24, 27 tearYEXti^86.5 taa6}-o»211.10 m.7.15, 9.13, 19.6, 23.11, 25.10, 26.11, 27.11, 53.11, 59.7, 73.27, 75.11, 79.13, 82.39, 83.24, 84.23, 85.17, 26, 86.13, 23, 87.30, 32, 94.36, 95.40, 96.26, 33, 98.19, 100.55, 101.25, 102.24, 26, 59, 103.29, 40, 105.24, 109.a.l0, 110.21, 111.48, 112.18, 35, 113.26, 120.26, 35, 129.14, 20, 130.14, 131.23, 139.18, 140.14, 145.2, 149.22, 151.21, 155.18, 41, 156.32, 157.18, 159.43, 160.13, 162.13, 28, 163.26, 28, 178.11, 30, 179.19, 196.15, 207.3, 208.7, 209.12 m 0*1*7.16, 12.17, 89.20, 94.27, 100.28, 107.17, 125.a.l3, 166.13, 179.16 ^^141.25, 144.9, 146.8, 147.6, 148.38, 150.40 £mivaYx*s218.33 fezvaiplij p. 337 ireSvwi&cv222.23 *■*•111.15, 112.21, 162.2, 176.13, 178.6, 179.7, 185.8, 217.22; p. 483 t™i6.25, 7.2, 13.6, 17.2, 23.2, 26.4, 78.12, 93.21, 94.18, 33, 101.35, 132.3, 17, 133.9, 163.11, 170.2, 178.2, 23, 214.33, 224.11 *•***4.5, 30, 15.2, 16.2, 20.2, 25.2, 27.2, 32.2, 35.2, 36.2, 39.1, 46.2, 47.2, 48.9, 49.6, 51.1, 57.2, 60.3, 63.2, 64.2, 66.4, 67.4, 79.3, 82.1, Page 637 83.4, 84.2, 85.28, 86.3, 87.6, 93.2, 94.4, 96.3, 97.1, 98.1, 99.2, 100.8, 101.2, 105.2, 106.1, 107.1, 111.10, 118.1, 125.a.2, 129.3, 131.4, 132.17, 134.2, 138.2, 139.3, 140.3, 142.2, 143.2, 148.2, 149.2, 150.2, 151.2, 152.2, 155.2, 156.3, 157.2, 159.2, 166.4, 174.18, 176.43, 177.13, 179.1, 187.3, 195.1, 196.2, 229.5 ^12.10, 87.23, 162.6 fc*t«p217.24 £itet{n&ijto$94.10 ^to.8.16, 88.20, 93.23, 176.33, 177.6 ^-26.5, 27.5, 57.7, 60.9, 63.9, 64.10, 100.12, 101.2, 102.16, 104.6, 106.15, 107.10, 108.3, 111.32, 129.9, 138.5, 139.6, 140.6, 142.5, 143.5, 148.5, 149.5, 150.6, 151.5, 152.5, 156.7, 28, 157.5, 159.6, 166.7 fat£tfxo*iml08.15 Mp“ a 218.37, 38 H3m*63.8, 66.24 fr«0°Ml8.9 fripoAcuu 179,0 p. 483 iniYfa^221.21 faitre&)to225.10, 228.7 ^[*^66.27, 88.46 ^M8.29, 49.30, 162.27, 197.2; p. 282 ^^131.24, 166.9 ^iiBii^LOUpY6<;8 6.3 0 ^16^402.49, 64; p. 174 fci[%Lb4t4l08.15 i*txafl[cmjpi32.38 inbq)tiitti80.a.3, 181.2, 213.8 ^i™180.a.5, 181.16, 214.32, 217.16 tit[xupAtj223.16 ^^136.8, 141.23, 142.28, 144.7, 146.6, 147.4, 148.37, 150.38, 152.31 e^w4.7, 32, 11.14, 53.12, 86.30, 95.49, 102.42, 104.9, 109.a.20, 125.b.6, 131.26, 174.13, 178.29, 183.7, 197.15, 200.7, 207.10, 217.23; pp. 41-43 ^cxiw.7, 4.13, 62.13, 82.36, 94.30, 98.29, 102.31, 69, 127.15, 162.18, 26, 178.23, 186.9, 218.35, 226.8; p. 42 **11*^1^4.25 i;»vo^69.25, 70.23 ^^ 179.9 ^f*Wl5.1, 46.2, 47.1, 219.4 *rtKj*euili p. 395 tnUnotiai7 5.24 £tcu7to?£m22. 2 **^nc26.2, 220.50, 222.2, 223.2; pp. 335, 423 *jiktc 4^\»7. 13, 104.10, 106.23, 161.10 iniCTtoXiij7.18, 186.13, 218.15; p. 448 *ftUjT(M-ECU(ik96.10 *ttt*np4tT|TO?220.37, 226.13 *KWrtpQ^131.25 **^216.9 **^130.15, 165.2, 220.47, 221.29, 33, 222.30, 39, 46, 51, 223.14, 18, 224.12, 19, 22, 225.12 tfctrcurt** 176.22 LOS 1 0 5.3 7 4nccij6tiu80.2, 87.5 lnotiai.66.20 fcmd223.23 H.16 i*[i9£iXoi214.64 taw-112.6, 131.11, 133.11, 188.6 ^6.43, 13.22, 181.16, 226.11 *(Mfrr»i' ji| ;66.6; p. 187 i«ta49.35, 85.32, 86.21, 88.55, 95.47, 96.40, 111.72, 118.21, 120.42, 125.b.20, 129.23, 154.58, 155.49, 156.37, 160.18, 167.3; p. 446 £c 182.2 ***219.9, 222.17 hill.26, 81.12, 129.7, 135.12, 138.8, 139.10, 142.10, 143.8, 148.11, 29, 150.12, 30, 152.11, 219.3, 220.11, 221.8 e^26.2, 66.13, 14, 81.20, 88.45, 95.14, 100.19, 101.12, 102.8, 105.13, 106.7, 112.4, 113.8, 125.a.6, 131.10, 176.16, 218.23 edSO.a .2 t&rtvfc pp. 447, 461 ^^^ 88.30 fiiSaiiiovla p. 282 ^fy^ 68.15, 73.12, 81.13, 82.16, 84.10, 85.8, 20, 86.8, 94.13, 95.21, 96.11, 13, 27, 98.8, 102.53, 108.6, 130.7, 196.17, 209.10; p. 282 **¥^“221.33, 223.41, 225.34 <*****■1 12.23 ^%77.3, 81.19, 23, 41, 84.28, 30, 85.27, 30, 86.26, 28, 88.35, 95.13, 96.36, 98.23, 100.62, 101.16, 102.10, 111.29, 125.a.8, 163.20, 177.14, 178.32, 179.18, 22, 189.13 *i£ P Y«ix&;222.26 et>#*;150.22 ^^“178.5 *#■*■111.52, 176.4, 177.17 *w*130.15 ^^129.12, 131.25 cijXoy^ 163.20 eijXo- r o<;12.29 **~135.14, 153.14 ew«11.28, 12.34, 15.5, 20.6, 23.4, 12, 25.5, 12, 26.7, 12, 27.12, 46.5, 8, 48.17, 49.16, 63.14, 67.7, 69.18, 79.14, 85.18, 96.27, 37, 101.27, 102.25, 103.19, 105.25, 107.22, 37, 109.a.18, 110.18, 111.21, 42, 50, 112.11, 129.13, 16, 26, 130.14, 138.11, 149.11, 151.12, 152.18, 153.18, 24, 155.24, 38, 159.9, 27, 161.13, 17, 162.14, 176.38, 178.3, 4, 15, 179.3, 14, 22, 189.16, 195.11, 196.9, 14, 18, 204.2, 207.9, 208.13, 211.4 PW*fip«™*102.20, 220.29 *Wi6.43, 111.17 «*>e*28.4, 29.5, 107.40, 111.53, 125.b.l4 Page 639 *wH-82.16, 88.13, 89.14, 93.15, 97.14, 103.12, 107.12, 112.10, 113.13, 120.15 i<5>ev*iKjl4.3 i12.10 efettpovlOO.41, 102.32 ***36.12, 55.5, 63.14, 66.20, 73.18, 84.15, 87.21, 89.38, 96.4, 24, 98.12, 20, 101.27, 102.57, 103.31, 105.22, 106.19, 107.26, 109.a.l2, 111.24, 49, 112.15, 19, 40, 113.18, 139.15, 140.18, 141.13, 148.15, 150.17, 153.17, 196.17, 209.10, 218.42, 220.30, 31, 221.16, 222.23, 223.20, 36, 224.14, 225.23 •*3.11, 4.1, 5.a.l, 6.26, 28, 45, 48, 54, 56, 7.1, 5, 16, 18, 8.16, 9.14, 10.6, 12.22, 18.9, 23.11, 25.11, 26.12, 27.12, 53.6, 10, 57.10, 59.10, 12, 62.8, 63.8, 9, 15, 16, 64.8, 10, 66.4, 34, 69.15, 23, 70.15, 20, 71.10, 73.10, 16, 28, 75.5, 79.14, 16, 18, 24, 81.16, 26, 35, 82.9, 15, 18, 19, 31, 83.8, 13, 30, 84.8, 14, 20, 26, 85.8, 15, 17, 26, 86.14, 20, 87.15, 19, 30, 35, 88.11, 19, 37, 51, 56, 89.6, 13, 23, 92.16, 93.14, 22, 29, 94.11, 14, 28, 36, 38, 95.9, 19, 25, 96.10, 13, 16, 27, 37, 42, 97.13, 98.6, 11, 17, 22, 100.14, 24, 25, 60, 101.6, 23, 102.14, 15, 19, 25, 35, 59, 103.11, 13, 18, 28, 105.7, 19, 27, 106.13, 27, 107.9, 19, 21, 36, 37, 108.3, 9, 14, 109.a.7, b.3, 111.35, 39, 40, 54, 112.9, 28, 38, 113.3, 12, 16, 23, 119.18, 120.14, 33, 35, 125.a.2, 11, 13, 14, 27, b.3, 12, 128.13, Page 640 (continued) 129.9, 12, 15, 18, 22, 26, 130.6, 10, 12, 14, 131.10, 20, 133.1, 135.14, 137.10, 139.12, 19, 20, 142.12, 145.3, 5, 148.12, 149.8, 24, 27, 150.14, 151.9, 22, 24, 152.12, 15, 153.13, 22, 154.19, 30, 53, 155.20, 156.20, 159.11, 24, 160.1, 161.7, 163.1, 16, 165.1, 9, 166.10, 172.10, 174.11, 176.3, 33, 177.6, 16, 178.1, 8, 13, 179.2, 180.b.l6, 183.5, 6, 186.10, 210.59, 212.40, 55, 216.1, 217.5, 19, 22, 218.18, 20, 25, 32, 41, 220.3, 5, 7, 11, 221.3, 4, 17, 18, 222.12, 17, 18, 24, 30, 44, 223.3, 4, 8, 9, 13, 18, 224.3, 9, 18, 225.2, 6, 8, 21, 230.3 eecxpikifc p. 461 ee<»Mitt217.20, 220.9 <^ 75.30 10 3.13 e^l2.20, 68.13, 179.7; p. 45 7.17, 16.5, 48.14, 49.12, 33, 84.22, 88.55, 95.14, 96.40, 111.65, 120.39, 125.b.l9 ww>c3.25, 11.31, 88.9, 93.12, 111.45, 51, 113.22, 118.23, 136.6, 139.24, Page 641 141.20, 142.26, 144.6, 145.8, 146.4, 148.34, 150.36, 151.27, 152.29, 154.43, 157.17, 163.18, 178.25, 179.15, 214.6, 217.22, 225.9 16uStij(;4.39 ***11.6; p. 97 tepnni®.os49.34 *™108.14, 125.b.4, 14 *-*■49.36, 94.31, 96.40, 120.39, 125.b.22 1*^13.13, 4.24, 6.50, 22.2, 23.2, 26.3, 28.9, 104.18, 108.14, 109.b.9, 111.2, 54, 99, 125.b.4, 13, 166.3, 181.6, 186.1, 3, 7, 213.10, 217.17, 218.25, 220.25, 42, 221.4, 222.40, 223.3, 9, 224.24 lepofltrttTov 40, 104.28 1^^^218.34; p. 358 4.1, 13, 5.a.2, 133.2, 163.2 l£pe*lVT*JOYL*<^67.2 1 i fW vv«v3.25, 49.34, 124.23, 133.12, 163.10 ** v 1.12, 3.6, 13, 18, 19, 20, 4.17, 21, 24, 27, 28, 32, 5.b.5, 6.44, 55, 7.3, 10, 12, 18, 8.8, 14, 9.7, 11, 10.11, 11.5, 45, 14.5, 15.7, 9, 16.6, 9, 17.4, 6, 18.4, 6, 8, 19.4, 20.5, 21.12, 23.8, 13, 25.7, 9, 26.9, 13, 27.3, 9, 14, 28.3, 8, 29.1, 3, 32.5, 7, 35.5, 7, 36.9, 39.4, 45.5, 46.6, 10, 47.4, 48.6, 49.3, 50.4, 53.3, 12, 19, 55.5, 17, 18, 57.5, 59.4, 6, 60.6, 62.3, 10, 76.3, 77.6, 78.5, 81.40, 82.35, 84.32, 85.8, 20, 35, 86.8, 30, 87.39, 89.36, 94.13, 95.22, 51, 96.9, 28, 98.33, 100.73, 109.b.l8, 125.b.l0, 129.24, 134.14, 136.12, 142.31, 146.11, 147.9, 148.41, 150.43, 152.35, 154.15, 50, 55, 155.13, 30, 156.24, 157.14, 159.18, 34, 160.10, 161.20, 163.27, 34, 172.6, 173.10, 175.14, 176.18, 178.28, 179.23, 31, 32, 181.13, 184.7, 10, 185.7, 186.11, 198.9, 201.11, 210.59, 115, 211.15, 16, 212.39, 40, 55, 56, 57, 214.45, 59, 217.4, 7, 11, 218.25, 27, 30, 219.3, 7, 9, 220.11, 19, 23, 33, 36, 42, 49, 221.5, 8, 19, 21, 222.9, 16, 17, 21, 27, 36, 40, 48, 223.15, 21, 34, 37, 39, 224.8, 11, 24, 225.5, 13, 15, 17, 230.5; p. 364 teponw6?85.2 kpoKpercft 149.23, 217.21 ** passim; ™**27.2, 17, 98.25, 109.a.14, 115.6, 162.26, 176.12; ^ pp. 62, 64; P* pp. 12, 42; ypQytt«220.25 ^■0^219.5; p. 541 Wrw>vl08.13 w™53.9, 113.16, 153.12, 180.a.5 xorx°? 6 < 5t <224.6 x°«*3.7, 8.10, 9.24, 11.8, 29, 12.27, 23.6, 25.6, 57.5, 59.4, 6, 60.7, 70.21, 84.23, 85.30, 88.8, 43, 89.9, 38, 93.11, 94.19, 95.37, 102.62, 107.35, 111.62, 125.b.4, 17, 132.15, 136.2, 140.16, 142.22, 144.4, 146.0, 148.30, 150.32, 152.25, 154.23, 36, 156.31, 157.17, 159.10, 24, 160.14, 161.21, 174.9, 24, 176.39, 177.8, 178.17, 179.28, 185.14, 212.40, 218.38 Xuai,«Xfc217.19 XUXVOC223.13 xsl39.25 x^ xa ia^vov66.7, 81.16, 82.11, 86.11, 88.6, 89.6, 93.8, 95.9, 96.17, 100.15, 101.7, 102.4, 103.15, 105.8, 113.3, 125.a.3, 165.5 l**nHl08.17, 125.b.16 &**xun«8.15, 11.17, 88.19, 93.22, 98.12, 130.12, 153.13, 154.19, 30, 159.11, 160.9, 176.3, 39, 177.9, 16, 221.17, 222.24, 223.39 ^149.26, 217.25, 220.46, 221.30, 223.17, 224.18 ^*27.3, 62.8, 63.9, 16, 82.9, 19, 87.30, 89.23, 94.6, 102.15, 35, 103.18, 107.19, 112.28, 119.17, 125.a.11, 14, 17, 129.5, 18, 131.10; p. 163, 175 ljittvwH91.il, 157.8; p. 45 M «p^ p ^125.b.8, 10 j/op-cvpla 12.25 jittx«ipo6.51, 81.38, 155.25, 225.14; p. 31 wfci87.41, 162.34 m*p*221.7, 223.11, 224.8 nepwrc^l03.36 ^11.16, 159.30, 176.41, 180.b.l3 fjr:a3i54.18, 35 veo^Tivlal58.2 |vs(5iept^l29.8 ^53.5, 60.7, 65.2, 189.2, 190.4, 5, 197.16 v«4»66.13, 15, 83.21, 22, 84.21, 22, 91.14, 94.23, 24, 95.29, 31, 96.9, 30, 31, 97.22, 23, 98.18, 100.37, 38, 102.37, 38, 105.29, 30, 106.34, 111.78, 80, 85, 112.33, 34, 129.19, 131.22, 178.17 >M5.49 ™*pW20.17, 221.17, 225.20 v^k»9.1, 35.6, 66.10, 71.12, 82.14, 86.13, 88 .8, 89.9, 93.10, 94.32, 95.12, 29, 96.18, 100.17, 101.9, 102.6, 104.25, 105.11, 107.32, 112.2, 32, 113.6, 114.13, 116.1, 119.16, 120.31, 125.a.4, 130.15, 131.19, 176.6, 177.18, 179.8, 198.4, 200.6, 220.16, 46, 221.31, 222.29, 44, 223.13, 17, 224.18; pp. 13, 91, 387, 590 '** fl w^ | *78 1 12, 132.17 «w*w77.4, 78.11, 84.34, 85.36, 88.45, 47, 89.43, 105.32, 132.17 p. 397 vofia«*T*94.35 MW4.36, 6.25, 66, 16.10, 21.17, 25.15, 27.16, 18, 28.11, 29.7, 32.9, 48.8, 49.5, 63.17, 77.5, 78.12, 80.1, 81.42, 82.49, 84.34, 85.36, 88.42, 48, 57, 89.44, 47, 94.35, 95.39, 46, 97.24, 27, 99.11, 100.38, 101.35, 40, 102.38, 103.30, 105.33, 106.38, 111.81, 112.35, 129.22, 130.19, 132.15, 16, 18, 136.14, 140.3, 150.45, 154.49, 159.48, 162.14, 20, 167.4, 178.17, 28, 179.28, 181.12, 197.7; pp. 45, 378 ^220.39, 221.27, 222.35, 223.30, 224.21, 225.25 VQ$10<# jX&XL0\j33.28 vOfJKXpuXn? 25.2 ^223.23, 24, 226.14 *■12.14, 34, 37, 13.14, 70.19, 78.2, Page 646 vov (continued) 87.26, 94.31, 96.37, 102.54, 103.35, 104.10, 106.24, 107.25, 37, 109.b.2, 112.26, 113.22, 131.5, 133.11, 137.11, 138.16, 139.22, 140.23, 142.18, 144.4, 145.6, 148.23, 150.24, 151.25, 152.20, 153.20, 154.35, 155.24, 29, 156.17, 161.12, 163.16, 176.12, 177.19, 188.3, 220.18, 221.11 v^220.17 vuwi214.33 <*vw»16.10, 17.8, 19.11, 21.17, 23.14, 25.14, 26.15, 27.15, 28.9, 29.7, 32.9, 40, 46.11, 48.27, 49.28, 53.17, 63.17, 73.29, 75.19, 84.35, 85.32, 86.21, 87.37, 88.56, 89.46, 92.13, 95.35, 45, 98.31, 99.10, 100.66, 101.33, 39, 102.40, 67, 69, 104.28, 105.34, 106.39, 111.74, 112.41, 113.28, 124.26, 125.b.22, 127.13, 128.13, 129.22, 130.19, 136.13, 150.44, 154.57, 159.47, 160.17, 178.27, 198.4, 229.11 155.49, 156.36 u^27.20 147.10 E?vmrp6^ 129.12 *><*6.54, 11.32, 35, 26.15, 27.16, 49.32, 68.22, 82.49, 83.19, 21, 84.29, 85.30, 86.28, 88.56, 89.26, 90.19, 91.14, 93.32, 96.31, 100.64, 101.34, 103.37, 107.15, 109.a.7, b.5, 111.68, 74, 114.6, 120.38, 125.b.22, 131.22, 133.18, 136.3, 142.24, 144.1, 146.2, 148.32, 150.34, 152.27, 159.43, 162.23, 178.27, 179.8, 9, 17, 180.a.l7, 182.2, 185.13, 204.3, 212.40 6000 ^ 97 . 23 , 112.34, 129.19 *™2.6, 27.5, 84.5, 85.25, 86.6, 98.5, 100.12, 50, 111.94, 126.4, 130.15, 149.4, 211.10, 214.49 dmtoo0w220.45, 223.27 **vl2.18, 97.25, 100.41, 107.23, 111.70, 114.17, 125.b.l7, 163.31 &«84.23, 175.7 o^64.12, 73.7, 101.21, 102.65, 107.14, 24, 27, 109.b.6, 125.a.l6, b.4, 131.12, 144.2, 148.22, 149.16, 17, 150.23, 151.16, 156.16, 159.21, 166.9, 173.9, 178.5, 222.28, 39, 42 <*v69.16, 70.15, 71.20, 77.3, 84.14, 87.20, 90.7, 93.21, 100.24, 31, 101.21, 103.16, 105.20, 106.17, 108.9, 112.14, 113.17, 129.12, 141.12, 148.25, 150.26, 159.29, 161.5, 176.33, 177.5, 179.16, 185.8, 217.5, 218.17, 30, 219.9, 222.7, 223.7 o*p^«* 218.40; p. 312 odoi»217.29 *xtf«218.36 inrp(p4TU^66.16 safe 108.17, 125.b.16 «<*«.fcl2.36, 64.3, 88.23, 100.27, 129.13, 155.2, 178.2, 185.10; p. 42 Ko>jjiikj224.11 *»*r*<3.2, 4.19, 8.14, 13.8, 21.8, 23.8, 29.4, 35.4, 48.22, 49.22, 81.21, 83.10, 17, 88.14, 89.16, 91.7, 10, 93.17, 94.7, 95.15, 33, 96.20, 100.20, 43, 101.13, 18, 102.8, 103.6, 32, 39, 105.14, 106.7, 107.5, 110.15, 111.27, 56, 112.4, 113.8, 125.a.6, 20, 127.2, 129.6, 17, 130.7, 131.7, 176.10, 15, 218.26; pp. 175, 366 n «vra)(6fev4.39; p. 31 n«vraxofl3.3, 4.20; p. 385 ftavtotaitA; 176.5, 177.16 nwkv6.44; p. 31 nnfHijiiiivfcj 3 5.9, 36.9, 182.3; p. 49 naparY^^20.2, 84.23 ^[^9.10, 11.5, 16.2, 18.2, 19.1, 20.2, 21.1, 22.3, 23.2, 25.2, 14, 27.21, 39.1, 46.3, 47.3, 48.28, 49.29, 75.31, 79.25, 81.7, 33, 82.28, 84.5, 85.3, 33, 86.22, 87.33, 88.1, 25, 38, 89.1, 90.3, 10, 91.2, 92.1, 93.2, 94.34, 41, 95.3, 96.14, 98.5, 28, 99.2, 8, 100.44, 104.4, 106.38, 111.72, 94, 113.10, 120.10, 129.8, 20, 130.18, 131.21, 133.9, 136.7, 138.2, 141.3, 22, 142.27, 143.3, 144.7, 146.6, 147.4, 148.36, 150.38, 152.31, 154.4, 162.28, 168.2, 172.3, 220.21; p. 48 iwp&SeinJ® p. 282 r^*^9.21, 46.7, 47.5, 94.16, 20, 140.21 litdpiM&njuiio.lO, 197.15; p. 395 mxp45oau;4.8, 9 7ia { rafe(Jp^j223.36 TCHp«[veoia:66.33 fietptt[fHEmc217.27 ^^157.16, 159.39, 160.7 ™^«*139.13, 23, 145.7, 148.14, 149.12, 150.15, 151.13, 27, 152.13, 156.32, 157.18, 179.4, 9, 18, 185.14 «w>^4.6, 10, 31, 12.16, 15.7, Page 648 (continued) 16.4, 59.5, 63.7, 64.7, 68.5, 17, 21, 69.13, 24, 70.12, 23, 71.13, 73.12, 79.10, 81.15, 23, 37, 82.5, 17, 84.10, 85.10, 87.15, 88.13, 89.15, 32, 92.6, 12, 93.16, 94.16, 26, 95.23, 96.21, 97.15, 98.8, 99.8, 100.22, 101.16, 102.20, 103.5, 105.16, 106.10, 107.8, 15, 109.b.15, 111.37, 112.12, 113.14, 114.7, 19, 120.19, 125.a.l2, 130.7, 13, 131.7, 132.4, 134.4, 9, 137.5, 138.7, 9, 140.21, 143.8, 9, 148.24, 149.12, 13, 150.25, 151.14, 15, 154.13, 38, 155.6, 156.17, 159.16, 33, 35, 161.1, 6, 22, 168.6, 170.7, 176.9, 178.8, 179.11, 185.6, 188.10, 198.4; p. 194 i™p***>«i217.6; p. 49 02.47 nipaXa^vt-48.21, 49.21, 149.25, 179.2 iwLpaXetJttij 111. 44 ™pax&Tfw220.23, 41 jtap5tw(Yirf<>j86.10, 96.14 iwpdiwi26.17; p. 577 w8 5.36 t™p^^127. 16, 128.16 napacrxEiLJia p_ 31 100.68 TrapfflTaTO&i2 11.7 ™^fr*“9.3; p. 425 n!*pe6pEvw217.20 «w53.7, 64.10, 94.31, 102.57, 127.7, 129.4 iwp^x6>66.24 Jiap«o3(>iu220.22, 44, 224.26 11^^^82.40, 85.28, 120.40 map ent!ng(ila]_ 59.46 7iops^ptflu;220.45 ^*43.24, 111.13, 36, 130.13, 214.37; pp. 4, 6, 31, 93, 283, 398, 497 p. 84 napoix$wl36.8 *%**od36.5, 141.20, 23 *«p^218.36 **2.5, 3.26, 4.7, 18, 22, 6.44, 9.19, 11.11, 32, 43, 18.7, 25.7, 13, 28.11, 39.4, 48.28, 49.29, 53.15, 62.6, 64.7, 66.3, 27, 34, 69.19, 71.18, 73.12, 77.4, 78.1, 79.10, 18, 82.41, 46, 83.30, 84.10, 29, 85.14, 29, 86.27, 87.16, 20, 88.8, 22, 30, 93.11, 94.34, 96.7, 98.26, 31, 100.64, 101.22, 102.28, 103.19, 35, 104.7, 9, 105.20, 22, 28, 106.18, 22, 28, 109.b.14, 111.22, 25, 44, 45, 54, 91, 112.37, 113.16, 125.a.l8, b.ll, 15, 129.4, 11, 13, 131.19, 24, 132.7, 133.16, 18, 134.13, 137.6, 12, 138.9, 16, 139.22, 140.7, 141.11, 13, 19, 27, 142.18, 143.10, 144.5, 11, 145.7, 148.17, 25, 150.19, 27, 151.26, 152.17, 21, 153.8, 16, 154.19, 23, 30, 51, 53, 155.16, 157.10, 159.8, 11, 27, 28, 43, 161.10, 11, 24, 162.24, 163.14, 26, 166.12, 168.9, 174.16, 176.40, 177.9, 178.3, 17, 179.28, 182.2, 185.13, 188.9, 189.1, 14, 190.3, 5, 191.6, 196.8, 10, 13, 17, 200.8, 207.10, 208.9, 14, 209.11, 211.6, 12, 14, 212.41, 57, 214.35, 217.12, 218.22, 33, 35, 42, 219.2, 222.25, 223.39 ttfl <"*75.18 KaLtjTCM f" s f™.224.25, 225.18 -HpII. 10, 20, 12.26, 57.9, 70.4, 15, 22, 179.2, 30; pp. 97, 290 KKTplX* H.18 «W.8, 27.3, 48.21, 49.21, 66.27, 79.16, 84.16, 26, 85.16, 86.21, 88.19, 89.25, 93.22, 94.26, 96.25, 98.11, 103.17, 111.53, 60, 112.16, 113.18, 179.21; pp. 12, 42, 45-46, 172, 175, 379, 418, 428, 460, 519, 523 *«.Tp[c9.18, 36.5, 60.10, 73.29, 84.27, 86.25, 87.36, 94.38, 96.34, 97.14, 109.a.l2, 112.39, 118.24, 129.10, 21, 155.44, 156.35, 157.17, 159.45, 163.18, 30, 31, 199.2, 202.7, 205.3, 207.7, 208.11 ^* 178.14 fl*ie**3.14, 25, 4.6, 12, 15, 23, 24, 31, 36, 39, 7.2, 3, 4, 6, 11, 12, 14, 17, 8.11, 9.7, 10.7, 11.8, 15.6, 14, 16.2, 7, 11, 17.2, 5, 18.2, 5, 7, 11, 19.1, 5, 6, 20.2, 7, 11, 21.2, 5, 11, 22.4, 7, 23.5, 9, 25.3, 5, 6, 10, 13, 26.4, 7, 10, 27.2, 6, 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, 17, 20, 32.3, 39.2, 45.4, 46.3, 5, 8, 47.2, 48.9, 16, 17, 49.7, 15, 17, 53.12, 57.8, 59.4, 9, 60.4, 7, 62.2, 63.3, 6, 8, 15, 64.3, 6, 9, 66.4, 31, 68.12, 19, 69.8, 27, 70.8, 73.8, 77.4, 7, 79.2, 4, 9, 13, 14, 19, 81.19, 32, 82.6, 23, 29, 41, 83.4, 16, 26, 31, 85.10, 15, 16, 20, 27, 29, 30, 86.4, 10, 27, 87.10, 14, 88.1, 9, Page 650 ^ (continued) 14, 18, 28, 29, 31, 36, 46, 51, 55, 89.2, 11, 29, 34, 91.5, 92.7, 8, 16, 93.12, 94.4, 5, 12, 15, 17, 22, 23, 25, 30, 95.4, 7, 13, 32, 42, 45, 96.15, 16, 19, 31, 35, 36, 45, 97.25, 98.26, 100.19, 26, 31, 63, 101.11, 27, 102.7, 22, 28, 36, 49, 65, 76, 103.8, 20, 104.26, 105.4, 13, 106.36, 107.14, 17, 33, 109.b.8, 110.17, 21, 111.15, 26, 37, 42, 52, 63, 67, 69, 80, 92, 112.3, 11, 12, 25, 113.7, 14, 114.15, 116.6, 118.10, 19, 120.22, 35, 37, 38, 125.a.5, 24, 25, b.13, 126.9, 127.10, 129.5, 14, 24, 130.11, 131.5, 9, 24, 134.2, 5, 6, 135.12, 136.7, 13, 15, 137.2, 8, 138.2, 12, 139.2, 4, 140.2, 4, 14, 18, 23, 141.2, 21, 142.2, 18, 20, 143.2, 146.5, 147.3, 10, 148.2, 4, 20, 27, 35, 42, 149.19, 150.2, 4, 21, 28, 37, 44, 151.18, 152.2, 20, 22, 153.6, 154.2, 10, 18, 21, 155.4, 18, 22, 34, 46, 48, 156.3, 11, 14, 36, 38, 157.2, 7, 10, 11, 16, 159.2, 4, 15, 16, 20, 24, 47, 49, 160.15, 16, 161.15, 162.3, 24, 163.11, 164.2, 165.7, 166.10, 167.2, 5, 168.3, 170.2, 7, 174.1, 8, II, 176.31, 44, 177.5, 178.25, 26, 179.5, 15, 180.b.l5, 184.14, 186.9, 187.3, 189.10, 14, 16, 190.9, 191.1, 192.7, 195.1, 3, 196.2, 3, 209.6, 211.2, 212.55, 214.49, 218.32, 35, 226.1, 18 ^*.1^6.46, 7.7, 65.2, 66.8, 33, 67.11, 71.12, 73.15, 79.23, 81.18, 29, 82.13, 25, 83.6, 84.13, 19, 85.23, 86.12, 16, 87.18, 29, 88.7, 17, 36, 89.8, 19, 30, 92.14, 93.9, 20, 94.36, 95.11, 27, 96.18, 32, 98.10, 16, 29, 100.17, 33, 40, 101.9, 29, 102.5, 34, 103.14, 27, 105.10, 107.4, 29, 109.a.29, 112.1, 31, 113.5, 24, 119.15, 120.32, 124.21, 125.a.4, 129.18, 132.4, 8, 12 (*), 133.14, 134.5, 8, 135.5, 8, 136.1, 137.10, 138.7, 14, 139.10, 21, 140.9, 20, 141.9, 17, 142.9, 21, 27, 143.7, 144.0, 145.5, 148.10, 28, 149.8, 28, 150.11, 29, 151.10, 24, 152.10, 23, 30, 153.19, 154.12, 22, 155.12, 28, 32, 156.21, 159.13, 32, 161.19, 162.21, 163.23, 168.8, 175.13, 20 (*), 189.12, 190.10, 207.2, 208.6, 209.7, 217.12; (reversed) 154.33, 156.27, pp. 42, 49 iMXLTti^p^11.19, 113.27 *°p**i49.31 nopEioivl06.32 4.19, 102.39 h<; 129.21; p. 380 ™*6.44, 212.57 *f*tf" 53.8, 69.20, 26, 180.a.5, 181.15, 211.5, 212.40, 214.37, 220.20, 221.1, 22, 223.1, 224.19, 225.22; pp. 97, 529, 573 *pax96.14, 175.26 *^<™9.20, 82.19, 89.23, 40, 102.15, 55, 107.18, 112.39, 125.a.l3, 135.9, 139.14, 148.15, 150.16, 152.14, 15, 161.16, 176.36, 177.8, 191.3, 214.42, 220.26, 40 ^102.60, 111.45, 68, 131.13 t?pM{k(6vl24.24 t^«**7.9, 54.5, 57.3, 58.3, 59.7, 10, 60.5, 63.3, 9, 17, 64.4, 10, 67.5, 12, 71.4, 78.2, 79.5, 81.7, 82.2, 10, 39, 85.3, 86.4, 88.1, 25, 38, 89.1, Page 651 32, 46, 90.2, 10, 91.2, 92.1, 93.2, 94.8, 24, 95.3, 96.5, 101.19, 40, 103.3, 41, 48, 107.2, 108.4, 109.a.8, 10, b.2, 19, 111.30, 86, 112.8, 113.10, 114.11, 118.6, 14, 120.5, 10, 31, 36, 125.a.8, b.2, 23, 129.7, 9, 131.6, 10, 23, 132.3, 9, 133.9, 134.3, 9, 135.3, 136.14, 137.4, 138.3, 8, 11, 139.4, 140.5, 13, 14, 141.4, 5, 142.4, 143.3, 9, 147.11, 148.4, 19, 149.3, 15, 150.4, 20, 21, 45, 151.3, 16, 152.4, 19, 153.5, 19, 154.4, 16, 57, 155.5, 14, 42, 156.5, 33, 157.3, 19, 159.4, 19, 25, 36, 44, 160.13, 17, 161.13, 162.9, 28, 163.13, 167.2, 6 , 168.2, 170.3, 172.3, 173.5, 174.19, 181.10, 183.7, 184.6, 185.3, 10, 186.16, 195.3, 198.5, 207.4, 208.8, 209.13, 216.8, 10, 229.6, 11 *^**66.31, 153.6, 163.15, 174.26, 189.8, 190.7, 191.7, 209.4, 214.6 *□<^ 89.41 ^^69.21, 70.18, 106.18, 179.7, 222.20 ^*«12.33, 13.17, 26.14, 27.15, 105.21, 106.3, 107.26, 111.41, 112.26, 148.25, 150.26, 223.15, 224.14 nfoawdx£t^«i228.3 ftp6pouX&;94.3, 29 ^y^89.23, 95.21, 153.9, 162.10 «*w*63.3, 13, 66.35, 73.8, 11, 84.6, 9, 85.7, 86.7, 88.12, 89.14, 41, 93.15, 94.13, 95.22, 96.9, 98.2, 8 , 102.22, 47, 56, 107.12, 112.10, 114.1, 120.15, 22, 130.6, 139.4, 140.3, 141.12, 142.3, 148.3, 149.2, 25, 150.4, 151.2, 152.3, 155.4, 8, 11, 26, 156.4, 11, 157.3, 12, 159.4, 161.4, 163.22, 177.15, 178.2, 195.2, 196.3, 207.8, 208.12, 216.6, 219.3, 220.5, 14, 221.8, 32, 223.14, 33, 224.10, 225.13 p. 421 w^ 19.9, 94.43, 100.3, 48, 120.4, 130.5, 10, 163.27, 170.11, 218.28; p. 421 ^^ 220.18 ^ 16 ^ 154.34 «foc^«ij( J 28.11 *poe5p[a85.19, 86.16, 98.25, 111.91, 162.24, 176.25, 221.9 *^¥*87.4, 23, 100.50, 107.38, 131.3, 162.6 ■pdeThdv 66.3; p. 187 *^t a i02.28, 103.19, 45, 104.7, 106.23, 138.12, 148.18, 152.18, 153.8, 166.12 *6^94.27, 102.50, 109.b.5, 112.17, 130.12, 20, 135.6, 141.12, 176.39, 177.9, 220.46 1^:^118.14, 139.19, 145.3, 151.22, 223.40; pp. 280, 418, 428, 450 tipoxa&sojiat pp. 453, 475 *nxMw* pp. 481, 498 ^^69.23, 222.33, 223.18, 224.22 KfOjiv4iwv81.5 r^«l06.36, 114.20, 128.16, 183.6, 223.30, 225.28 itp6vewfl25.ll, 55.14, 15, 65.4, 130.11, 161.10 1^6^*94.39, 178.32 "^^50.6, 77.3, 81.41, 82.33, 43, 84.28, 30, 85.27, 30, 86.26, 28, 95.44, 96.36, 98.23, 100.62, 65, 109.a.14, 136.14, 155.47, 156.38, 159.49, 160.11, 167.5, 174.16, 178.31, 189.13, 198.3 flp6itetn«o?120.5 wp6nuXov220.35 upadflYY^U^S. 16 upMttrope&42.29, 176.6, 177.18; p. 576 ^4^107.39, 154.24 npQflavfl(pipiii219.2 npoo 14 9.2 6 11.36 upMrr[YYojMil2.26, 94.27, 162.10 ^^4^120.8 Page 652 v-mw-10.7, 12.24, 23.10, 26.11, 66.11, 81.28, 82.24, 88.26, 97.5, 7, 107.29, 112.13, 113.15, 131.7, 141.7 ****^223.21, 25, 34; p. 570 «foo#x^-87.12, 94.10, 96.6, 163.17, 181.11 **o«^228.5, 9 npornnfoplotl35.il 1^^12.37, 102.41, 111.22, 112.39, 176.30, 177.4, 220.27 nfOtjet[jja(i220.12 Hpoanlinul 1,42 npiaCTTaoi? 1 7 8.2 2 HpArcttYHtt220.32, 221.1, 223.1, 227.1 ^»otdw«68.18, 175.23, 219.7, 220.36, 50, 221.26, 28, 222.1, 9, 34, 37, 49, 223.5, 7, 20, 224.1, 20, 28, 225.1, 23, 226.5, 228.2 *«"fc*45.2, 94.3, 105.1, 120.4, 176.43 ,44 w**102.54, 131.5, 218.18, 28 rtpotJiuv^jjttl76.7, 177.18 18.43 ^W.5, 66.13, 78.1, 102.80, 104.8, 106.22, 107.24, 111.14, 112.24, 113.20, 131.5, 132.7, 142.18, 148.20, 152.20, 154.11, 14, 28, 31, 41, 54, 155.10, 23, 26, 156.15, 22, 157.12, 159.17, 21, 31, 161.2, 176.8, 185.7, 188.3, 203.8, 211.10, 218.20; pp. 173, 281, 336 TfpeiWhjjiilO 1 . 1 , 221.19 npo«^l76.27 **"^“153.17 ***».12.13, 31, 87.13, 92.6, 93.5, 98.6, 100.26, 102.22, 63, 107.13, 108.4, 142.19, 148.26, 150.28, 152.21, 154.8, 156.20, 161.14, 218.22 mp6qporais218.36 **»9^207.7, 208.12 *^W3.13, 220.43 w^83.11, 153.5, 176.31, 177.4 111 . 43 , 98, 161.18 W av E {«87.38, 162.32 *m*»19.12, 27.17, 75.19, 85.32, 87.37, 94.40, 42, 95.37, 47, 96.40, 98.31, 99.10, 100.67, 106.39, 109.a.9, 110.26, 124.26, 156.37, 162.31, 167.3 5. 2 «p*™* 39.1, 45.2, 87.2, 4, 94.2, 96.39, 104.17, 109.a.21, 111.10, 88 , 177.13, 181.5 *^12.29, 66.16, 89.45, 98.25, 100.41, 102.31, 104.18, 107.23, 111.6, 125.b.21, 161.9, 162.25, 165.3, 166.3, 176.25, 33, 177.2, 6 , 219.5, 220.10, 221.5, 222.14, 224.5 *™^11.40 KuX£t»218.3 8 ™^*49.30, 37 W*°c214.67 ^55.6, 175.17 ^-3.4, 4.21, 178.20, 21 ^v^8.20, 9.28, 10.13, 11.50, 12.40, 69.28, 70.24, 90.8, 135.21, 137.13, 139.26, 140.24, 144.11, 153.24, 150.45, 154.58, 159.50, 160.18, 174.17, 176.42, 177.11, 180.a.2, 223.7, 226.2, 9 o«paji$u218.21 ^197.17 tra|Mqiiec pp. 7, 39 aeJJaqjds; p. 424 ■<*-66.7, 81.17, 86.12, 88.6, 89.7, 93.9, 95.10, 96.17, 100.16, 101.8, 102.5, 103.15, 105.8, 111.40, 112.0, 113.4, 125.a.3, 137.9, 139.17, 149.21, 151.20; pp. 84, 341 Page 653 <*«vfc 220.22 ^25.17, 128.5, 130.9 <**^149.27, 217.11; p. 7 oetivdtric pp. 509, 528 ^4.17, 28; pp. 68, 328 <"^220.23, 222.27, 223.20, 225.12 cn ) jjtfbv220.10 «*»cl89.1, 190.4, 191.6 crcnp£owvl8.8, 129.19 3pt>; p. 344 GftOU&&jGll 11.19 —*411.43, 13.20, 64.12, 69.11, 70.11, 71.18, 73.7, 12, 84.10, 86.25, 87.16, 98.21, 102.21, 61, 105.20, 106.22, 107.17, 28, 111.46, 112.37, 113.16, 118.8, 129.4, 11, 12, 16, 21, 131.12, 137.6, 138.10, 139.8, 140.7, 141.12, 142.8, 143.10, 148.8, 17, 149.16, 150.9, 19, 151.17, 152.8, 154.23, 157.10, 159.8, 166.8, 178.5, 188.9; p. 387 «Mp3.22, 80.1 otE«pav>ifop£to66.28; p. 65 ^ 90 ^ 0 , 35 . 2 , 66.11, 25, 177.12, 186.2 "■*■**21.16, 23.14, 66.23, 28, 68.9, 69.14, 70.13, 71.14, 21, 73.14, 75.9, 78.3, 79.12, 20, 81.21, 28, 82.24, 83.13, 84.11, 19, 85.12, 22, 86.19, 87.8, 17, 28, 88.15, 33, 50, 89.17, 28, 91.8, 12, 93.18, 27, 94.8, 21, 95.16, 96.20, 22, 29, 97.5, 20, 98.9, 15, 99.6, 100.21, 35, 101.14, 102.9, 103.25, 105.15, 107.6, 30, 110.15, 111.27, 38, 57, 112.5, 29, 113.9, 119.10, 120.20, 30, 125.a.7, 127.3, 129.6, 130.8, 131.8, 174.24, 176.16, 178.10, 16, 179.13, 26 «*f—<2.7, 66.29, 79.15, 84.26, 87.32, 35, 96.16, 98.21, 102.29, 30, 31, 103.30, 31, 107.22, 34, 109.a.17, 20, 28, 162.14, 15, 18, 30, 163.29, 30, 31, 179.20, 31, 201.3 ^6*79.14, 84.25, 87.31, 34, 98.20, 100.57, 102.29, 103.29, 107.20, 109.a.l5, 27, 162.13, 29, 163.26, 29, 178.14, 179.20, 21, 196.15 ^3.7, 17, 4.26, 53.18, 55.16, 62.6, 9, 75.27, 78.4, 81.39, 84.31, 85.34, 86.29, 87.39, 40, 89.36, 94.42, 43, 98.32, 109.b.ll, 17, 125.b.7, 8, 10, 156.23, 157.13, 162.32, 34, 174.15, 178.33, 218.30, 220.33, 221.19, 222.47, 223.31, 225.30 ;i^28.5, 29.6, 45.4, 48.4, 24, 49.2, 24, 63.11, 64.13, 102.35, 103.25, 104.25, 108.11, 109.a.5, 111.66, 112.30, 115.3, 125.a.23, 128.8, 130.16, 131.15, 226.12; pp. 282, 337 TByWki83.1 TB( iiflcl7.8, 21.14, 23.14, 25.14, 16, 27.15, 18, 28.10, 29.7, 32.8, 50.8, 75.29, 81.34, 39, 83.18, 87.41, 88.40, 89.47, 90.18, 93.32, 95.49, 99.11, 100.53, 102.70, 71, 106.28, 109.a.22, 111.74, 115.9, 119.19, 125.b.22, 127.10, 129.22, 162.19, 34, 178.34, 217.6, 9 xa^i f «3v95.35, 109.b. 15 16.5 *w»10.9, 69.26, 84.20, 103.37, 109.b.21, 111.86, 220.20 ^?223.25 t*ixHial83.6 mxMj|i6^88.27 ^"^226.17 x£ X vov 28.6, 126.8, 220.4, 17, 221.32, 222.31, 45, 224.12 ^<*17.9, 49.36, 79.3, 94.31, 120.40, 134.2 x^66.3, 106.30, 221.15; p. 187 t£x&j 6.51, 218.36, 38; p. 283 *****6.26, 178.11, 18, 179.11, 182.1, 210.61, 211.16, 212.55, 56, 57; pp. 6, 68, 86, 363, 397, 421, 497, 509, 576, 584 TEooapaxai&6caTO;66.2 5 tEoo«p«KO?12.13, 30, 31, 66.2 tcJ jc*c7.18 **<*11.37, 76.3, 109.b.13, 125.b.8, 179.25, 212.58, 217.22, 218.38, 41, 223.22, 32, 34, 224.17, 225.29; pp. 4, 8 , 10, 121, 175, 281, 431, 497, 527-528, 543, 570 ■eoooutoc3.2, 4.19 *5*136.9, 141.24, 142.29, 144.9, 146.8, 147.6, 148.38, 150.40, 152.33, 176.10 ^^4.35, 100.42, 61, 162.16 W16.10, 53.18, 103.36, 106.28, 217.29 18.2 7 tpidx^12.16, 13.19, 84.15, 85.15, 88.21, 100.25, 101.22, 103.17, 108.9, 112.14, 113.17, 129.13, 161.8, 176.37, 177.8, 179.16, 180.a.ll, 212.38, 223.28, 224.20 9^9.16, 48.19, 49.18, 69.20, 82.34, 87.20, 89.37, 105.21, 106.20, 111.22, 125.b.ll, 154.51, 178.3 *»2.8, 48.8, 49.6, 141.5; pp. 17, 150, 282 pp. 31, 529 *m8 .8, 9.8, 10.2, 63.6 ^^56.4, 111.9 v^il29.23 (piictvOpoMM^ll.8, 32, 220.47, 222.51 qnXav6p£i3!t{tt 12.30 f*«^cl2.13, 39, 69.17, 70.16, 78.1, 84.29, 85.29, 86.27, 89.24, 96.31, 102.22, 64, 104.12, 111.79, 118.5, 131.5, 132.7, 133.13, 17, 153.22, 154.35, 159.35, 42, 161.5, 14, 162.10, 163.14, 185.13, 203.3, 5, 211.10, 213.6, 219.3; pp. 448, 483 ¥*■6.51, 12.28, 20.6, 21.4, 10, 22.6, 59.4, 63.14, 66.26, 34, 67.9, 81.12, 36, 82.4, 21, 83.15, 84.7, 17, 87.14, 21, 88.30, 91.5, 92.5, 93.5, 100.27, 101.24, 108.5, 11, 111.34, 50, 92, 113.13, 125.b.12, 129.13, 132.4, 6, 134.4, 6, 141.7, 144.3, 149.5, 11, 151.6, 12, 154.9, 155.24, 31, 156.19, 159.26, 161.17, 23, 166.11, 168.7, 170.10, 174.28, 179.4, 18, 185.9, 195.8, 201.8, 207.9, 208.13, 214.34 *^148.21, 150.22 idtft»66.6 p. 533 XP^10.2, 12.36, 20.7, 35.8, 39.5, 64.3, 66.23, 77.4, 79.18, 81.38, 82.34, 44, 83.29, 87.26, 88.23, 94.18, 29, 96.38, 100.27, 36, 103.35, 104.20, 105.29, 33, 106.22, 29, 107.38, 111.55, 93, 114.17, 123.5, 125.b.l5, 129.13, 134.13, 137.11, 13, 138.16, 139.22, 140.11, 24, 144.4, 145.6, 148.22, 150.23, 154.11, 28, 36, 155.3, 156.15, 157.12, 159.21, 162.23, 163.32, 178.3, 179.24, 185.10, 201.10, 203.5, 218.19, 221.10 xp^ 66.29, 102.29, 107.22, 23, 109.a.l7, 27, 162.14, 163.29, 178.14 xW.5, 3.7, 6.25, 27, 28, 44, 45, 66, 7.8, 23.6, 54.8, 67.14, 144.3, 157.16, 159.39, 160.7, 180.b.l, 4, 5, 9, 12, 190.2, 191.5, 218.33, 229.5, 7; pp. 42, 135, 321-322; cf. *<^*48.6, 49.3, 88.47 x-fi- pp. 7 , 16 , 32, 83, 93, 337, 423, 577 xupu211.6, 218.38 <^0^8.9, 26.17, 66.17, 31, 69.6, 22, 70.6, 19, 75.2, 77.8, 81.19, 45, Page 659 82.18, 83.33, 85.38, 87.8, 88.58, 91.19, 94.5, 45, 95.13, 24, 39, 96.19, 37, 97.16, 100.18, 24, 76, 101.10, 41, 102.6, 13, 104.14, 105.11, 18, 106.6, 12, 107.9, 108.3, 109.b.25, 110.22, 111.17, 89, 112.3, 13, 26, 113.6, 15, 23, 119.13, 125.a.5, 12, 129.9, 139.12, 140.2, 145.12, 148.12, 150.14, 152.12, 158.1 ^«*«3.16, 4 - 2 6, 5.b.5, 7.17, 26.3, 46.1, 53.18, 57.3, 60.4, 62.9, 63.3, 10, 64.4, 11, 67.21, 68.5, 69.10, 13, 70.10, 71.7, 19, 73.5, 6, 15, 77.5, 75.21, 23, 27, 78.0, 4, 9, 81.15, 82.2, 35, 83.27, 84.3, 31, 34, 85.6, 9, 34, 86.6, 9, 29, 87.3, 38, 88.4, 10, 89.4, 10, 34, 90.4, 6, 8, 13, 92.3, 4, 16, 93.6, 13, 94.10, 15, 42, 95.7, 18, 50, 96.7, 15, 46, 97.12, 98.3, 32, 100.4, 10, 69, 72, 101.5, 20, 102.3, 72, 103.10, 104.3, 105.5, 106.5, 17, 107.2, 108.8, 109.b.10, 17, 110.11, 111.33, 113.1, 114.12, 21, 118.5, 7, 119.5, 120.13, 125.b.7, 9, 129.7, 130.4, 131.6, 12, 132.7, 134.12, 135.4, 137.3, 7, 139.4, 6, 140.4, 6, 141.4, 142.4, 6, 148.4, 6, 149.3, 10, 150.4, 7, 151.3, 11, 152.4, 6, 153.7, 154.6, 17, 38, 155.5, 15, 156.4, 9, 157.3, 5, 6, 159.4, 7, 34, 162.32, 163.33, 166.3, 5, 8, 167.7, 172.5, 173.7, 178.29, 32, 179.29, 185.3, 195.3, 197.2, 198.9, 201.11, 203.7, 216.7, 218.32; p. 138 4^67.21, 79.3, 134.2; p. 138